[98] Stephen Cosaccia’s father, Sandalj Hranić, in addition to his original heritage of Chelm, had been ceded lands beyond the Drina by Ostoja. Stephen himself succeeded in annexing from Tvartko’s successor the districts of Duvno, Rama, and Ljubuška. On the other hand Sandalj had parted with Ostrovizza to the Venetians, and the Župa Kanawlovska to Ragusa. See L’Herzégovine, Étude Géographique, Historique, et Statistique, par E. de Sainte-Marie.
[100] Schimek (op. cit. p. 100).
[101] This is illustrated by a curious fact. A deed (described by Schimek, op. cit. p. 117) is still extant in the Imperial Archives at Vienna, in which King Thomas, in return for services in reconciling him to his Hungarian suzerain, grants John Hunyadi an annuity of 3000 ducats. In this document, datum in Castro Bobovacz, feria quarta post festum Pentecostes (3 Junii) An. Dom. 1444, Thomas still makes use of the seal of his predecessor Tvartko III. A representation of this seal from Schimek is given on the title-page of this book.
[103] Schimek (op. cit. p. 119, note 2), on what authority I know not, asserts that the Electi omnium comitatuum regni nostri nobiles, who attended at the ‘Conventus,’ were the Elders of the Patarene (Bogomilian) clergy, ‘und die Edlen (nobiles) scheinen, nach der polnischen Art, die Landboten gewesen zu seyn.’
[104] Datum sub castro nostro regali de Bobovatz in oppido Sutischæ, die xxiv Julii, A.D. 1457 (in Spic. De Bosniæ Regno).
[105] This appears from a curious document, dated that year, by which King Stephen Thomas engages not to introduce the Turks into Hungary. ‘Nec iisdem Turcis in tenutis nostris, apud manus nostras existentibus a Drino usque fluvium Ukrina, vadum seu navigium præstabimus.’ It does not appear whether these were actual settlers, or a Turkish garrison quartered on the dominions of the Bosnian King.
[106] Other accounts make Mahomet disguise himself as a merchant; others transfer the scene to Jaycze; and, according to another version, the Bosnian King was not Stephen Thomas, but his son Tomašević.
[107] Proceres Regni.
[108] Præfecti.
[109] This summons is preserved in the monastery of the Holy Ghost at Foinica, and is given in Balthasar Kerselich, De Regnis Dalmatiæ, Croatiæ, Sclavoniæ, notitiæ præliminares, Zagrab, s. a. In my first edition I had followed the wrong chronology of Farlato and referred it to Stephen Thomas, but there can be no doubt that it is, as Schimek points out, the act of Tomašević.
[110] Schimek (op. cit. p. 144).
[111] Variously described as Radovil Večinćić, Radić, Radac, and, in latinised forms, Radazes and Rastizes.
[112] For the fall of the Bosnian kingdom and the Banat of Jaycze I have compared the accounts of Johannes Leunclavius, Laonicus, De Reb. Turc, lib. x.; Gobelinus, lib. ii.; Isthvanfius, and Bonfinius.
[113] A few towns on the Bosna and Save, where, as nearer Hungary, the strength of the Bogomilian malcontents would be weakest, are said (Schimek, op. cit. p. 109) to have resisted, but were soon reduced by the Beg Omer from Thessaly, and laid waste with fire and sword.
[114] Schimek beheads Tomašević at Blagai after the Herzegovinian campaign.
[115] So too in the Languedoc the strength of the heretics seems to have lain with the industrial population of the times, and one of the names applied to them, Tisserands, shews that they made many converts among the weavers. This illustrates what I have already noticed, the connexion between Bogomilian propagandism and commercial intercourse. It is interesting to notice that the Bogomiles who still survive in the district of Popovo have retained certain mechanic arts that have died out among the rest of the Bosnian and Herzegovinian population.
[116] Including Ragatica, Cernica, Kecka, and Michiac.
[117] The Venetians at different times succeeded in extending their dominion over parts of Herzegovina. The coast-land (Primorie), including Macarska, Castelnuovo, &c., passed definitely into their hands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, to become at a later period the inheritance of Austria. The Venetians at one time extended their suzerainty over the Popovo Polje, Gacko and Piva. In 1694 their Proveditor-General in Dalmatia, Delfino, took Gabella Citluk (Počitelj); and their general, Marcello, pursued the Seraskier to Nevešinje. At this time the Christian inhabitants of the districts of Trebinje, Popovo, Klobuć, and Grahovo (i.e. of much the same area as that of the latest Herzegovinian outbreak) rose against the Pashàs and Agas, and the Mussulman inhabitants. By the peace of Carlovitz in 1699 the Herzegovinian towns of Citluk, Gabella, Cattaro, Castelnuovo, and Risano, with Knin and Zengg and other places, were left in the hands of the Venetians; and the only remaining strips of Herzegovinian coast-land, the narrow enclaves of Klek and Sutorina, were left to the Turks by English influence and Ragusan precaution, which feared Venetian contact.
[118] The Duke’s son.
[119] Possibly rather restored. A convent and royal residence (the two were generally combined by the Sclavonic princes) had certainly existed at Sutisca much earlier, and as far back as 1278 a Ban, Stephen Kotromanović, dates a diploma ‘from our palace of “Suttisca.”’ The convent reared by the pious Thomas and his Queen was destroyed by the Turks, but the Franciscans obtained permission to rebuild it, and set a great cross there, which according to their own account (Relation of Bosnian Monks in Farlati) was made by St. Bernardin, ‘and is most formidable to demons and drives off airy tempests.’ Perhaps it acted as a lightning-conductor.
[120] This account is taken from the relation of Bosnian monks ‘On the Present State of Bosnia,’ supplied to Farlati in 1769. I have assumed above that the picture of King Thomas still exists.
[121] Her mother was Helena Comnena, wife of Stephen Cosaccia.
[122] Waddingus, Annales Minorum, sub anno 1475.
[123] Waddingus, op. cit. sub anno 1478.
[124] See frontispiece to this Historical Review of Bosnia. I have copied my illustration of the monument of Queen Catharine, from a representation of it as existing in 1677, in Alphonsi Ciacconii Vitæ et Res Gestæ Pontificum Romanorum et S. R. E. Cardinalium ab Augustino Oldoino recognitæ, &c., tom. iii. col. 41 (Romæ, 1677). I do not know whether the monument is still existent.
[125] Ciacconius, loc. cit.
[126] Foinica also appears to have belonged to Mathias. See the interesting diploma of 1469, by which he cedes it to Tomko Mergnjavić, given on p. 224.
[127] Niklas Ujlak was made titulary king, and assumed the style Nicolaus Dei Gracia Rex Bosniæ. See diploma of 1464, given by Kerczelich, Histor. Eccl. Zagrab. cap. xiii. p. 183 (cited by Schimek). With Nicklas’ death even the titulary kingship of Bosnia died out, and his son, in a diploma of 1492, styles himself simply Dux Boznæ.
[128] Literally ‘a little egg,’ the diminutive of ‘Jaje,’ an egg.
[129] Waddingus, sub anno 1478.
[131] Kraljevo Polje, perhaps ‘Field’ in the old English sense, would be a better rendering of Polje. According to one account, it was the scene of the execution of the last king of Bosnia.
[132] Tormenta Curulia.
[133] J. Bapt. Montalbano, Rerum Turcicarum Commentarius, s.v. Bosnæ Regnum.
[134] A very interesting account of ‘the War in Bosnia,’ during the years 1737-9, has been left us by a native Bosnian historian, Omer Effendi, of Novi, which was printed by Ibrahim in Turkish, and was translated into English by C. Fraser, and published by the ‘Oriental Translation Fund’ in 1830.
[135] Thoemmel, Vilajet Bosnien.
[136] Of course there are plenty of accounts of border warfare carried on between Bosnian Pashàs and Agas and the Imperialists and Venetians, many of which have been collected by Schimek, whose work—which professes to be a political history of Bosnia—is absolutely silent as to the inner relations of the province for the last two centuries of Bosnian history after the conquest, which he professes to describe. A more confused and purposeless tissue of wars and rumours of wars it is impossible to conceive. The difficulty of obtaining trustworthy materials for the history of Bosnia after the Turkish conquest has led me to confine my sketch of this period to a few general remarks. I hope to discuss the subject more fully at some future opportunity.
[137] J. Bapt. Montalbano, loc. cit. The writer had visited Bosnia, apparently in the days of the Banat of Jaycze.
[139] To this westward and northward immigration of Serbs and Rascians I am inclined to attribute the peculiarity of many of the Bosnian Piesme, the half mythical heroes of which are taken rather from the history of the Serbs proper than of the Bosnians.
[140] Die letzten Unruhen in Bosnien (translated into English by Mrs. Alexander Kerr, and published in Bohn’s series).
[141] I am indebted to Canon Liddon for this valuable information. On such occasions the bishop generally takes his text from the Sermon on the Mount.
[142] M. de Ste. Marie.
[143] Ami Boué. In corroboration of this I may cite the testimony of an English traveller, Edmund Spencer:—‘While attending the Parliamentary debates of the Skuptchina, I was much struck with the self-possessed, dignified air of the almost unlettered orators, who were earnest without violence, impassioned without intemperance, depending rather on the force of their arguments than the strength of their lungs and theatrical gesticulations, to win the attention of their auditors. The Serbs resemble us in more than one particular: they have the same dogged resolution, the same love of fair play, the same detestation of the use of the knife, together with no inconsiderable portion of that mixture of the aristocratic and democratic in their character which so especially distinguishes the Anglo-Saxon race.’ The last remark is now peculiarly applicable to the Bosnian branch of the Serbs.
[144] M. Yriarte, Bosnie et Herzégovine, p. 245.
[145] Franz Maurer, ‘Reise durch Bosnien, die Saveländer und Ungarn.’ Berlin, 1870, p. 45.
[146] See Brachet, ‘Dictionnaire Etymologique de la Langue Française,’ and Wedgewood’s ‘Dictionary of English Etymology.’
[147] See, for instance, the Croat man in the engraving on p. 4.
[148] The Italian Testo, the Spanish Tjesto, and French Têt, came rather from the Latin Testum; while Testa, among the Romance population of Gaul, supplied the word for a head, tête. But in East Europe Testa does not seem to have developed this secondary meaning, as the Wallacks use Cap (Caput) for ‘head;’ and therefore Testa may still have retained its sense of ‘a pot.’
[150] This, however, may be connected with the Croatian word Fuk, which is used to express the howling of the wind, the whirring of birds’ wings and other sounds, and can hardly be a derivative from Fistula.
[151] γαμήλιον αὔλημα. See Chappell, ‘History of Music,’ vol. i. p. 277.
[152] Chappell, loc. cit. p. 301.
[153] See Diez, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der romanischen Sprachen.
[154] Venice strove to make the connection political; from 1115 to 1358 A.D. her Doges maintained the title of Dukes of Croatia.
[155] Vuk Karadjić was not a Croat, but a Serb.
[156] Called by Germans and Germanizers, Carlstadt.
[157] Thus our forefathers knew the Romans as Rom-Weallas. Wales and Welsh still preserve their name for Roman Britain and its inhabitants. The Romance population of the Netherlands is known as Walloon. Italy is still Welschland to the German. It is, however, quite wrong to suppose, as good writers do, that the Wallacks got their name from a German population. They certainly were first called Vlach by their Sclavonic borderers. Vlach is also said to be Sclavonic for shepherd.
[158] Slavonia and Slavonian are used throughout this book to denote the Austro-Hungarian province and its people. The branch of the Aryan Family of which these, the Serbs, Croats, &c., are severally members, I call Sclaves, and their tongue Sclavonic.
[159] For the charter of Rudolf to Karlovac, in 1581, and its confirmation by Ferdinand III., see Balthazar Kerselich, De Regnis Dalmatiæ, Croatiæ, Sclavoniæ, Notitiæ Præliminares, Zagreb. s. a. p. 392, &c.
[160] If we understood the peasants correctly, it was called Terg; and if so, is almost identical in name with Torg, the Swedish for a market-place. Terg in Croatian means generally ‘wares;’ Tirgovac, a merchant or dealer; Tirgoviste, a market.
[161] The house-father and house-mother are not necessarily man and wife; nor, though generally chosen with respect to age, are they always the oldest members of the community.
[162] The usual word for brigand, &c., in Eastern Europe. The word is said to be Magyar originally, and to signify ‘the unmarried.’ It was originally applied to youthful Free-lances—‘Knights Bachelors’—and has been compared with the derivation of Cossack, which has the same meaning. In Hungary the population of certain towns are known as Hajduks, and the towns are called Hajduk towns.
[163] Belenus, the Celtic Apollo, and tutelary god of Aquileja.
[164] From whom the earlier title of the city Flavia Siscia may have been derived.
[165] Ausonius, De Claris Urbibus. The order of eminence given by the rhetorician to the great cities of the empire is evidently perverted by pedantry and provincial favouritism. Neither Siscia, Sirmium, nor Nicomedia is mentioned. Illyria has, at least, as much right to be heard on this question of precedency as Aquitaine!
[166] Very few tituli militares have been discovered at Siscia. The camps originally established here and at Pætovio were soon moved on to Aquincum and Brigetio. See Mommsen, Corpus Inscriptionum, vol. iii. pt. 1, where he insists on the civil character of Siscia.
[167] Prudentius, Peristephanon vii.
[168] The inscription was
CERERI‖AVG SAC‖Q. IVLIVS‖MODERATVS‖B. PROC‖VSLM.
It is given in the Corpus Inscriptionum, vol. iii. pt. I. No. 3944. The vase, however, beside the patera, is not mentioned there.
[169] Balthasar Kerselich, De Regnis Dalmatiæ, Croatiæ, Sclavoniæ Notitiæ præliminares; and see Danubian Principalities, by a British Resident of Twenty Years in the East, vol. i. p. 88.
[171] The usual name given to the residence of a Turkish official.
[172] According to some accounts Dobor, a village further down the Bosna, was the scene of this conspiracy and its dénouement. But Doboj, whose great castle was certainly the scene of the tragedy of 1408, seems the more probable reading. It seems to me possible that Doboj was first called Dobor like the lower village, and that the name Doboj or Dvoboj was afterwards affixed to it by reason of its having been the scene of these two struggles. Towns run a good deal in couples in Bosnia, and there may well have been a Veliki and Mali Dobor.
[173] Martial, Ep. lib. iv. 64.
[174] I assume that the Castrum Tessenii of the Chronicles mean Tešanj.
[175] This curious impress of Mahometanism on Bosnian Christianity may be illustrated by other facts. Pilgrimages to Jerusalem are undertaken by Christians almost as frequently as pilgrimages to Mecca by Mahometans. The performance of such is reckoned as honourable among the rayahs as among the Turks, and the Christian pilgrims assume the same title of Hadji. The Holy Sepulchre is often known by the name Tjaba, which is nothing but the Arabian Caaba!—See Ranke, ‘Die letzten Unruhen in Bosnien, 1820-1832,’ (in Bohn’s translation, p. 314.)
[176] For the story of Marko Kraljević or ‘Kings’ son Marko,’ and the Cycles of Serbian poetry, see ‘The Slavonic Provinces of Turkey in Europe,’ by G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, p. 87, &c.
[177] Wessely, quoted in Introduction to ‘Servian Popular Poetry,’ translated by Sir John Bowring.
[178] Let any English reader who thinks these encomiums overdrawn procure the faithful and beautiful translations of Sir John Bowring, cited above, and judge for himself.
[179] Miller.
[180] ‘Servian Popular Poetry,’ translated by J. Bowring, p. 219.
[181] ‘A Voyage into the Levant. A Briefe Relation of a Iourney lately performed by Master Henry Blunt, Gentleman, from England by the way of Venice into Dalmatia, Sclavonia, Bosnah, Hungary, Macedonia, Thessaly, Thrace, Rhodes, and Egypt, unto Gran Cairo.’ The Third Edition. London: 1638; p. 8. The giant size of the Bosniacs also struck the Bolognese doctor J. Bapt. Montalbans who visited Bosnia in the 16th century. v. Rerum Turcarum Commentarius,—Bosnæ Regnum.
[182] An officer of the general staff who was employed by the Austrian Government to draw up a map of Bosnia, and followed this up by his ‘Studien über Bosnien und die Herzegovina,’ partly an itinerary, partly a statistical account, but meagre and disappointing. Franz Maurer, ‘Reise durch Bosnien,’ is equally loud in his denunciations of the Major’s map.
[183] Had Milton viewed a scene like this? or was his sublime simile for the fallen Angels a pure creation of his imagination?
[184] Asplenium Trichomanes.
[185] Clausilia laminata.
[186] Omer Effendi of Novi, op. cit. p. 85.
[187] Bryum ligulatum.
[188] As, for instance, some rough Roman sarcophagi found at York, and now in the garden of the Philosophical Society of the town.
[189] There are at present about 3,000 Jews in Bosnia, resident mainly in Serajevo, Travnik, Banjaluka, and Novipazar. See Thoemmel, Beschreibung des Vilajet Bosnien, p. 108.
[190] Dalmatia and Montenegro, by Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson, F.R.S., vol. ii. p. 181, &c. For some in Narenta Valley, see p. 31.
[191] The coincidence between the appearance of the moon on these monuments and on the Bosnian arms had already suggested itself to me before I was aware that it had also struck Sir Gardner Wilkinson.
[192] The moon and stars were favourite symbols on Mithraic gems and monuments, which are nowhere more plentiful than in Illyria, if I may judge from personal experience. They were also in vogue with the Gnostics. According to Manes the moon was a purgatory of good spirits; their immediate haven after death. See King’s Gnostics and their Remains. But, for a more probable explanation of the moon and stars on Bosnian arms and monuments, see page 219.
[193] Euthymius Zygabenus, Panoplia. Presbyter Cosmas, Harmenopulus, and Anna Comnena give the same account. See my Historical Review of Bosnia.
[194] Raph. Volat. 1-8.
[195] See the introductory Historical Review of Bosnia.
[196] The respective numbers at the last official return were:—Greeks, 576,756; Mahometans, 442,050.
[198] In Bosnia even the parochial duties are performed by monks of this order, who discard the monastic dress and wear the ordinary civil costume, including cutlasses and pistols. Every three years the chapter of the order (the Provincial, that is, of the Minorites, with a custos and four definitors) elects a ‘mission for the cure of souls,’ and the monks who are doing service an secular priests are either confirmed in their office or exchanged for others. The head or ‘Quardian’ of every monastery is also priest for his district. Thus the parish churches are completely dependent on the Franciscan brotherhood, each monastery possessing so many churches. This at Gučiagora has nine; that at Sutiska, the largest in Bosnia, as many as twenty-two churches. As parish priests, however, the brothers find their allegiance somewhat divided between the Vicar Apostolic of Bosnia and the Provincial of their order. See Thoemmel, Beschreibung des Vilajet Bosnien, p. 96, &c.
[199] Gustav Thoemmel, op. cit. pp. 94-6, gives statistics showing the improved state of the Roman Catholic Church in Bosnia since the establishment of the Austrian Consulate-General in Serajevo. Writing in 1867, he says that in 1850 there were only forty-one parsonages in Bosnia, now sixty-nine. Up to 1860 only the three old monasteries of Sutiska, Foinica, and Kreševo existed; since then three more have been founded, namely this at Gučiagora, one at Gorica, near Livno, and one at Siroki-brieg, in the Herzegovina, six hours west of Mostar. In 1850 the Roman Catholic population was 160,000, in 1874 it had risen to 185,503.
[200] Gustav Thoemmel, Beschreibung des Vilajet Bosnien. Wien, 1867, p. 101.
[201] According to the last census there were 576,756 Bosniacs of the Orthodox Greek Church, and only 185,503 Roman Catholics.
[202] I am indebted to Canon Liddon for this fact.
[203] Since the new constitutional laws of July, 1865, Travnik has become the seat of Government for one of the seven circles, or Mutasarifliks, into which the Vilajet of Bosnia (including Herzegovina) is divided. The Mutasarìf is an officer superior to the Kaïmakàm as the Kaïmakàm to the Mudìr. The Mutasarifliks answer to the German Kreise, the Kaïmakamliks (districts under Kaïmakàm) to Bezirke.
[204] Omer Effendi of Novi, whose writings were edited and printed by Ibrahim in Turkish, and were translated into English by C. Fraser in 1830.
[205] See Roskiević.
[206] I take this anecdote from the author of The Danubian Principalities (vol. ii. p. 326), to whom Omer Pashà related it.
[207] See A. von Hilferding, Bosnien,—Reise-Skizzen aus dem Jahre 1857, p. 12 (translated from the Russian).
[208] In the French translation (Paris, 1674), which is the only copy I have by me. P. 76.
[209] The old name of Travnik appears to have been Herbosa. (See Farlato, Illyricum Sacrum, t. iv.) I notice a serious error in Dr. Spruner’s Historisch-Geographisches Hand-Atlas, where Travnik is made identical with Bobovac, the old seat of Bosnian bans and kings, which is 40 miles to the west, near Vareš.
[210] It is curious that the Italian word should pass current in Bosnia.
[212] Of what place I am uncertain. He was only visiting Foinica, which itself does not possess so exalted a functionary.
[213] In the original Bosnian, as written into Latin characters for me by one of the monks, it ran—Rodoslovje Bosanakoga aliti Iliričkoga, i Srbskoga vladanja, zai edno postavlieno po Stanislaú Rubčiću popu, na slavu Stipana Nemanjiću, Cara Srblienak Bosniakak, (1340.)
[214] Hunc codicem ab immemorabili tempore, nempe a captivitate Regni Bosniæ, studiose conservatum esse a Reverendis Fratribus Franciscanis Familiæ Foinicensis.
[215] Query, a monastic error for St. Mark.
[216] I refer to the Church of Giurgevi Stúpovi, whose dome still rises on a hill above Novipazar. A description of it will be found in Travels through the Slavonic Provinces of Turkey in Europe, by G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby. London, 1866, p. 309.