The Division remained for a week in the Pas—Henu—Couin—Vauchelles area, a period sufficient to enable it to get rid of the clay and mud spread thickly over equipment, clothing, and person, and of the stubble that was beginning to camouflage faces; also to wipe off some of the arrears of sleep and to carry out the necessary reorganization and re-equipment. Signs of the need for sleep and rest were very plain. “Their eyes,” said a Battalion Commander, “seemed to be falling out of their sockets with the strain. But there was a splendid smile on all the tired faces, a smile of confidence and victory.” They had been put to the hardest of all tests as regards courage, endurance, physical fitness, and soldierly efficiency, and had emerged with flying colours. They knew now that they were better soldiers than the enemy.

Brigade groups were inspected in turn by the Divisional Commander, who told them that he was proud to command them, and explained to them what they had done, what was then happening, and what might be expected to happen. So far as the Division was concerned the German offensive had been utterly broken; they had not surrendered an inch of ground until ordered to do so. At Ervillers and Sapignies the attack had rebounded off them, and had flowed round their flanks. And when, at Bucquoy, the attack had been renewed they had again beaten it, and it had flowed round their right flank past Rossignol Wood to Hébuterne. He was confident that the Division would once more demonstrate its ability to “go one better” than any German division or divisions that might come up against it. During the week considerable reinforcements arrived from England, mainly composed of young soldiers without previous experience, and these were absorbed into the various units.

On April 15 the Division returned to the front line a few miles west of the positions held at the end of the first week of the German offensive, relieving the 37th Division in the Centre Sector (Gommecourt—Hébuterne) of the 4th Corps front. Gommecourt, now a name only—for the Hun had demolished it so ruthlessly that in 1917 the French Government had decided to preserve the scarred site as a national monument—lies three miles west of Bucquoy, and must not be confounded with Gomiecourt, a village nearly five miles east of Bucquoy, now occupied by the enemy. The relief was accomplished at midnight, enemy shelling having caused a few casualties as the troops passed through Fonquevillers. D.H.Q. was opened at Couin Château, and the Reception Camp in the woods east of Marieux. On the right the New Zealand Division held the high ground above Colincamps, and the 62nd Division was on the left, in the 42nd Division’s old line, Bucquoy—Ayette. The positions taken over had been the German trenches when No Man’s Land lay between Fonquevillers and Gommecourt Wood in June 1916. The old front lines of the enemy, which now formed our reserve lines, consisted of well-revetted deep trenches with eighteen inches of mud on the old duck-boards. But his reserve lines, now forming our front line from Rossignol Wood to a point 500 yards east of Biez Wood, were shallow trenches, lacking in revetment, fire-steps, barbed wire defences, and anything in the shape of localities or strong points. Work was concentrated on these deficiencies, and the old German light railway from Gommecourt Park to Biez Wood was soon put into working order. It carried many loads of water, rations, and R.E. material nightly. There were several tunnelled dugouts in the sector, those stretching from back to front of Gommecourt Wood being a fine example of German thoroughness. The cellars under the ruins of Fonquevillers church were cleared and made gas proof, and they proved valuable later.

The enemy, relaxing the vigour of his attacks upon the Third and Fifth Armies, had concentrated a huge force in the north, and on April 9 had struck swiftly at the front of the Second Army, between Givenchy and Ypres. The Portuguese at Neuve Chapelle were unable to withstand the attack, and the Germans poured through the gap. But on their right the West Lancashires of the 55th Division held their positions at Givenchy—the defences which their Lancashire comrades of the 42nd Division had designed and nearly completed—with splendid valour and tenacity against four times their numbers, and refused to give ground. At this point the line held, and the enemy could make no impression upon it. Further north, Armentières and other towns and villages which had been occupied for years by British troops had to be abandoned, and the enemy pressed forward to Merville and Bailleul. These were among the darkest days of the war, and the Special Order of the Day, issued by the Commander-in-Chief on April 11, contains these significant words—

A few days later French cavalry, artillery, and infantry arrived from the south, and, though Mont Kemmel was captured from them on April 26, the crisis was over on this sector. Khaki and blue together stopped the onrush, and together endured the terrific hammering until the smiter grew tired. During this period in April the front held by the 42nd Division had been fairly quiet, but the storm might burst upon it at any moment, so all thoughts and energies were concentrated upon perfecting the scheme of defence. The 4th Australian Infantry Brigade was attached to the Division from the 16th to the 25th of April, and the Divisional Front was divided into four sections, each held by one infantry brigade. The Corps allotted certain lines of defence to Divisional Commanders, and in the 42nd Division each of such lines was formed into a Defensive System as follows—

Infantry brigades were responsible for the defence of their respective sections of the Front and Purple Systems and all intervening ground, and for the organization, construction, and upkeep of all defences. In each system, or zone, mutually supporting localities were held, with each locality its own commander, even down to platoons. Localities were so selected as to defend tactical points, and, as far as possible, were arranged chequer-wise in depth. If the troops on a flank were wiped out or overrun a defensive flank was to be formed from the supports. The artillery were also distributed in depth so that some batteries were available in each zone. Battery positions were fortified, and were to be defended to the last. The R.A. had been instructed in the use of the “hand gun,” as the gunners derisively termed the rifle. The machine-gun defence was most carefully and skilfully organized, also in depth, and in no zone were there any covered approaches which could not be swept by machine-gun fire.

Divisional Engineers and Pioneers were allotted to the Brigades as follows—

• Right Brigade (high ground above Sailly-au-Bois): one Pioneer Company.
• Right Centre (Hébuterne): one Field Company, R.E., and one Pioneer Company.
• Left Centre (Gommecourt): 1 Field Company and one Pioneer Company.
• Left (Gommecourt Wood): one Field Company.

The Field Companies and Pioneers were placed under the orders of Brigade Commanders, the C.R.E. to assist Brigade Commanders as much as possible and to supervise the work of the Field Companies and Pioneer Battalion. The divisional front was covered by seven Brigades of Field Artillery and three Brigades of Garrison Artillery.

As the very severe weather continued the postponement of the expected enemy attack until more favourable conditions should prevail seemed probable. In view of this the Divisional Commander on April 19 ordered that every effort must be made to ensure both security and the comfort and welfare of the men. The instructions to this effect emphasized the importance of: the field of fire and flanking fire of defensive localities; fire-stepping trenches; improving communications; improving defence against gas, particularly the gas-proofing of deep dug-outs. As many men as possible were to be provided with shell-proof dug-out accommodation, and where this was impossible improvised weather shelters to be constructed. The provision of hot meals in forward areas, of dry standings to prevent “trench feet,” of a supply of clean socks and clothing, and of baths and drying-rooms in accessible positions. As much use as possible to be made of trench tramways to relieve the strain on transport and carrying parties. “There is so much necessary work to be done that man power and horse power must be conserved by making every use of available machinery.”

On April 25 the 4th Australian Brigade was withdrawn and the New Zealand Division took over a portion of the divisional front. It was now decided to hold the reduced front with two brigades, each having one battalion in the front line, one in support and one in reserve. In turn each of the three brigades went into Divisional Reserve at Coigneux for a few days. The brigades in the front line constructed communication trenches and forward Company Headquarters, and generally consolidated and improved their positions. For work on the Purple Line—nominated as the main line of resistance—one battalion of the brigade in reserve was at the disposal of the C.R.E. A series of strong posts had been taped out by the engineers, and working parties were engaged upon these every night. The Purple Line rejoiced in the possession of Beer, Stout, and Rum Trenches, but whether the names had been given with the idea of raising false hopes in the breasts of thirsty Teutons and luring them on to destruction is not known. The enemy artillery was active, and great quantities of mustard-gas shells were sent over, but still the Germans refrained from attack. The period, April 16 to May 7 was noteworthy for the amount of work performed and the trials incidental to trench warfare rather than for any offensive operations on either side.

On April 30 the following gracious message from Her Majesty, the Queen, was issued to the troops—

A visit to Divisional Headquarters was made on May 4 by Field-Marshal Sir Douglas Haig, who sent this message to all ranks of the Division—

On May 7 the Division was relieved by the 57th Division, and the troops returned to the Pas district, where the greater part were now accommodated under canvas in the woods at Pas, Henu, and Couin, while some were in billets. Here they remained until the beginning of June. The Divisional Artillery, however, continued in action, occupying positions successively at Monchy-au-Bois, Hannescamps, Fonquevillers, and Gommecourt.

There was much work to be done on the defences of the Red Line and La Haie Switch, which would be manned by the division or divisions in Corps Reserve in the event of a strong enemy attack. It was essential that every company, every platoon, and indeed every man, should know the exact position to be taken up at any time of the day or night, however short the notice. The lines were thoroughly reconnoitred by all officers, and the manning of battle-positions was practised until all was perfect. The Divisional Commander laid stress on the importance of the prompt and correct transmission of messages and orders, and warned subordinate commanders against placing too much reliance upon the telephone. Visual signalling and other methods of transmission must be practised assiduously and made full use of. The action of the hateful mustard-gas was explained and practice ordered in the fitting of respirators and their daily use on ordinary parades and at musketry. The Major-General complimented the Divisional Artillery on their excellent discipline during gas concentration on battery positions on the night of the 12th of May.

The bad weather had now come to an end, and these delightful days of May, under canvas pitched in sylvan retreats far—yet not very far—from the madding turmoil of battle, gave one, in the short intervals of rest from strenuous work and training, almost the impression of a holiday camp, though all units had to be ready to move bag and baggage at an hour’s notice and man the Red Line. Nature, patiently but triumphantly reasserting herself in the face of the forces of destruction, had a soothing effect which helped men to put aside for the moment the memories of the grim happenings of recent days. Moreover, three afternoons of each week were given up to recreational training, games, boxing and other contests. Major S. G. Johnson, D.S.O.,[17] Divisional Signal Company, did much to encourage and to raise the standard of boxing in the Division, and also to inculcate the right spirit of good, clean fighting, with the result that the boxers of the Division won laurels in the Corps boxing competitions. Concerts were held in the hall at Pas, and the Divisional Concert Troupe and Band visited the troops in Coigneux and Bayencourt, and behind the line in Louvencourt, Vauchelles and Halloy. Concerts were held in the open by the talent of various units, and the 10th Manchesters secured a natural amphitheatre in Pas Woods. Colonel Peel, with the foresight and energy for which he was famous, had already asked the Mayor of Oldham to send out a piano, and this arrived just when it could be put to the best use.[18]

About the middle of May the 307th Infantry Regiment of the American Army (77th Division) was attached to the 42nd for instruction and training, and for three weeks the Americans took part in all schemes arranged for the Division. The training was divided into three stages. In the first, the U.S. platoons were attached to companies of the 42nd; in the second, U.S. companies were attached to battalions; and later the U.S. battalions formed the fourth battalions of infantry brigades. The U.S. Pioneer Section was attached to the Divisional R.E. The Americans were naturally rather green, and their conception of warfare was perhaps more crude than they had imagined, but they proved quick and willing learners, although it was alleged that in one company the platoon-sergeants had to give instruction in sixteen different languages. They contributed nobly to entertainments, and in return for tuition in football, boxing and warfare, they taught the Division to jazz, and a considerable portion of it, including its Commander, to play baseball. Officers and men of the two armies mixed together with cordiality, good-fellowship and mutual respect, these sentiments being further stimulated by a really good dinner, followed by a well-organized entertainment, given to the attached Americans by Colonel Clare and the 5th East Lancashires in the middle of a wood near Pas. When, on June 3, the Americans were ordered to entrain for the south, it was a common disappointment that they would not have the opportunity of fighting side by side with the men with whom they had helped to train.

On June 7 the Division took over the right sector of the 4th Corps front from the New Zealand Division. As this was an exceptionally broad sector, with a frontage of more than 6000 yards, from a point north of Hébuterne on the left to a point east of Auchonvillers on the right, only one infantry battalion could be held in Divisional Reserve. D.H.Q. was opened at Bus-les-Artois. The Field Ambulances took over the Advanced and Main Dressing Stations at Sailly-au-Bois, Bus and Louvencourt, the Transport Sections being also accommodated in the two last-named villages. Artillery on both sides was active, and the 126th Brigade, on the left, had some casualties from shelling on the first night, “C” Company, 10th Manchesters, losing one officer and six other ranks killed, and nine men wounded. There was much gas-shelling of the forward areas, and long-range guns frequently opened on Bus and Louvencourt. But our artillery inflicted still greater damage on the enemy around Serre and Puisieux, and at night our aircraft flew over to bomb the back areas. Trench mortars were also active, and every landmark on the enemy’s front was obliterated. The trenches were well constructed and well sited, particularly in the centre at La Signy Farm, where the front line ran along a ridge from which the enemy was under observation as far back as the villages of Serre and Puisieux, whereas the British support lines were in dead ground, secure from rifle and machine-gun fire; and rations and water-carts were able to come up in daytime. Luxuriant masses of hay-grass, clover, weeds and thistles covered the ground, and partridges and quails were plentiful around the trenches.

All vehicles that brought rations and supplies to the front line took back a load of hay to the transport lines. Divisional orders about this time drew the attention of Transport Officers to the excellent grazing available in a certain map-square. Whether the transport of one particular unit thought that it had found a still “better ’ole” for grazing, or whether it mistook the map-square, is not known, but one day the “Q” staff were more surprised than pleased to see at least one hundred horses peacefully grazing, and the drivers calmly cleaning harness, under the fold of a hill only a few hundred yards from the front line. Divisional orders the next day were very interesting.

The subject of Horsemastership was one in which the Divisional Commander, as a Cavalry Officer, naturally took much interest. He had found the Division somewhat lax in this respect, and had lost no time in bringing about a considerable improvement. On this, as on all other subjects, experts differed, each having his own fads and foibles which conflicted entirely with those of others, so Transport Officers and Farrier Sergeants led a harassed life while trying to reconcile the irreconcilable. One authority would consider two hot feeds per week vital to the well-being of horses, and another that two would be harmful, but a bran-mash every Saturday night would put a spring into the step and a shine on the coat.

A Divisional Horsemaster was appointed. He was a firm advocate of two hot feeds per week, and it was alleged that by walking down the horse lines he could tell at a glance every horse that had had less or more than this allowance. It was soon seen that the Divisional Commander intended to raise the standard of Horsemastership and Horsemanship by help and advice rather than by “strafing,” and in this he was loyally supported by the Divisional Horsemaster and the Director of Veterinary Services. Faults were pointed out at frequent inspections, and the remedy clearly explained, with the result that all who had to do with horses were soon taking a keen interest in the fitness of their animals, and in rivalry with other units. Some units managed to obtain Soyer stoves for the hot feeds, but those with a smaller transport had to be content with a trough known as a “Canadian Cradle,” in which was stewed a mixture of oats and hayseeds. The latter was not a ration, but was obtained by shaking the hay over a large sieve, and as the weight of seeds obtained from different trusses varied greatly, the unofficial introduction of sweepstakes on the yield per truss added to the keenness of the personnel. When summer came, grazing took the place of the hot feed, and each unit had to find a suitable field and make arrangements. Some congratulated themselves on the excellent bargain made with the farmer, until on arriving at the field they found that it had been let to half a dozen units. It was then no easy matter to find the farmer—who had been paid in advance. But when fences were broken down, and the horses roamed into other fields, or when—on the plea that the owner could not be found—horses were turned into any field that seemed suitable, the farmers were prompt to appear in the transport lines to make complaint. Of course the transport officer could speak French; it was merely the “patois” that baffled him and reduced the argument to a contest of signs and gestures, in which he put up a poor show against the Frenchman. The driver-spectators enjoyed the pantomimes hugely, and would give renderings later for the benefit of less fortunate comrades. A popular explanation given to our allies on such occasions was that the N.C.O. in charge of the grazing party had made a mistake in the map reference, but in time this wore too thin, and a fresh one had to be invented.

But month by month the horsemastership of the Division became more and more efficient. The Divisional Transport competitions did much to improve “turnout” of drivers, horses and vehicles, and when the Division was trekking, the Divisional Commander usually posted himself on the line of route to watch the troops pass. The O.C. unit was called to his side and every small failing pointed out. In a very short time the Division’s transport came up to the standard of a Regular division.

Though there were no actions of great importance in June there were individual acts of gallantry, the following being taken from one day’s record. On June 16 parts of a burning camouflage dropped into the gunpit of X/42 T.M. Battery, setting guncotton charges on fire. The flames were travelling rapidly towards a bomb store when Corporal A. Metcalf and Gunner W. Chesmer gallantly rushed to the pit, unfused the bombs, cleared the pit of bombs and charges and, regardless of danger, extinguished the flames. But for their prompt, courageous action there must have been grave loss of life and material. A daring and successful raid was made on Fusilier Trench the same day by a party of four officers and eighty other ranks of the 7th Manchesters. As the signal was given for withdrawal Sergeant A. S. Fleetwood saw a wounded comrade, with a broken leg, lying beyond the enemy trench. He rushed again into enemy territory and carried the man to our lines, arriving there twenty minutes after the rest of the party.

A very severe epidemic of influenza diminished the strength of the Division during June, and no one was sorry when, on July 2, the New Zealanders took over the Hébuterne sector and so reduced the wide frontage of the Division to 3800 yards. This permitted an infantry brigade, instead of a battalion, to be withdrawn into Divisional Reserve. Offensive operations were mainly confined to harassing the enemy by constant artillery and T.M. fire, by gas, and by frequent raids, which generally resulted in the bringing in of prisoners. Some of these raids were on a large scale; others were minor affairs in which, after careful reconnaissance, an officer and a few N.C.O.s and men would suddenly and quietly make their way into the enemy trenches, effect their purpose, capture a prisoner or two for identification, and return. In the daylight raids no artillery or T.M. preparation was usual, and the withdrawal as a rule was only covered by machine-gun and Lewis-gun fire. The barrages placed round objectives by the Machine Gun Companies contributed largely to the success of the more important enterprises.

At 3 p.m. on July 9, Lieutenant C. E. Frost and seven other ranks of the 5th Manchesters raided a post in Watling Street (the enemy line east of Auchonvillers), and, having killed all the occupants, next attacked a working-party. Altogether they killed fifteen of the enemy—eight of these being the officer’s share—and returned safely with no other casualties than three slightly wounded, including Frost, who was twice struck by bombs. Every member of the party was decorated.

On July 17 a daylight raiding party of eighteen N.C.O.s and men of the 7th L.F., under Lieutenant J. R. Garbutt, earned the congratulations of the Divisional Commander. On the night of July 18-19 a raid by three officers and ninety-six other ranks of the 5th East Lancashires accomplished its object. Lieutenant S. W. Pacey, in command of the leading platoon, though severely wounded, carried on until his men had finished the task for which they had been detailed. Sergeant J. Spiers, in command of a platoon which suffered heavy casualties, led his men through a hail of bullets to their objective, where he was twice severely wounded. He too refused to quit until the job was done, and on return he insisted on the wounds of his men being attended to before his own were dressed.

On the following night a party of thirty-eight N.C.O.s and men of the 7th Manchesters, under Lieutenant N. Edge, captured and consolidated an enemy post five hundred yards in front of our lines. A night later, another raid by three officers and a hundred and twenty-five other ranks of the same battalion captured the enemy system of trenches known as The Triangle, north of the dozen or so of more or less connected bricks which bore the courtesy title of La Signy Farm. Four posts were captured, a number of the enemy killed, and three prisoners brought back. Lieutenant W. Gresty led with gallantry and skill, and Lieutenant H. Gorst, in charge of one of the parties, killed three or four Germans with his revolver, and was seriously wounded by a bullet fired at close quarters. Sergeant J. Horsfield then took charge of this party and led with great dash, inspiring his men with confidence at a critical moment. Next morning the enemy counter-attacked to regain possession of the lost positions, and wounded with bombs most of the garrison of a forward post. Lance-Corporal S. Lockett, who was at the next post, at once attacked with two or three men, and cleared out the enemy. He himself wounded and took prisoner the German N.C.O.

During the 20th to 24th July the 6th Manchesters were advancing their part of the line in a similar manner. In all these operations C.S.M. H. D. Whitford gave proofs of courage and devotion to duty. He organized and led a party under heavy machine-gun fire to bring in a man who had been killed in the attack, and then organized and conducted a carrying party, also under a hot fire, to take up rations and ammunition to the garrisons holding the newly-won posts, and in other ways set an example of courage and resource. Private W. Tomkinson, when all other members of his Lewis-gun team had become casualties, took his gun to a new position and put out of action the machine-gun which had caused the casualties. Later, he volunteered to lead a party into No Man’s Land to recover the body of one of his gun team. Private N. S. Smith twice brought in wounded across the open in daylight under heavy fire.

In an attack by the 7th L.F. on July 22, the leader of a section being wounded, Private G. Heardley carried him into cover under point-blank machine-gun fire, and during a daylight raid on the 24th he led his section to attack a party of forty Germans in their trenches and killed several, though before leaving our lines he had been wounded, but did not mention the fact. After the capture of an enemy post on the 22nd, C.S.M. W. Rushton, 5th L.F., organized the consolidation with great ability. The post being harassed by snipers he crawled forward and killed them; the work on the post being much hampered by rifle grenades and trench mortars he moved some distance to a flank and then exposed himself, digging and throwing up earth, and in this way drew the fire off the post until the consolidation was completed.

On the night of July 30-31 a patrol of the 5th Manchesters came under a very hot fire and the officer was killed. Corporal J. Melling took command and withdrew the patrol successfully, and though under very heavy fire all the time, he managed to carry the body of the officer back a distance of 600 yards in the open.

These stirring events were not allowed to interfere with recreational training. In the Corps boxing competition held at Marieux the 42nd Division produced the champion boxer—best form and cleanest fighter—besides winning in several other weights. On the 16th July D.H.Q. had been moved to Authie, and the Divisional Revue, “Sweet Fanny Adams,” was produced there. It was really very funny and immensely popular with all who were fortunate enough to get to Authie. As usual the Division left its “Q” mark on the district, baths, canteens, recreation rooms and Y.M.C.A. huts being made out of ruined houses as far forward as Sailly-au-Bois and Courcelles-au-Bois. A reference may be made here to the admirable work of a Y.M.C.A. padre, the Rev. G. Barclay, who devoted himself to the welfare and happiness of the men, and who remained with the Division to the end. His first quarters were in a by no means gas-proof cellar at Sailly, an old barn providing canteen, reading, and writing-rooms, where services were held which were much appreciated by all ranks.

The latter part of July witnessed a dramatic change in the military situation. The gigantic enemy onslaughts of March and April had been directed against the British armies, the first being an attempt to drive a wedge between the allies, to capture Amiens, and roll up the British front. At one time the attainment of these objects seemed near, but British tenacity prevailed, and the line held. The second, an attempt to pierce a vital point south of Ypres and gain the coast, also seemed likely to succeed. But though the line bent back dangerously it would not break, and the arrival of French reinforcements relieved the strain upon the greatly outnumbered British. At the end of May a third huge concentration of divisions drawn from the Eastern front, of new divisions hitherto held in reserve, and of the divisions withdrawn from the Somme, struck swift and mighty blows at the French on the Montdidier—Reims front, and for a second time Paris was in peril, and one feared that the heart of France was pierced. Then, on July 18, when Paris seemed almost within grasp of the exultant Hun, and Germany boasted that the war was won, Foch struck with the reserves—including British divisions—which he had held back so patiently to use at the psychological moment, and of whose existence the enemy seemed unaware. On July 20 the civilized world breathed freely once more, and the German High Command knew that, whatever it might order the German populace to think, defeat was to be its portion.

But the time had not yet come for the British Armies to begin their great offensive. They made their preparations and awaited the word. Every brigade of the 42nd Division had raided and seized posts and pushed the enemy back fifty or five hundred yards at one point or another. In the latter half of July the 127th Brigade, by means of the attacks already referred to, had advanced their line on a front of nearly 2000 yards to a depth in places of about 1000 yards, almost to Staff Wood and Observation Wood, 800 yards east of La Signy Farm. In August the possibility of a new enemy attack in force was still contemplated, as it was calculated that there were more than thirty German divisions which had not yet been employed. So the work on the defences continued with unabated energy, the Pioneer Battalion, the three Field Companies, the Tunnelling Companies, and the infantry being kept hard at work on tunnelled dugouts and fortified posts, and it was said that the Division was praying that the Germans might attack. The 179 and 252 Tunnelling Companies did fine work, in which Captain Dean was especially prominent. The names Sixth Avenue, La Sucrerie, La Signy Farm, Quarry O.P., and Euston Dump recall many incidents, and Captain Buckley and his Divisional Observers will remember the magnificent view obtained over “Bocheland” to Bapaume from Appletree O.P. One of the difficulties in the construction of the many strong points in this sector was the wonderful crop of wheat, which was such an obstruction to the field of fire that much of it had to be rolled flat with an agricultural roller.

On the night of August 12-13 the 127th Brigade relieved the 126th in advanced posts which had only been occupied that afternoon. During the relief the enemy returned in great force and made three determined attacks to regain the lost position. They were beaten off with great loss. Corporal M. Shea, 6th Manchesters, in charge of a Lewis-gun section, though wounded in the first attack, stuck to his post and directed the fire of his gun. He was suffering extreme pain, but refused to go to the Aid Post until the third attack was finally beaten off and the situation saved.

The enemy now began to withdraw his battered line to more favourable defensive positions east of the Ancre. He was followed up closely, harassed constantly by artillery, machine-guns and infantry, and given no rest. Patrols found Watling Street untenanted except by dead Germans, and the trenches had been practically obliterated by the howitzers of the Divisional Artillery. By day and night field guns and heavies pounded the German trenches and strong points, and the effect of the “double crashes” fired nightly on roads behind the enemy positions, was shown a few days later when the troops crossed the Serre Ridge and saw the roads littered with damaged transport. Infantry patrols pushed forward and engaged his rearguards; successful raids and local attacks were made; and by August 20 the Division had passed beyond Serre village and had reached a line running just west of the Beaucourt—Puisieux road. The line had been advanced by 3500 yards on a front of 3800 yards, and many prisoners and much material had been captured. A message from Field-Marshal Sir Douglas Haig, congratulating the Division “on the vigour it has displayed in following up the retreating enemy,” was much appreciated by all ranks.

For seventy-five days the Division had been in the line, an unusually long period. The heavy work upon the defensive system, the numerous raids and minor operations, the constant harassing of the enemy, the consolidating of the new positions gained, the advancement of the line with its added difficulties of transport and supply, all these—in the hottest months of the year—had imposed a great strain upon all units. But the troops were fired by enthusiasm, and had no desire to be relieved at such a time as this. Their one desire was to get the Boche on the run; and when the rumours of impending advances finally gave place to definite detailed orders and preparations, the weariness and strain were lightly cast aside. The Germans had done their worst, and had made deep impressions on the allied front. The 42nd Division now meant to go for the Hindenburg Line—and to “go one better.”