CHAPTER II.

The equipment consists of four dahabiës from Káhira (vessels with two masts and cabins, about one hundred feet long, and twelve to fifteen broad), each with two cannon; three dahabiës from Khartùm (one of which has also two cannon); then two kaiàss (ships of burden with one mast), and a sándal (skiff) for communication: the crews are composed of two hundred and fifty soldiers (negroes, Egyptians, and Syrians), and one hundred and twenty sailors and mariners from Alexandria, Nubia, and the land of Sudan. Suliman Kashef, although without rank in the army, commands the troops by the absolute will of the Basha, as he had done before in a Chasua at Taka. Selim-Capitan from Crete has the direction of the ships and properly of the whole expedition;[2] the second captain is Feïzulla Effendi from Constantinople. The other officers are two Kurds, a Russian, an Albanian, and a Persian; the Europeans are Arnaud and Sabatier as engineers, Thibaut as collector, and I as an independent passenger at my own expense. Arnaud has yielded also to circumstances, notwithstanding his parole d’honneur that he would not go with us, unless his salary for ten or twelve months were paid beforehand. The ships are furnished with ten months’ provisions, and six months’ pay has been advanced to preserve in some measure from perishing of hunger the families of the soldiers left behind, which from the low price of female slaves were numerous. The officers and the other persons holding appointments have received the Taïm belonging to them in money (the different nations according to their grade), owing to the want of rice, wheat, lupins, lentils, onions, butter and oil, meat and bread, so that they might make what purchases they pleased, or stow it in their kammer (money-pouch) according to the manner of oriental misers, and let the neighbouring stomach feed on common soldier’s fare, and console itself with the prospect of good days to come. An indemnification has been given in tobacco and onions, even to the common people, for the articles of the taïm, deficient in the victualling magazine, which could not well be realized until they arrived at Belled-Sudàn.

Ahmed Basha takes very good care of his soldiers, according to Turkish notions, and pays them regularly, because his very existence, which is menaced on every side, and the realization of his ambitious plans, depend upon their fidelity.

Regiments of black slaves, being the born enemies of the Arabs, are said to support him more resolutely than all his other troops; and, as he affirms, in case of necessity, they feed on grass, and have performed miracles of bravery in his presence, in Mora (the Morea) and in the Hejaz. On this account, the idea struck him in Taka of making up an amount of 5,000 slaves, and allotting this duty pro rata among the superior Sheïkhs and officers. On this occasion, ten slaves were imposed even on Selim-Capitan, which he was obliged to furnish, although he was not in Ahmed Basha’s service.

I first gained the dangerous confidence of this man in its full extent by the following means:—He found himself here entirely alone, as if in banishment; and when we were conversing about the people and the country, with its abundant resources which were not taken advantage of, and how Kurdshid Basha had conducted affairs here, and dragged everything to the devouring Masr, and left nothing remaining to him, he wished to know my opinion. I pointed out to him repeatedly, and without reserve, the independence of Egypt, and the plundering system carried on by the government of that country and—my conviction being that he should follow the example of the Basha—I sought to instigate him to render himself independent at the head of this oppressed and discontented people, and to call himself Sultan of Nigritia. It was clear to me that this was not the first time since our acquaintance that he had brooded over the idea, which he opposed with seemingly plausible, but long-considered scruples. His sleepless nights, during which old Deli Mustapha was obliged to make coffee for him four or five times, were now explained; but I did not at that time know that he was mortally hated there, where he believed he was beloved, and that in spite of his fine speeches, he was called the executioner of the Land of Sudàn. I might therefore awaken in the country, from the great aversion of the grandees of the place to him, the desire for a declaration of independence, but never for Ahmed himself. I will bring forward some examples from the conduct of this execrable man, to shew how the Turks make their countries happy.

Ahmed Basha was brought as a Memluke (white slave) from Circassia to Egypt, and sold to Mustapha Bey, sister’s son of Mohammed Ali’s first wife. He became the barber of the Bey, and afterwards, when his own beard grew, was appointed an officer in the army. He accompanied the campaigns in the Morea, Hejàz and Syria. He brought intelligence of the victory from St. Jean d’Acre with incredible celerity to Egypt, and is said to have been attacked with hemorrhage, as he was delivering the despatches to Mohammed Ali. He afterwards became war-minister, but was removed in six months from this important post, not on account of any incapacity, but from his self-willed disposition, inveterate obstinacy, and excessive spirit of opposition to all the grandees, and even to the viceroy himself, who might have been pleased on the whole with his energetic government. His iron arm threatened even to bend the Franks in the Egyptian service under Turkish despotism, and he had already brought the consuls into a good train, when one of them declared that the Turks had no code of laws, that the Koran could not be considered as such, and that the employés being Europeans could not be subjected to arbitrary power. For a time he remained without an appointment in Káhira, till he was sent with the 8th regiment to Belled-Sudan. For a year he governed in common with Kurdshid Basha, during which time he carried his intrigues so far, that the Governor, who was generally beloved, was recalled, and sent as Commandant to Adana in Syria, whilst the former received his post as Governor-General with increased power. Here he preserves, indeed, his own due respect and that of his people, in the hope of being made the future Sultan of the natives; yet, by his measures, he has not only trifled away the love of those men who are so easily led by their chiefs, but also completely cut off his return to Egypt, where, in the meantime, a book of his crimes has been opened.

He is a man of fifty years of age, though in appearance he seems scarcely forty; large and strongly built, with regular, handsome and expressive features, generally wearing a serious look, though he laughs a good deal. Whilst he is laughing, which is at his command at any time, we may often observe in his handsome countenance traces of agitation, betraying other thoughts than those inspired by the gaiety of the moment. His physiognomy becomes still more disfigured by his outbursts of wrath, which are not rare, when his true character is more rapidly developed in the working of his features than by all the chiselling and carving of the Gorgon’s head. His blue eyes stare and sparkle in his deadly pale countenance, and his inmost soul reflects itself in its real light, at this moment, as if in a mirror—it is the face of a tiger. Every one, seeing him for the first time, finds him a handsome man, but with something inexpressibly gloomy in his look, and in the melancholy features shaded by a dark beard. Ahmed Basha is a true economist in every thing, and boasts of his parsimony, (which, however, unfortunately degenerates into avarice,) saying, it is extremely necessary for him;—that he requires a good deal of money for present occasions, and will want more for the future;—and that Mohammed Ali has only become great through his gold;—every means, therefore, is justifiable by which he can acquire wealth. His table is sparingly served; he does not touch the sweet favourite dishes of the Turks, as being fit for women and not for men; he hates the Turks and calls them asses. Therefore he is always complaining that he stands alone, that everything presses upon him, which is the truth, because every one fears him and dares not speak. For his whole large establishment, with the exception of the Harim, one sheep is killed daily; whereas, on the contrary, Kurdshid had twelve or fourteen killed; and what was not consumed was divided amongst the poor starving people—a custom more worthy of a civil and military Governor of all Belled-Sudàn; especially as the Turks and wealthy Arabs—the latter, however, seldom, partly from fear of the former—feed the poor abundantly. Besides money was obliged to be sent very often from Egypt to Belled-Sudàn for the support of the troops; moreover, all the gold which was drawn from Fàzogle and Kordofàn, and coined in Kahira, was paid; for the preceding Governor complained continually of his empty chest. Ahmed Basha knew how to provide himself with gold, since he would never lose sight of his own interest. I heard from him in Taka of the bombarding and surrender of St. Jean d’Acre, which intelligence was kept secret. He feared for his position; and his plan of making himself independent received a severe blow, since Ibrahim Basha might suddenly march with his disposable army, and attempt a diversion on this side.

The just Governor sent to his dear sovereign 4,000 purses, the surplus of the treasury; and to shew the good old man what his Ahmed could do in the country, 1500 gold okien as a present. Besides this, he had had considerable expenses, had paid one-half of the soldiers more than Kurdshid Basha, had purchased thousands of camels and asses for the Chasua, for the purpose of transport, &c. One would conclude from this, that under this Basha, a complete reform of the system of government, and a flourishing condition of the land, had rendered these supplies of money and gold possible, but the surplus must be sought for in other causes than in the prosperous state of the country.

If the direct taxes be very irregularly paid through the conduct of the Kashefs (plur. Koshàf), Ahmed Basha has a number of other means by which to squeeze gold out of the people. Inheritances, where the testator is set aside, and, if necessary, some crime fixed on him; despotic dictation of tributes in money or gold; farming monopolies; selling fruits from the Shona, or the farms of the Basha; net-proceeds of the slave-hunts, &c.

In selling the fruits and farming the monopolies, the price is generally raised only in appearance by accomplices, and then in a very courteous manner the affair is hinted first to one and then to the other, who, in gratitude for the gracious punishment, raise their hands to their mouth and head, well knowing that even the latter belongs to the Basha, who commonly presides over such forced broker’s business.

It is not a very rare thing for Sheikhs who cannot raise the quantum of gold so arbitrarily imposed, to breathe out their souls under the Nabút. A favourite plan of his, pursuing the same aim, and having an apparent legal ground in itself, is the arrangement of his iron will according to the investigations to be directed towards powerful Kashefs, who do not deliver to him the half of their plunder, or towards honest officials, whom he hates, and whose places he has already beforehand sold to others, when he is certain of the share of the precious gain, which is made on collecting the Tulba. These profitable investigations are especially directed against officers who have the management of the accounts. A fresh revision of their accounts, which perhaps were delivered twelve to fifteen years ago, was entered upon for the second time, and, as he partly made it alone, or by his creatures appointed and assigned for that purpose, or when he thought it advisable, he ordered a bastinadoing for life or death, it has never happened that the people selected for payment were found guiltless.

Enormous sums have been squeezed out in this barbarous manner, and hundreds of men plunged into misery and extreme poverty; for Ahmed was not contented with falsifying the accounts of years long past, and having them liquidated.—No; but he punished them also for their falsely alleged embezzlements. Not one of these unfortunate creatures had the least thing left to him, except a miserable dress—everything belonging to them was sold—house, garden, slaves, clothes, kitchen utensils, in short, to repeat the word, everything—even the most necessary carpets and coverings for repose. The proceeds flowed into the treasury of the Divan.

It is true, that nearly all the Turkish officials are cheats and extortioners, only seeking to enrich themselves in every possible way, and to defraud the State, as even the best conduct affords no security for the duration of their appointments; but let justice be done to them, and do not, because the Basha gives the order, find the culprits guilty. Generally, the sum pretended to have been embezzled, was twice or four times as large as the whole property of the official. In this case, everything was taken that there was to take, and if the man were wanted, he remained in his service, but received for his pay scarcely as much as would provide him sparingly with durra; the remaining part, being deducted on account of his debt, flowed into the treasury.

In other instances the accomplices were ordered to replace the deficient amount. Among these were reckoned those who perhaps formerly were his superior officers, or his colleagues, and fellow-collectors; and this judgment always followed, when Copts were his accomplices. In the whole Egyptian kingdom the Copts (Kopt, or Oept, as they do not pronounce the K to our ear,) are condemned to be the Mallems (scribes). The Basha cherishes a cordial hatred of these Nazrani, partly because he detests their cringing servility and hypocrisy, which are carried to perfection, and looks upon them, on this account, with the same contempt as he does on the Greeks and Jews. Many of them are hanged, merely to spread terror.

Not long ago the following incident occurred: a Coptic Mallem was convicted in the manner stated above, of having purloined 1000 thalers[3] or pillar dollars at different times. He received 1000 blows, and all his things were sold, the produce of which covered the sum due, leaving a few hundred dollars over. The unfortunate fellow, after this fearful punishment, was thrown, more dead than alive, into chains, and they left him to his fate, without sending him a surgeon to afford him the least alleviation, by attending to his severe wounds. The Basha went on a journey; his wakil, Fàragh Effendi, an Abyssinian, who had been formerly a slave to the Spanish Colonel, Seguerra, in Alexandria, took pity on him, and sent for the surgeon, Sulimon Effendi (De Pasquali, a native of Palermo). He passed three months in prison in this frightful condition, when Fàragh Effendi thought he might solicit the Basha to pardon the Copt. The answer of Ahmed Basha was to this effect: “The Nazrani must be hanged, to serve as an example.”

Everyone at Khartùm was astonished, and the more so, because no one doubted his innocence. A gibbet was quickly erected at the market-place, and on the following morning the unfortunate creature was hanging,—as Faragh Effendi told me the story,—with a placard, written in large letters, on his back, and his feet scarcely half a foot from the ground. All the Copts, notwithstanding the calamity, were exceedingly rejoiced that he had not professed Islamism before his death, but had died stedfastly as a Nazrani. The Turks and Arabs are just as strenuous in their exertions to make proselytes as the expensive European missionaries, without immediately descending in thunder with their Prophet, as with a Deus ex machiná, from high Olympus. The cruelty of this Basha is said to have gone so far in Dongola that he wanted to force the son of a Copt to witness the execution of the sentence of death on his innocent father; but, luckily, the father died the night before.

In Khartùm, the young Sheikh Effendi (mallem, or Turkish scribe) received an order to revise the account of the Nasir of the linen Shunah. He, being yet a novice in these affairs, and not knowing that the word of the Basha “to investigate” must be always connected with “guilty,” goes to him, and says that it is quite correct; but the latter quickly sends the good youth back again to make another investigation. Sheikh Effendi returns, and says, that the “man is innocent:” the Basha calls him eshek (ass), sends him a very large and long piece of cotton-stuff as the standard measure, and commands him to make good the account, or else he would indemnify himself out of the Sheikh’s own property. Sheikh Effendi was therefore forced to take this great Top Homàss as the measure, when of course an enormous deficit appeared; for, amongst the goods sent in by several tribes of the Arabs, are included woollen stuffs made in the country for the dress of soldiers, for sails, tents, &c., and there is mostly a difference of one to two ells (drà, arm’s-length) between these pieces. This was now extended back to all the years in which the fellow had been Nasir, and the man was entirely ruined.

Except the punishment of beating to death, which causes as little sensation here as in Russia, public executions are not so frequent in Khartùm itself, where his presence alone creates terror; but the secret ones are performed without the cord and the sword. The following may serve as a proof of the condition of this grievously afflicted country:—When Mohammed Ali was travelling over Sennaar, the old Sheikh Suliman of Rossères, the most esteemed and influential man of Gesira (island, Sennaar) was forced to pay his respects to him in the city of Rossères. He came with a retinue of his Hammeghs, dressed simply in a black ferda; and, having stepped into the tent of the great Basha, he greeted him, and seated himself, without being invited, on the divàn close to him. The viceroy, beside himself with anger at this freedom, did not speak a word to him; but, after a short time, through his dragoman Abdin Bey, bade him depart. The old Basha told our Ahmed Basha, when Sheikh Suliman should again appear, to stand before him, in order to instil somewhat more respect into this old obstinate fellow. Suliman was summoned, and Ahmed entered into a conversation with him intentionally, standing before the viceroy, to prevent him from sitting down before the latter had assigned him the proper place by motioning with his hand to do so. The crafty Suliman, perceiving the Turkish finesse, and provoked at such treatment, which he did not deserve, drew himself up erect, and addressed Mohammed Ali thus in a serious, calm tone of voice, without waiting for the first word from the latter, conformably to Turkish etiquette:—

“Thou wishest to reduce me, here, in the presence of my people, to the grade of thy servant (Gadàm), but thou wilt be disappointed. Thou dost not know my power. Art thou aware that it only needs a word from me to excite the whole island to revolt, and to destroy thee and thy trifling military escort? Reflect that thou art in my kingdom, in my power, and not I in thine, Yet I will not be base; say, in a few words, why I have been summoned here, and what I shall do.” Mohammed Ali, enraged to frenzy at hearing a black talk so to him, but perceiving only too well the truth of what he said, reflecting on Suliman’s power and importance, and his own small army, gave way in this critical juncture, and ordered Abdin Bey (although he understands Arabic) to explain to him that the manner in which he had behaved was not proper; that he intended to invest him with the mantle of honour, and that he must kiss his hand as a token of subjection. Sheikh Suliman listened to this, laughing at the same time, but returned thanks for the honour of the investiture, and stooped to kiss his hand, which, however, he did not do, as the old Basha, enraged, kept both of them behind him; whereupon Suliman, without further ceremony, silently went away, and never appeared again, although he was summoned several times.

Mohammed Ali was indignant at the heads or Sheikhs of the mountains of Fàzogl not having paid their respects to him, as they had been apparently subdued by Ahmed Basha, in his expedition against Mount Tabi, Aba Regrehk, Singue, to Beni-Shangull, (twelve days’ journey behind Fàzogl, called by the Turks Fèsog’l), or rather had entered into a friendly alliance. And he attributed their non-appearance to Sheikh Suliman, whose dominion extends from Aba Nande, below Rossères, to Fàzogl, and who, although of a small and weak frame, for he is above eighty years old, (some say more than a hundred), has not lost by his subjection the fame of his bravery in former times, which is spread through the land, and of which wonders are related. On the contrary, he is reckoned a real prince of peace among these considerable chiefs, and has preserved tranquillity in the country in behalf of the Turks, entirely for the sake of preventing bloodshed. He went into the villages of his people, who honour him as a father and tutelar genius, and merely said, “The Turks again want Tulba; I know not whence to take it.” They brought it spontaneously, each according to his means, and even more than he wanted, which surplus he then distributed among the poor. One must know the avaricious character of these people properly to appreciate such generosity.

This frank and open speech on the 24th Dec. 1838, was sufficient to shew the old Basha how civilization, even in Ethiopia, begins to assert its claims, and urges resistance against Turkish barbarism; for wherever the soil is abundant, there personal freedom, the love of which these people have preserved pure in their hearts, has a right to demand a generous maintenance; but they have not even this, for, in contempt of the country and the people, every thing belongs to the great man, or his hangmen. He sent presents, therefore, and issued written proclamations, to the absolute rulers of Kamomil—where the richest veins of gold have been found—of Fazangùr, Duhb, and even to the Galla-chiefs, in which he says that he is not come to disturb their tranquillity,—that he, the Lord of armies and cannons, promises peace, &c. Even Abu Sarrott, the terror of all the mountains behind Fàzogl, received sabres and Turkish dresses from Mohammed Ali, and, fourteen days afterwards, the receiver of these presents plundered all the magazines, and carried away the cows and camels. This Abu Sarrott, before whom every one trembles, was formerly a slave of the Sultan of Mount Hummos, east of Fàzogl, had rendered himself independent, and having no settled abode, makes himself a home everywhere.

Mohammed Ali led four battalions of infantry, 400 Mogrebin cavalry under their leader Ladham, and 600 horsemen armed with lances, swords, and bucklers, from Sennaar, under the Sheikhs Defalla and Edris Wood Adlàn, with two field-pieces, to Fàzogl, where he made a sacrifice to humanity, by releasing 400 slaves. He had already in Khartùm revived the old edict issued from Alexandria and Káhira for the abolition of the slave-trade, in order to throw dust in the eyes of Europeans; but this order was one of those which, though publicly given, contained secretly a counter order. This practice goes so far, that these fine orders which are issued from Kahira, are entrusted to a kawass or courier, who on such occasions is a confidential lictor of the great Basha, and who quietly whispers into the ear of Ahmed Basha how he is to understand the despatches. So much for the suppression of the slave-trade, or rather of the Chasua (slave-hunt), as the former is practised publicly throughout all Egypt, even in the houses of the Consuls. So much for the not setting foot upon Abyssinia, where however Emir Bey undertook an expedition from Fàzogl to Atish, towards its boundaries, marching forward with the incredible caution usual in the Chasua, and seized Christian churches, and massacred every soul. So likewise in Taka, where slave-hunts took place on all sides; and from whence we should very certainly have gone to Habes, if the campaign had turned out well. Such was the case also in Kordofàn, where, on the intelligence that Mohammed Ali had himself put into effect at Fàzogl the orders he had given in Khartum, on account of the delay that took place, the slaves found unfit to be recruits were set at liberty. At the same time the well instructed Ahmed Basha dared to issue an order to Mustapha Bey to prepare a Chasua for 6,000 slaves, by which the loss of the 400 in Fazogl and of the few who had been emancipated in Kordofàn was sufficiently covered. Ahmed Basha managed afterwards to gain the confidence of the old Sheikh Suliman, probably, by praising his independent behaviour towards Mohammed Ali. In short, Sheikh Suliman, who had no medical assistant in Rossères, allowed himself to be persuaded by Ahmed Basha to make his nephew, Edris Kantòr (also Kamptor) the ruling Sheikh, conformably to Mohammed Ali’s wishes; to stand by his (Ahmed’s) side in Khartùm as his counsellor, and to take into consideration the welfare of the country. The renegade Suliman Effendi (with whom my brother was once there) was to have him under his care; but the Sheikh would not take any medicine, because he feared a physician whose fame had even extended from Arabia. This Sicilian had poisoned thirty-three soldiers there in order to ruin two Frenchmen, the physician and the apothecary, whom he detested. Ahmed Basha has need of such persons even in this land. Suliman suddenly died because he was too tenacious of life and wanted to return to Rossères, and was immediately buried according to the custom of this country, just as I was on the point of visiting him. “Deve morire, non c’è misericordia,” said Suliman Effendi, laughing, when opposing my brother with respect to the nature of his illness; and he was right. The brother of Sheikh Suliman, Nasr Wud Ahmed, came six months after to this capital; the strong, robust man was despatched in fourteen days in the same Turkish manner. Another brother received for some trifling matter 1,000 blows with the kurbash (a scourge, or whip, cut from the skin of the hippopotamus), far worse than the Nabùt, and reckoned to be equivalent to death: this man endured the punishment not only manfully without uttering a sound, but sprang up, and exclaimed, “Ana achu el bennaght!” (literally, “I am a brother of the maiden!” it means, however, a man who defends his hearth—generally, a hearty, brave fellow). Such examples of hardihood are not rare here, and depend partly on the race from which they spring. By the intrigues and the constant chicaneries of Ahmed Basha, the family of Suliman has been reduced to the lowest point. Woe to the Turks, therefore, when the time for revenge comes! The people belonging to the race of the Hammeghs still continue formidable, and remain always devotedly attached to the family.

These great Lords of the Isles, such as Edris Wud Adlàn, and Edris Kantòr, nephew of old Suliman, possess villages wherein 3000 or 4000 slaves live at their ease, with their wives and children, who are faithful and require only a hint from their protector. These Sheikhs, who are the issue of the marriages between the Funghs and Hammeghs, have besides a body-guard which they have furnished for themselves, being their own or perhaps not their own children. Thus Kantòr has more than 100 wives, Edris somewhat less, none of whom must be barren, if they do not wish to be displaced by others.

The old policy, which unfortunately still holds good, of chiefs being at variance with one another, bears its fruit also here. Kantòr as Sheikh of the Divàn, fears the lawful heirs, the children of Sheikh Suliman and Nasr, and has already murdered seven of them, without being called to account for it. Two sons, however, fled to the Sheikh Wud Abrish, on the confines of Makàda.

There died besides, in confinement, whilst I was in the country, the great Sheikh Mohammed-Din, a martyr for his Haddendas;—also Sheikh Hademer, highly esteemed in Mahass, who some years before had prophesied from his old books, that the Inglés (English) would free them from the Turks; wherefore, as soon as the intelligence was received of the taking of St. Jean d’Acre, he was seized in order to be, like Mohammed-Din, for ever set aside.

A man of consideration, on whom the Basha had forced the post of Muder of Dongola, for a considerable sum of money, died the day before he was about to set out for Dongola. My brother said to Suliman Effendi, that the unfortunate man was poisoned. “Pare cosi ma ben pagato la sua morte da Muder,” answered the renegade, and then abused the avaricious Basha, because, instead of paying his debts, he had required him to reduce them himself.

What, however, made a great noise and sensation in Egypt, was the death of Farat-Bey, in Wollet Mèdine, and especially the sudden decease of the brave Mustaphà Bey, in Khartùm, the only Turk who was really beloved in the whole country, and who was therefore an enemy of the Basha. He came from Kordofan to Fàzogl, during the time of the extreme heat, where Ahmed Basha hoped he would perish from the insufferable climate, as he said himself jocosely. He was not well, and was exhausted by the journey; he became worse without Suliman Effendi summoning to a consultation the three Italian physicians who happened to be present, Cecconi, Toscanelli, and Count de Domine. The Bey, surrounded by Memlukes and servants, requested Suliman Effendi to give him medicine to send him to sleep. The latter spoke in Italian to himself, went to the small army medicine-chest, being watched by the slaves, took laudanum and gave it to the Bey, in a silver tablespoon; but the desired sleep did not come;—and Mustaphà himself called for opium, though he was not accustomed at other times to use it. The attendants, still remaining in respectful silence, heard and saw how the Sicilian muttered again in Italian, again poured laudanum into the spoon, and held it to the mouth of the Bey. Scarcely had the latter taken this dose, which was larger than the first, than blood rushed from his nose and mouth, and he slept for ever. His Memlukes knew the bottle on which the name was specified, too exactly, and called it Rogh el Affiùn (spirit of opium). Suliman Effendi did not appear the next day, and on the morning after, when he came to me, was very discomposed and absent in mind—exclaiming, “che brav’ uomo! peccato,”—whilst he sought every moment his snuff-box. Whereupon I asked him, whether he had given the Bey laudanum twice? He did not deny it, but he had only given “a few drops,” “e, Signor Avvocato! mi era padrone, io servo suo.”

I had everything to fear from this man, who otherwise was friendship and familiarity itself, on account of my brother, whom the Basha intended to put in his place, as medical inspector of Belle Sudan, and had openly expressed that intention. It was therefore with the most solemn earnestness, that I threatened him with death, if I should not find my brother alive on my return, and should discover that he had come in contact with him.

“Dio guardi, che affronto,” he said, and quietly drank his glass of rum; for a similar insult had been openly offered to him in the divàn of the Basha, which naturally referred to the poisonings laid to his charge in Arabia and here. Not only did the superior military and civil officers fear to take medicine from him; but also the Basha—who, indeed, knew him best—would not receive on one occasion a glass of lemonade from him, though he had prepared it under his own eyes, and asked my brother for another glass, which was, of course, annoying to him. He was called at the bazaars “Rogh el Affiùn;” in the coffee-houses, “Rogh el Affiùn,” and “el Marras” (ruffian, or bad man).

The unhappy end of Mustaphà Bey found general sympathy; and some astonishment was excited when it was known that the Basha had threatened Suliman Effendi with the bastinado if he did not pay his debts. Even in the divan of Vaissière (which we also called the exchange, because this man, who was an officer under Napoleon, and decorated with the croix d’honneur, carries on the most considerable traffic in slaves in the whole country) the death of the Bey was discussed by the Franks; and it was doubted whether it had been done by Ahmed Basha’s orders, or whether Suliman Effendi had accomplished the deed of his own accord, in order to render an essential service to him.

Whilst they were speaking of him, the old greybeard entered with his accustomed sallies of wit. They laughed at his conceits, and treated him as usual, which is so easy for these European people, even when they have deadly hatred in their hearts, that it makes an honest man shudder. I could relate a good deal of these Europeans, but it would make too long a digression here, although we are stopping between the Blue and White Nile; and I consider it even my duty to particularize them by name on another opportunity, as I, with my iron sceptre in my hand, have before threatened to do. My brother and myself might perhaps be reproached for having visited such companions, who, under an exterior appearance, by which the mere passing traveller is so easily blinded, have utterly abandoned all law, justice, and morality, and have almost renounced Europe; and for having associated with men who are no longer masters of their better selves, but entirely lost, and of whom we were warned in Káhira. Kahira and Alexandria must be known to estimate properly such a warning, as it does not refer to the immorality of men, but only to the preservation of one’s own interests against danger. Káhira, as well as Alexandria, affords abundance of materials for a chronique scandaleuse, and forms an uncommonly rich and highly interesting stubble-field of unmistakable colonial nature, where a careful winnowing of the higher society would give a surprising result. It is the same even with the small and partly ephemeral colonies of Franks in Khartùm, where they concentrate themselves at times.

After a tedious journey of three months, we arrived here. The Muslims perceived the French flag hoisted as a matter of precaution, as it generally prevents the ship being taken away for the use of Bilik (government), and they crossed over to the Douaniers, who never lose sight of their prey: we were truly glad to find human beings again. Our flag was known by no one except by Vaissière, who gave vent to an old grudge against the Prussians, and excited a prejudice against us among the Italians, which was so much the greater, because a noble example of Prussian manners and customs had caused an uncommon sensation here in Khartùm. The long title of my countryman was hardly perceptible on the fragments of pots, whereon we read “Puckler-Muscau,” called and supposed by the common people to be “Sultan betal Moscow.” However, they tendered their services to us with uncommon hospitality, letters having preceded us which possibly described us as harmless fellows,—except one, a German letter. A Frank, in white Turkish costume, addressed us, like a shade from the lower regions, in the German language: we were surprised, and especially when he asked about a letter from my countryman ——, which at the best, therefore, must have been an Uriah’s letter. The pale citizen of Khartùm calls himself a peasant (from the neighbourhood of Wurzburg), and is now inspector of manufactories in Kamlin.

A letter, full of low calumny, from my amiable friend had found its way even to him, although I had not done him any injury; but he was too well known. He had, in a peculiar sense of the word, given me letters of recommendation against my will, not only here, but in Cairo, to which city he took the trouble of writing three. It is the curse of a prolonged residence in the South that the character of Europeans, and particularly of the northern nations, alters more or less in course of time. Slumbering passions display themselves in an odious and very dangerous manner; the cat becomes a tiger raging against itself, if the spirits of Ahriman,—brandy, and opium,—have him betwixt them;—and at last he is mocked and laughed at. A choice of companions, who might be called “good and bad, or high and low,” was not to be found among the few Franks in Khartùm. They live a cat and dog life with each other, but are breathing witnesses that this is the land of the Lotophagi; for, from their frequent convivia and bacchanalia, they might be supposed to be bursting with love and friendship. Whoever is really in earnest to acquire general information on the manners and customs of the East, and to increase his knowledge of human nature, must not carry himself as cautiously as a diplomatist, provided he is conscious of good sound principles, fostered from youth upwards.

Mustaphà Bey was dead; Ahmed Basha had lost a rival, and moreover came into possession of 2000 purses, by the closest money transactions with the public exchequer. The brother of the victim arrived with a high and mighty Firman from Constantinople and Káhira, to fetch his brother back to Thrace from the unhealthy climate, and, perchance, also from the dangerous contiguity to Ahmed Basha. It was intended, perhaps, that he should come too late, for they managed, in a remarkable manner, to procrastinate his stay in Káhira, and also on the road. He was very much cast down, and scarcely regarded by the Turks, even by the Copts, wherefore he did not dare to reclaim his inheritance, as he valued his life. Sero venientibus ossa could not, however, be said of him, for the Charim (harim), with flesh and blood in abundance, remained to him. This arose from the Princess or Bashalessa,—as the wife of Ahmed Basha, and the daughter, or adopted daughter, of Mohammed Ali, is called by the Franks,—having, in an unusual visit, openly shewn her sympathy, and prevented, by her authority, on the part of the Divàn, the harim being plundered. This lady was awarded to Ahmed as a mark of peculiar favour, when he was residing in Káhira, where she also remained behind till the year 1840.

Ahmed Basha was obliged to discard his former wives, according to the custom here, and also in Turkey, when the daughters of the Sultan are married. Even those great men were forced to do this, to whom Mohammed Ali, in that magnanimous reduction of his inventory of women in 1838, bequeathed princesses from his Charim (for whom he had lost all regard, and would not pension as widows), to be their reigning lawful wives, and whose slippers, conformably to the Mussulman custom, they were compelled to kiss. Our Bashalessa is, according to my brother’s opinion, an accomplished Levant lady, who knows how to distinguish good from bad, and feels herself extremely unhappy in Khartùm, where she is confined to her cloister, with an occasional excursion on the Nile. She is desirous of getting away from the place, and wanted, therefore, to entrust my brother, when we had determined on our return, with a letter to her father Mohammed Ali: she sent also, contrary to her former custom, several times during my brother’s illness to inquire after his health. When he was called in to see her as a physician, she received him without a veil, just like her attendants, and spoke continually of Masr, and asked after political news. She is a tall, imposing, and almost masculine person, with a deep voice, yet very courteous;—but not nearly so handsome as two novices in her train, condemned to chastity. In the antechamber, from whence the Tauwàsch (eunuchs) did not dare to step over the threshold of the cell, he always found an European breakfast to console him. She may, therefore, have contributed to Ahmed Basha’s being recalled to Káhira. The latter, however, did not obey the repeated invitations, and died of a tertian ague in the spring of 1844. His successor was Ahmed Basha, known by the epithet of “Menikli,” (meaning “great ear,”) whose march to Taka appears, according to the usual vaunting of the Arabs, to have turned into just as rapid a retreat.

Khartùm forms, in every respect, the capital of Belle-Sudan; it has a mixed population of about 30,000 souls, and lies, according to Duke Paul William Von Würtemberg, (who visited this country in the spring of 1840, and went as far as Facharne, near the Geb’l Kassan, three or four days’ journey above Fazogl), under the 15th° 41′ 25″ north latitude, on the northern point of the land of Sennaar, between the Nile and the White Stream. It is called Khartùm (point of land) from this position. Only a few fishing huts marked, some thirty years ago, the place where gardens and fields extend on the narrow neck of land running from the city northward towards the mouth of the White Stream, from whence the colony, advancing upwards in the direction of the Blue Stream to the south-east, turns the greatest part of its numerous gardens to its principal side, whilst the miserable huts of the Baràbras lie scattered about the level margin of the White Stream. The small group of houses standing in the place of the fishing huts I have mentioned, is called el Belled, meaning village here, in opposition to Helle (city). Khurdshid Basha is, properly speaking, the founder of Khartùm, for he fixed his residence here, erected more public buildings, and even established a dock on the White and another on the Blue Stream. Except the dyami (mosque) and the bassàr (bazaar), all the houses are built of lathes, or air stones, the fabrication of which is so slight in the new buildings, that very noxious standing pools are formed, which, at the first rains, are immediately peopled with frogs, said to come out of the earth. Ahmed Basha understood these disadvantages to health so much the more, because he himself was subject to frequent fevers, and wished, in order to obviate the noxious evil of the unhealthy situation of the city, not only to fill up these ditches, by pulling down the houses nearest to them, but also for the sake of a better draught of air, to have wide streets formed. To render the city secure against any danger from water, he was to have made the shore of the Blue Nile an angle of 45°, and the earth removed thereby, with the ruins of the houses taken down, was to have been employed to make a broad dam;—this dam to be planted with trees.

In like manner, a long wall was to have been raised along the White River, and an extensive sandy country would have been laid under cultivation. We spoke on this subject in Taka, and he immediately wanted a drawing of a plan, which was easily made, even at so great a distance, because, excepting the mosque and the new bazaar, no heed was to be taken even of his palace. Ahmed Basha had really much practical sense, and thought that every one ought to be, by instinct, a bit of a Hakim and Maendes, (physician and engineer).

The departure of the expedition was fixed for the 23rd November, and yet three cannon shots, unexpected by any one, resounded to-day about l’Asser, (three o’clock in the afternoon), as an imperative signal, although it had been long wished for by me. I sprang to the window and heard myself summoned, from the ship which was to convey me, to come immediately. Now there arose an indescribable swarm of people and clatter on the shore, a crying, howling, and leave-taking, so that I was glad to be able to squeeze through the crowd to the cabin. Sounding above every thing arose the shrill treble of women, that inimitable and horrible quavering cry, “Kullelullullulu,” by which they give vent to every lively emotion of the heart in pain, joy, and misery, with different modulations which a foreign ear can only distinguish by frequently hearing them. This time it was a farewell cry, for every one flocked to the shore to give the parting greeting, and some rushed even into the Nile to the side of the vessels. There were women, daughters, sisters, brothers, and the chorus of black, brown, and white dancing girls, who nimbly drew from large round vessels of clay (burma) more merissa, and passed this parting drink round in gourd shells (gara) among their acquaintances, gratis. These dancing women, or filles de joie (guavàsi, sing., ghasië), are never wanting here at any feast, whether with Turks or Christians, and break, at least, the monotony of such comfortless society where woman is always excluded.

If we few Europeans had not perhaps dragged ourselves very quickly to the vessels, with an occasional curse at the climate on our lips, the Turks, certainly, did not move more actively; nay, they were even more enervated by the influence of the climate, and the discomforts attending it. They came therefore surlily, sluggishly, and unattended, having left behind their attendants in the harims. It was only the coloured people that suffered nothing; they were in their native element. Our black soldiers embraced one another, shouting for joy, because they were going to the south, to their free fatherland, from which they had been inhumanly torn by Chasuas or Dshellabs (slave-hunts or slave-dealers). Inspired by Merissa, they shouted, in their language, to their different countrymen, who, partly in chains, were carrying water, and many a plan for the recovery of their freedom, and the destruction of their oppressors, may have been awakened in their rude minds. Belle-Sudàn means not so much Land of the Blacks, as Land of Men of Colour, for assuet denotes black, and sud smutty or dingy, as the word is used here; for example, in dirty linen. According to the colour, the name might have been used as beginning from Assuan, but the northern boundary of Belle-Sudàn is formed by the two rocks of Assul, on the right shore of the Nile, a declivity of the Achaba Shangull. That Achaba with its rocks crosses the Nile, and its natural gates also are the boundaries of the Mamùr of Berber. But here, where the poor, fair child of man, not excepting even the Arabs and Kopts, totters about and fades away, weak, and feverish as if he were affected with the Marasmus senilis; here upon his native soil, we ought to see this dark people, how boldly and freely, nay wantonly and flexibly—again, how angularly and awkwardly they move their limbs under this glowing sun;—how they stamp with inconceivable pleasure, fury, and perseverance, upon the hot ground in the wild dance, till the earth trembles again. Here it is that we must see the Blacks, when they have drowned their grief for their lost freedom, and the home-sickness which kills most of them, in sparkling Merissa, if we would know them thoroughly, with all their peculiarities, and in their entire bestial beauty. From this muddy soil of the shallow lakes of the inner countries fermenting under the hot sun, such a dark-coloured and black breed as the Dinkas could alone spring, with the primitive forms of human monsters, yet with plastic frames, without being masters, in our sense, of their mass of limbs. With what ease and purity the naturalized dark-brown Arab and Baràbra, and the black Nuba move here:—how secure their tread on the vessels, in comparison with our Egyptian lubbers, who, like the Pachydermata, cannot renounce the Fellah.

The line of the vessels unwound itself into a curve from the shore of the blue stream; the cannons thundered, all the guns were repeatedly discharged, the drums (trombet) beat a flourish; here and there arose a noise and contention for places; the Arabs sang to the stroke of the oar with the accompaniment of the tarabùka (pot drum), the Baràbras struck up songs with their tambùr (guitar, Arabic, Rabàba) at the same time: here one blew the double flute (argùl), there sounded the sumàra (pastoral pipe). All this was done chiefly to stun themselves and to lighten their agitated hearts. Scarcely had I by signs taken my leave, than there came over me a feeling of separation, as if I had left my brother Joseph in Khartùm. Many days journey indeed he was from me, and in a campaign that I knew, from being previously present at it, was dangerous. At Gohr et Gash, I had jumped on a dromedary without first embracing him: we had both regarded it as a good omen, but now our separation was first definitively decided. In Khartùm I had, at times, received intelligence or letters from the camp; here we had so often afforded brotherly assistance to each other on a sick bed, and mutually saved one another’s lives. What dangers, what adventures awaited him and me between the present and the moment of meeting again!—but—we shall yet see one another.

Sailing down the blue stream, we soon neared the wooded island of Tuti, inhabited by the Baràbras, rising gently like a little Delta, at the conflux of the two arms of the Nile. This island is said to be the oldest colony of the Baràbras in these parts, on account of which they bury their dead there from the whole surrounding country, just as the Arab tribes, and the other inhabitants of the banks of the Nile carry their dead to the village of Hubba, lying opposite to Khartùm, upon the right side of the Blue River, because in both places highly revered Sheikhs or saints have their tombs in lofty, cupola-shaped vaults, gradually diminishing upwards to a conical form, and called Hubba, (not Kubba, which means the plague, a disease entirely unknown here). The White River, flowing to the north-east, rolls in an unbroken stream along the north-west side of the island of Tuti, whilst the Blue River, whose current is more than twice as strong, bounds against this straight, whitish stream of water, as well as against the south-east side of the island, and winding through between the latter and its right shore, which juts out, makes a bend, deserts its former direction to the north-west, and turns in a north-easterly one, with the White Stream.

Here, once, both streams met and became united in a lake, which might have formed a triangle, according to the direction of the White Downs, above Khartùm from the Blue River, near the village of Gos Burri, the smallest angle of which went towards the south into the White River. At that time, the Blue Stream exercised quite a different dominion, and did not condescend to the before-named bend at the Island of Tuti, from which bend the traveller is firmly convinced that the Blue Stream flows into the White. The inhabitants of the banks, however, assert the contrary, for the former, as being the Nile, is considered, as it were, sacred, from its superior water and its more beautiful colour; although they allow that both streams spring from one source. This likewise redounds to its fame, that it is said to flow five times quicker than the White Stream, which latter indeed is nearly stagnant in the dry season. With all its good qualities, the Blue Stream displays a destructive activity towards Khartùm. If it had extended this activity before, more towards its right shore on the east, and spared the low ground heaped up by it towards the west, to be the foundation of a future city, and formed by its alluvial deposit a dam against the White Stream, its waves would now wash up more against its west shore, exactly opposite to the principal side of Khartùm. It is very certain that it is not necessary to go back into the ages before history, to speak of a land-draining of the northern point of Sennaar, since the expression “fok el Bachr,” points plainly to the old river’s edge by the Mosque; and likewise, not a single brick has been found in all this lake soil of Khartùm, except on the hill near Burri, which also must be considered merely as a new shore of the lake. As I have said before, the Blue Stream always extends more towards the mouth of the White, which it has already pressed down against the edge of the rock, in the desert near Omdurman, whilst it extended itself, like a lake, immediately from Hubba in the extensive low country east of Halfaia, until it closed the road there with the hilly alluvial deposit upon which this city is partly built.

If the lake ground at Khartùm was principally governed by the White Stream, and its deep, clayey site overlaid with sand, the blue stream has heightened its lake at Halfaia with a fruitful soil, which yet enjoys at high water its blessed waves, that impart, however, only a soft green to the forest.

Near Wud, or Wolled Hüsseïn, four hours’ east of Halfaia, a natural canal is seen in the rocks, with a steep fall, which even now is active as a Gohr, and might have made an outlet once for the lake on this side. The immediate cause, however, why the blue stream, by Khartùm, presses against its left shore, and flows almost under the houses of Khartùm, lies in the fact, that it has thrown up so much sand within these few years, against its east shore from Hubba to the island of Tuti, that the inhabitants of that great village are forced, when the water has somewhat subsided, to go far over the sand of the heightened bed of the river to the water, and that the inhabitants of the island there wade through the Nile to the right shore, on a sandbank ominously forming itself. If this last current of the blue river shall eventually be dammed up, its mass of water will rush with the strength of a powerful mountain torrent against the mouth of the white stream, and raise it, because its last strength is already expended, even at a moderate height of water, by the projecting rocks and the islands impeding its mouth. Then Khartùm will be lost, and the water will not only regain its former territory below Djami, but the blue stream will also break through above the whole city, as I sufficiently convinced myself a short time ago, at high water, when the city, notwithstanding the miserable Turkish precautions, was saved as if by a miracle, and the blue stream looked into my window, over the narrow dam of earth, which is about three or four feet high.

On this occasion, I saw five gazelles at the south-west end of the city, near the hospital, gazing with wonder on the mirror of the water of the wide white stream passing over into its old lake basin, which was driving them towards the city. A stupid Topshi (cannoneer), who was at too great a distance, without further ceremony scared them away immediately by a heavy shot from the powder magazine, whilst I, with my servant, had made a long circuit through the water, in vain. On such an inevitable swelling of the river, which must lead to the destruction of Khartùm, the old double lake that has ebbed away, will come to life for some time, and not only wash away the island of Tuti even to its rocky base, but also the whole margin of the left shore of the united stream up to Kàrreri, which, however, possesses in its rocky mountain, about three hours’ distant from Khartùm, a breakwater reaching from the desert of Baguda.

Ahmed Basha perceived all this very well, when we travelled together on the Nile to Tomaniàt below Halfaia, where he had taken the best fields from the Shaïgiës, in an illegal manner, and had ordered fifty sakies (or chain of buckets, for raising water) to be constructed upon it, and where the sesame was standing majestically, higher than a man, and might yet grow another foot. For this purpose—to obviate the danger which might arise to the future royal city—the bend of the right shore near Tuti was to have been broken by a deep canal, in order to carry away the sand from Hubba, and to deepen there the bed of the river. A favourite plan of the Basha’s, however, was to make his residence a fortress, to erect works on Tuti, and to place Khartùm upon an island by a canal, to be opened from the Blue to the White Nile; for such a canal formerly existed from Soba to the White Stream. Old people relate, to be sure, but only as a rumour, that the White and Blue Stream met together there. The ruins of Soba already known (which place one hears pronounced likewise Suba and Seba), consists of heaps of burnt bricks, without any other cement than the Nile slime, which have supplied the surrounding country for the vaults of the reputed holy Sheikhs, as well as in more modern times, Khartùm with materials for its mosque: they extend over a considerable space on the right shore of the Blue River. I heard the country opposite these ruins called likewise “Dar Soba;” therefore a contra-Soba, or perhaps once united to it, since the burnt and fused masses of brick, the wide-scattered bricks and fragments, even the ditches, if there had not been clay or foundations and vaults dug out, indicate, at all events, an old place. A small village on the edge of the river, under shady mimosas, and called Soba, extends to this. I have found just as slight traces of that canal, or of the bed of a river in this woody country, as in the other Soba on the right side of the river; and, therefore, I cannot assume, with regard to the last-mentioned ruins, that they were once situated on the land of Sennaar, although the right shore might indicate the violence of an irruption of water through the city itself.

Before I forsake the Blue Stream, I must yet remark that, besides the usual name of “Bach’r asrek,” it is called in this neighbourhood, “the Nile, or Bahr el Nil,” as I have often convinced myself. If it be asked why it is called the Nile, the answer is, because it has beautiful and good water: the old expression for this river is therefore identical with its properties. It is just the same in Egypt, where, as I found from experience, especially in Káhira, Bahr el Nil expresses the material properties of the water, for even the sakkah (water-carrier) interprets the Nile water with hellue (sweet), in opposition to cistern and brackish water. The Basha calls it also nothing but Nile, and says that certain Sheikhs have declared to him, that ignorant people call it after its blue colour. Nile means in the Arabic language indigo; otherwise this word is no longer used for a blue colour. I had an opportunity of hearing the word Nile used for inundation, together with Ba Kebir, or ruga tossiga (great water), denoting the same thing. The old expression of Nile awakes here, therefore, at the moment when it discloses itself as a divinity, a protector, and a nourisher of the country and people. Only the large pastoral Arab tribe of the Shukuriës, in the so-called Meroë, between the Blue River and the Atbara, has the peculiar name of “Adehk,” in its Aggem language for this stream, whilst the other nations in their name for it, indicate its colour. Those of Dongola, and Mahass, who both boast to be Gins betal Thin (people of the soil), call it Amanga Arumga, and Essige Rumege, and the united stream, Ruga; even the far distant Nuba negroes, the old support of the family of the Ethiopian mixture of blood, from Assuan to Rossères, call it Blue Water (Tè Uri). It is the Blue River, therefore, which possibly has imposed the name of Nile on the united stream, and might have formed the road of cultivation to nations wandering down and back again, whilst the mouth of the White Stream, retarded by lake-like shallows and swamps, was far less known. As, in addition to this, it is denied, with some justice, that fertility and good water are the property of the White River, it might have been, in the ages of antiquity, despised so much the more, and looked upon as a subordinate stream, not to be spoken of: not a single burnt brick, or other memorial, points to an earlier intercourse with it.

Before we entered the mouth of the White Stream, we conferred the last honour on the sacred water of the Blue River, by filling the large earthern water-vessels, (Sirr, like the ancient Amphora) with a great noise, and cursed the White River as being stinking (affen.) The sails were worked amid prodigious confusion; the north-east wind blew gently in them, and we bent our course from the Mogren, (denoting equally conflux and mouth, confluentia et ostium,) round the northern point of the land of Sennaar, (Ras el Khartùm, head of the neck of land,) and sailed slowly to the south over the rocks, overflowed with water, into the White Stream. There we heard the last kulle-lullu-lulu of the women, who raised, with both hands, their handkerchiefs in an arch over their heads, as in funerals. This made most of us laugh, especially my men, who thought that they had as good teeth as the Njam-Njam, so much feared by many, particularly by well-fed Egyptians, but whose country no one could point out.

CHAPTER III.

Nov. 24th.—Our yesterday’s voyage was soon ended. We landed on the right shore, about two hours’ distant from Khartùm, near the tomb of Moha-Bey, overshadowed by two luxuriantly-growing harash-trees. They stood in the water, though the year before, on the 16th of November, they were far removed from it: thus giving four feet and a half higher water, and affording me the consolation of thinking that we shall penetrate further, although I perceive no great haste in any one, for we might have gone on very comfortably, and without any danger, the whole night. At sunset yesterday it was 22 degrees Reaumur (at our departure 25 degrees).[4] The appearance of the scenery had hitherto not changed.

The left shore appears entirely flat, equal in height to the water-line, to which the distance adds certainly something. Yet, on the right shore, the river from the Shudder Moha-Bey, has thrown out or deposited downs, which enter, in an undulating form, into the deserted lake territory.

The Kalàklas (Arabs) dwell, from these two trees on the right shore, in two Kabyles, under Sheikhs Bachit and Abugleff. The Hüsseïnudis (whose Sheikh, Abu Bekr Wollet el Mek, shares with his father the fame of valour, and of whom the Turks speak with respect,) extend to the left shore, opposite to the Kalàklas; they pay, however, Tulba, (tribute) as do all the Arab races of the White River, up to the Shilluks.

We sailed to-day in the morning at sunrise, but soon halted again on the right bank of the river, at the Arab tribe of Abdallah Ozerrs, where we took in wood. Another unnecessary delay! This might have been done yesterday. From the Abdallah Ozerrs we came to the Gulamabs and Hussein-Abs (Ab, abbreviation of Arab). At noon we reached, with a few deviations right and left from our course towards the south, the rocky hill of Auli, which rises to the height of some two hundred feet on the right shore, a day’s journey from Khartùm. From the numerous fragments found in the vicinity, being a conglomeration of chalk and limestone very much washed and brittle, this hill evidently belongs to the limestone formation. The name is derived probably from the Arabic auel; because this is the first high ground met with on the White Stream. It is also called Gare-Nebih, from a Sheikh buried there, and from whom also, conformably to the Arabic custom, the tribes dwelling there have taken their names.

Opposite to Gebel Auli, over the left side of the river, is seen another and more extensive elevation, bearing the name of Mandera. These rocky hills are of granite formation, and seem not to exceed a height of three hundred feet above the level of the stream. The word Mandera has here no more a Greek signification than Auli, although it still means, in Káhira, the lower part of the house, where the stables generally are to be found; in which, certainly, its analogy with sheepfold and a monastery is very close. But it here signifies a height upon which there is no water. On the left bank of the river are two tribes, which live in friendship and cultivate their durra fields in common. Higher up are the Gemulies, and beyond these the Mohammedies, belonging to the race of Gare Nebihs, whose Sheikh lies buried on the western plain, and who here possess both shores.

The Gebel Mussa soon shewed itself on the left, two hours’ journey from Gebel Mandera, also a hill of rocks (hornstone formation), which has received its name from the holy Sheikh buried there. Therefore, here also prevails the tasteless custom which in Europe has displaced so many radical names of places in history, tradition, and popular custom. The old name of this mountain is Brame; in which at present I can see no meaning. Both of these tribes dwell on the right and left shores; where likewise are found venerated graves of the family of Sheikh Mussa, to whose progenitor Mount Mandera belongs. Their present Sheikh is called Mussa Wollet Makbull,—a sensible, brave man. Rapidity of the stream one sea-mile; depth four to five fathoms and a half. Yesterday, when we sounded the stream, there was little or no current, which in fact decreases with the depth. This morning, at sunrise, it was seventeen degrees Reaumur; at noon thirty; and in the evening, at sunset, still twenty-seven degrees in the shade, at the open window.