[252] Paus. VIII. 32. 2.

[253] Herod. I. 105. The name Kythera is Semitic (‎‏כתרת‏‎); see M. Victor Bérard, Les Phéniciens et l’Odyssée, p. 427. Kythera means a headdress, a tiara, and its Greek ‘doublette’ is Skandeia.

[254] Paus. I. 14. 7.

[255] We have incidentally curious evidence of the association of Kourotrophos with the Oriental Aphrodite. An inscription (C.I.A. III. 411) found on a Turkish wall near the temple of Nike mentions the entrance to a chapel of Blaute and Kourotrophos (εἴσοδος πρὸς σηκὸν Βλαύτης καὶ Κουροτρόφου). Lydus (de Mens. I. 21), on the authority of Phlegon, tells us that Blatta was ‘a title of Aphrodite among the Phenicians’ (καὶ βλάττα δέ, ἐξ ἧς τὰ βλάττια λέγομεν, ὄνομα Ἀφροδίτης, ἐστι κατὰ τοὺς Φοίνικας ὡς ὁ Φλέγων ἐν τῷ περὶ ἑορτῶν φησί). He does not tell us,—what is obvious enough,—that Blaute and Blatta are Greek attempts to reproduce Baalat (‎‏בַּעֲלַת‏‎). Blaute is but Aphrodite-Pandemos, Lady, Baalat of the People.

[256] Luke ii. 24.

[257] Mr E. Babelon, Monnaies des Phéniciens, CXXV.

[258] Ael. Nat. Anim. IV. 2; see M. Victor Bérard, Cultes Arcadiens, p. 106.

[259] For what can here be deduced from the text apart from new archaeological material, see Dr Verrall, Class. Rev. 1900, p. 277.

[260] Paus. I. 14. 1 πλησίον δέ ἐστι κρήνη, καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτὴν Ἐννεάκρουνον, οὕτω κοσμηθεῖσαν ὑπὸ Πεισιστράτου. Between the statues of Harmodios and Aristogeiton (I. 8. 5) and the Odeion (I. 8. 6) there is no connecting particle. This often happens in Pausanias when things in immediate juxtaposition are described. Traces of curved foundations of Roman date which may mark the site of the Odeion are shown in Prof. Dörpfeld’s plan (Fig. 46), but as the identification is conjectural I prefer not to use it as an argument.

[261] Paus. I. 14. 1 ναοὶ δὲ ὑπὲρ τὴν κρήνην ὁ μὲν Δήμητρος πεποίηται καὶ Κόρης.

[262] Plat. Axioch. I. § 364 Ἐξιόντι μοι ἐς Κυνόσαργες καὶ γενομένῳ [μοι] κατὰ τὸν Ἰλισσὸν διῆξε φωνὴ βοῶντός του, Σώκρατες, Σώκρατες. ὡς δὲ ἐπιστραφεὶς περιεσκόπουν ὁπόθεν εἴη Κλεινίαν ὁρῶ τὸν Ἀξιόχου θέοντα ἐπὶ Καλλιρρόην.

[263] Herod. VI. 137 αὐτοὶ Ἀθηναῖοι λέγουσι ... φοιτᾶν γὰρ ἀεὶ τὰς σφετέρας θυγάτερας ἐπ’ ὕδωρ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἐννεάκρουνον.

[264] Paus. I. 14. 1 φρέατα μὲν γὰρ καὶ διὰ πάσης τῆς πόλεώς ἐστι, πηγὴ δὲ αὔτη μόνη.

[265] For what follows I am entirely indebted to Herr Gräber’s final investigations, completing those of Prof. Dörpfeld. See ‘Enneakrounos,’ A. Mitt. 1905, p. 58.

[266] Fully discussed by Herr Gräber, op. cit.

[267] Herod. III. 60.

[268] For a full account of the Samos aqueduct, see Dr Fabricius, A. Mitt. IX. 1884, p. 175.

[269] Examined and discussed by Dr E. Ziller, A. Mitt. II. p. 112, and see Herr Gräber, ‘Die Enneakrounos,’ A. Mitt. 1905, p. 58.

[270] The account is taken entirely from the official reports by Prof. Dörpfeld after examination of the site under his guidance. See Bibliography, Enneakrounos, and for the more recent supplementary investigations of Herr Gräber ‘Enneakrounos,’ A. Mitt. 1905, XXX. p. 1.

[271] A. Mitt. XVIII. 1893, p. 223.

[272] By Herr Gräber, op. cit. p. 26.

[273] Paus. I. 40. 1 οὗτος ὁ Θεαγένης τυραννήσας ᾠκοδόμησε τὴν κρήνην μεγέθους ἕνεκα καὶ κόσμου καὶ ἐς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν κιόνων θέας ἀξίαν· καὶ ὕδωρ ἐς αὐτὴν ῥεῖ καλούμενον Σιθνίδων νυμφῶν.

[274] Delbrück and Vollmöller, ‘Das Brunnenhaus des Theagenes,’ A. Mitt. 1900, XXV. p. 23, pl. vii. and viii.

[275] ap. Athen. XI. § 465 ὅθεν καὶ Λιμναῖον κληθῆναι τὸν Διόνυσον, ὅτι μιχθὲν τὸ γλεῦκος τῷ ὕδατι τότε πρῶτον ἐπόθη κεκραμένον. Διόπερ ὀνομασθῆναι τὰς πηγὰς Νύμφας καὶ τιθήνας τοῦ Διονύσου ὅτι τὸν οἶνον αὐξάνει τὸ ὕδωρ κιρνάμενον.

[276] Brit. Mus. Cat. B. 329, Antike Denkmäler II. Taf. 19. On another vase in the British Museum (Cat. B 331) is inscribed Kalire Krene, Spring Fair-Fount, and on it also occurs the name Hippokrates, which may be intended for the brother of Kleisthenes; see Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, Fig. 20.

[277] Mr F. M. Cornford draws my attention to the striking resemblance between the plan of the Kallirrhoë cavern (Figs. 36 and 43) and the curious arrangement of the ‘cavernous underground chamber’ which in Plato (Rep. VII. 514) symbolizes the prison-house of earthly existence. This chamber was entered by a long and steep descent from the outer air and had at the opposite end a low parapet, answering to the well-parapet in Kallirrhoë. Even the image in the niche has its Platonic counterpart in the shadows cast by the fire-light upon the inmost wall from the images carried along the parapet. One can imagine that Plato himself had often visited the well, had seen his own shadow thrown across the parapet by the torch of his guide standing at the foot of the entrance-stair, and heard the echo of his own voice as though it were proceeding from the shadow (Plat. Rep. 515 B).

[278] Omont, Athènes au XVII. siècle, Pl. XXXIX.

[279] See Prof. Dörpfeld, A. Mitt. XX. p. 510, 1895.

[280] Prof. Dörpfeld writes to me—‘Unhappily this is no longer true; the inscribed stones have been stolen.’

[281] Wordsworth, Greece pictorial, descriptive and historical, p. 133, 1839.

[282] C.I.A. II. 11 and IV. 211 b.

[283] C.I.A. II. 14. See Foucart, Bull. de Corr. Hell. p. 166, 1888.

[284] Ar. Eq. 1092

[285] Ar. Lys. 175.

[286] Speeches of Isaeus, p. 476, where the use of polis for acropolis is fully discussed.

[287] See Bibliography.

[288] The map in Fig. 46 is reproduced by Prof. Dörpfeld’s kind permission from his official plan published in the Antike Denkmäler (II. 37). To discuss the later Greek, Hellenistic and Roman agoras is no part of the object of the present book, but it was thought well to reproduce the plan as showing how the agora spread gradually to the North and also as elucidating the complex of roads that meet at the Enneakrounos.

[289] For the details of this and the other buildings both of the Hellenistic and Roman agoras, see my Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, pp. 17-22, 199, 183-203.

[290] A. Mitt. 1896, XXI. p. 108.

[291] After the restoration of W. Judeich, Jahrbuch f. Phil. CXLI. p. 746. The plan is only given here to illustrate bygone conceptions. I am rejoiced to see that Dr Judeich in his recent Topographie von Athen, 1905, accepts the main outlines of Prof. Dörpfeld’s topography. See his Plan I.

[292] For a full statement of this view see Dr Frazer, Pausanias, Vol. V. p. 484, and Prof. Ernest Gardner, Ancient Athens, p. 141. I regret to see that Prof. Ernest Gardner translates καὶ τὸ ὑπ’ αὐτὴν πρὸς νότον μάλιστα τετραμμένον ‘and the district outside it to the Southward.’

[293] Paus. I. 18. 6 and 7, and I. 19. 1.

[294] Paus. I. 19. 1. For a full account of this Olympieion and Pythion which, save for the mistaken identification, do not concern us here, see my Myth. and Mon. of Anc. Athens, p. 184.

[295] Plut. de Exil. VI. ἆρα οὖν ξένοι καὶ ἀπόλιδες εἰσὶν Ἀθηναίων οἱ μεταστάντες ἐκ Μελίτης εἰς Διωμίδα ὅπου καὶ μῆνα Μεταγειτνιῶνα καὶ θυσίαν ἐπώνυμον ἄγουσι τοῦ μετοικισμοῦ τὰ Μεταγείτνια, τὴν πρὸς ἑτέρους γειτνιάσιν εὐκόλως καὶ ἱλαρῶς ἐκδεχόμενοι καὶ στέργοντες; οὐκ ἂν εἴποις. Attention was first drawn to the importance of this passage by Prof. Dörpfeld.

[296] Plut. Vit. Them. 22 πλήσιον δὲ τῆς οἰκίας κατεσκεύασεν ἐν Μελίτῃ τὸ ἱερόν οὗ νῦν τὰ σώματα τῶν θανατουμένων....

[297] Plat. Parmenid. 126 C.

[298] Dem. LIV. 7 ... παρῆλθε πρὸς Μελίτην ἄνω.

[299] Ar. Av. 999

Schol. ... ἐπὶ Ἀψεύδους δὲ τοῦ Πυθοδώρου ἡλιοτρόπιον ἐν τῇ νῦν οὔσῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ πρὸς τῷ τείχει τῷ ἐν τῇ πνύκι. μήποτε οὖν τὸ χώριον φασί τινες ἐκεῖνο ἅπαν ᾧ περιλαμβάνεται καὶ ἡ Πνύξ, Κολωνός ἐστιν ὁ ἕτερος, ὁ μίσθιος λεγόμενος· οὕτως μέρος τι νῦν σύνηθες γέγονε τὶ Κολωνὸν καλεῖν τὸ ὄπισθεν τῆς μακρᾶς στοᾶς· ἀλλ’ οὔκ ἐστι. Μελίτη γὰρ ἅπαν ἐκεῖνο ὡς ἐν τοῖς ὁρισμοῖς γέγραπται τῆς πόλεως.

The MSS. have ἐκεῖνο ἐπάνω, Forchammer ἐπάνω ᾧ, Wachsmuth ἅπαν ᾧ, Dobree πᾶν ᾧ. I follow Wachsmuth.

[300] Diomeia is marked on my map (Fig. 49) to the South-East of the Olympieion. My map was drawn before the appearance of Dr Judeich’s Topographie von Athen; I am glad to see that he (Topographie, pp. 155, 158) accepts the position assigned by Professor Dörpfeld to Diomeia. The British School of Archaeology claims to have found the gymnasium of Kynosarges (Annual of the British School, 1896-7, p. 89), but as the plans are not yet published I prefer to base my argument on literary evidence.

[301] Herod. VI. 116.

[302] Paus. I. 19. 3. Those who following Curtius (Stadtgeschichte von Athen, pl. IV.) place Diomeia and Kynosarges North-West on the slopes of Lykabettos have to make Pausanias retrace his steps to visit the stadium.

[303] Schol. ad Ar. Ran. 501 ... οὑκ Μελίτης μαστιγίας, σύνηθές τε οὐχ οὕτω λέγειν ἐπὶ θεῶν, οὑκ Μελίτης ἀλλ’ ὁ ἐν Μελίτῃ, ὡς καὶ Ζεὺς ὁ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ· ἐπὶ δὲ ἀνθρώπων ἐκ Μελίτης.... My attention was drawn to the scholiast’s remark in relation to the ‘flitting’ by Mr Gilbert Murray.

[304] Ar. Ran. 650

[305] Ar. Ran. 501 Schol. ... ἐν γὰρ Μελίτῃ δήμῳ τῆς Ἀττικῆς ἐμυήθη Ἡρακλῆς τὰ μικρὰ μυστήρια.

[306] Plut. Demetr. 26. Kleidemos, ap. Bekk. Anec. p. 326 Ἄγραι χωρίον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως Ἀθηνῶν, οὗ τὰ μικρὰ τῆς Δήμητρος ἄγεται μυστήρια.

[307] Steph. Byz. Ἄγρα καὶ Ἄγραι χωρίον ... ἐν ᾧ τὰ μικρὰ μυστήρια ἐπιτελεῖται μίμημα τῶν περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον, ἐν ᾧ λέγουσι καὶ τὸν Ἡρακλέα μεμυῆσθαι (codd. μεμνῆσθαι).

[308] Paus. I. 14. 2.

[309] Kleidemos, loc. cit. παρ’ Ἰλισσοῦ μυστικαῖς ὄχθαις.

[310] Eustath. 361. 38 ἀπὸ χώρας πρὸς τῷ Ἰλισσῷ ᾧ κλῆσις Ἄγραι καὶ Ἄγρα, οὗ τὰ μικρὰ τῆς Δήμητρος ἤγετό φησι μυστήρια ἃ ἐλέγετο τὰ ἐν Ἄγραις. Professor Tucker is I believe right in his conjecture (Class. Rev. 1904, p. 416) that the Mysteries in the Frogs are these Lesser Mysteries and this, as I have pointed out in connection with his discussion (op. cit., p. 418), adds fresh significance to the figure of Herakles.

[311] Plat. Lys. 205 C Ἡρακλέους ξενισμόν.

[312] Xen. Hell. VI. 3. 6.

[313] Plut. Vit. Thes. 33.

[314] See my Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. 155, Fig. 33.

[315] Apollod. ap. Zenob. Cant. V. 22 μήλου (l. μήλων) Ἡρακλῆς. Ἀπολλόδωρος ἐν τοῖς περὶ θεῶν ὅτι θύεται Ἀθήνησι Ἡρακλεῖ ἀλεξικάκῳ ἰδιάζουσά τις θυσιά. Pollux (Onom. I. 30) gives the aetiological myth and adds the important detail that the same cultus title Melon and the same ritual was in use in Boeotia. καὶ καλεῖται παρὰ τοῖς Θηβαίοις ἢ τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς Μήλων ὁ Ἡρακλῆς, ὄνομα ἐκ τοῦ τρόπου τῆς θυσίας λαβών. Melos and Belos appear to be interchangeable forms (Steph. Byz. Βῆλος, ἢ καὶ Μῆλος πρὸς ταῖς Ἡρακλέους στήλαις), and of the island Melos we know from the same writer (s.v. Μῆλος) that its earlier colonists were Phenicians, Φοίνικες οὖν οἰκισταὶ πρότερον. Cf. Herakles at Gades, Appian (ed. Bekk. p. 49) says Θρησκεύεται νῦν ἔτι φοινικικῶς.

[316] The Oriental character of the Herakles cult at Melite was first, I believe, pointed out by Curtius, and further emphasized by Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen, p. 404 ff. It has never, I believe, been discussed in relation to the shift of population from Melite to Diomeia.

[317] See Lewy, Die Semitischen Fremdwörter im Griechischen, p. 209, the root mālaṭ ‎‏מלט‏‎ to save, ‎‏מְלִיטָה‏‎.

[318] Diod. V. 12 καὶ πρώτη μέν ἐστιν ἡ προσαγορευομένη Μελίτη ... ἐστὶ δὲ ἡ νῆσος αὕτη Φοινίκων ἄποικος οἳ ταῖς ἐμπορίαις διατείνοντες μέχρι τοῦ κατὰ τὴν δύσιν Ὠκεανοῦ καταφυγὴν εἶχον ταύτην, εὐλίμενον οὖσαν καὶ κειμένην πελαγίαν.

[319] Strab. X. 472 ... ἀπελθεῖν τούτους (τοὺς Κορύβαντας) εἰς Σαμοθράκην καλουμένην πρότερον Μελίτην.

[320] Diod. V. 47 ἔνιοι δέ φασι τὸ παλαιὸν Σαόννησον καλουμένην ... ἐσχήκασι δὲ παλαιὰν ἰδίαν διάλεκτον οἱ αὐτόχθονες ἧς πολλὰ ἐν ταῖς θυσίαις μέχρι τοῦ νῦν τηρεῖται ... ὅρους θέσθαι τῆς σωτηρίας.

[321] Hesych. s.v. ἐκ Μελίτης μαστιγίας, καλεῖται δὲ ὁ ἐν Μελίτῃ Ἡρακλῆς ἀλεξίκακος. The Greek was doubtless, as Lewy points out, simply the translation of some such Semitic divine title as ‎‏מְמַלֵּט מֵרָעָה‏‎ mᵉmallēṭ mērāʿā, Preserver-from-Evil.

[322] Diod. IV. 39. Diodorus goes on to describe the strange primitive ceremony of adoption by which Hera naturalized Herakles among the Olympians; see my Proleg., p. 347.

[323] Strabo X. 471.

[324] Plut. Vit. Them. 1.

[325] The cult of Herakles in Diomeia contains other elements obviously Semitic, the discussion of which would lead us far. The details are given in my Myth. and Mon. Ancient Athens, p. 216, but the Semitic character of the ‘white dog’ legend I did not then realize. Prof. Robertson Smith long ago (Religion of the Semites, p. 274, note 2), pointed out that the supposed ‘white dog’ is really the ‘dogs’ enclosure’ and that the sacred dogs are a class of Semitic temple-ministrants (see Deut. xxiii. 18, and C.I.S. No. 86). To the whole question of the Semitic elements in the worship of Herakles I hope to return on another occasion.

[326] Plut. Vit. Them. 22 ... ἣν Ἀριστοβούλην μὲν προσηγόρευσεν.

[327] Porphyr. de Abst. II. 54 ἐθύετο γὰρ καὶ ἐν Ῥόδῳ μηνὶ Μεταγειτνιῶνι ἑκτῇ ἱσταμένου ἄνθρωπος τῷ Κρόνῳ ὃ δὴ ἐπὶ πολὺ κρατῆσαν ἔθος μετεβλήθη· ἕνα γὰρ τῶν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ δημοσίᾳ κατακριθέντων μέχρι μὲν τῶν Κρονίων συνεῖχον, ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς ἑορτῆς προαγαγόντες τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἔξω πυλῶν ἄντικρυ τοῦ Ἀριστοβούλης ἕδους οἴνου ποτίσαντες ἔσφαττον. In this connection it is strange that the tradition of human sacrifice before the battle of Salamis, possibly apocryphal, attaches itself to Themistocles; see my Prolegomena, p. 489.

[328] Plut. Vit. Them. 1.

[329] Aug. Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen, p. 160. Probably Mommsen is right in his conjecture that the sacrifice of the Metageitnia mentioned by Plutarch was an actual part or at least preliminary to the Herakleia.

[330] I selected the worship of Herakles for discussion because we have definite evidence that Herakles is connected with Diomeia as well as Melite. An equally striking case of the shift of a foreign cult from Melite to the district of the Ilissos is that of Aphrodite Ourania. Pausanias (I. 14. 7) saw the sanctuary in Melite, noted its oriental origin and the current story that Porphyrion founded a sanctuary of Aphrodite in the deme Athimoneus, i.e. on the way from Marathon. When he came to the Ilissos to the district of the Gardens (I. 19. 2) he sees the sanctuary of Aphrodite Ourania, her image as a herm and the inscription says she is eldest of the Fates. He notes that there is ‘no local legend.’ How should there be if the cult was transplanted? From this sanctuary he passes on next to Kynosarges.

[331] Paus. I. 19. 5.

[332] Plat. Phaedr. 229 A.

[333] See Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, p. 226 and Fig. 17. Since I wrote that account excavations have been undertaken by the Greek Archaeological Society on the supposed site of the Enneakrounos on the Ilissus; traces of channels for the conducting of water have been found, but the water so conducted is not drinkable. For report see Πρακτικὰ τῆς Ἀρχ. Ἑταιρίας, 1893, pp. 111-136.

[334] Etym. Mag. Ἐννεάκρουνος· κρήνη Ἀθήνησι παρὰ τὸν Ἴλισσον, ἡ πρότερον Καλλιρόη ἔσκεν ἀφ’ ἧς τὰ λουτρὰ ταῖς γαμουμέναις μετίασι. Πολύζηλος Δημοτυνδαρέῳ

See Koch, Frag. Com. vol. I. pp. 790-2. Polyzelos is of course not responsible for the statement about the Ilissos.

[335] Hesych. s.v. Ἐννεάκρουνος takes his account and acknowledges it ὥς φησι καὶ Θουκυδίδης.

[336] Suidas, s.v. νυμφικὰ λουτρά—τὰ εἰς γάμους ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπὸ κρήνης λαμβανόμενα.

[337] Hierocles, Hippiatr. praef. sub fin. Ταραντῖνος δὲ ἱστορεῖ τὸν τοῦ Διὸς νεὼν κατασκευάζοντας Ἀθηναίους Ἐννεακρούνου πλησίον εἰσελαθῆναι ψηφίσασθαι τὰ ἐκ τῆς Ἀττικῆς εἰς τὸ ἄστυ ζεύγη ἅπαντα· φόβῳ δὲ τοῦ ψηφίσματός τινα τῶν γεωργῶν ἡμίονον ἀγαγεῖν γέραιον ἄγοντα ἔτος ὀγδοηκοστὸν, τὸν δὲ δῆμον τιμῇ τοῦ γήρως προηγητόρα τῶν ζεύγων εἰς τὴν κατασκευὴν αὐτὸν τοῦ νεὼ καταστῆσαι προβαδίζειν τε ἄζευκτον καὶ ἄπληκτον ψηφίσασθαι μηδένα δὲ τῶν πυροπώλων ἢ κριθοπώλων ἀπελαύνειν αὐτὸν τῆς ἑστίας ἢ ἀπείργειν τῆς βρώσεως. It will be seen that I have construed πλησίον with κατασκευάζοντας, that being the usual rendering. Dyer has however pointed out (Journal of Philology, III. 1871, p. 90) that it might be taken with εἰσελαθῆναι.

[338] Plut. Cat. V. ὁ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δῆμος οἰκοδομῶν τὸν Ἑκατόμπεδον, and De sollert. an. XIII. τὸν γὰρ ἑκατόμπεδον νεὼν Περικλέους ἐν ἀκροπόλει.

[339] Ael. Hist. An. VI. 49 Ἡνίκα γοῦν Ἀθηναῖοι κατεσκεύαζον τὸν Παρθενῶνα.

[340] Aristot. Hist. An. VI. 24 ἤδη γάρ τις βεβίωκεν ἔτη καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα οἷον Ἀθήνησιν ὅτε τὸν νεὼν ᾠκοδόμουν· ὃς καὶ ἀφειμένος ἤδη διὰ τὸ γῆρας, συναμπρεύων καὶ παραπορευόμενος παρώξυνε πρὸς τὸ ἔργον ὡς ἐψηφίσαντο μὴ ἀπελαύνειν αὐτὸν τοὺς σιτοπώλους ἀπὸ τῶν τηλιῶν. Aristotle is obviously the ultimate source of the statement of Tarantinos.

[341] Professor Ernest Gardner in his Ancient Athens, p. 20, quotes the passage of Tarantinos as part of the ‘overwhelming evidence that Kallirrhoë lay in the bed of Ilissus.’ No one, so far as I know, has ever doubted that there was a Kallirrhoë in the bed of the Ilissus, the point is whether the particular Kallirrhoë which was transformed into Enneakrounos lay there. Attention was I believe first drawn by Prof. Dörpfeld to the various temple buildings with which the mule-story is connected. I owe the references to Dr Bodensteiner’s ‘Enneakrounos und Lenaion,’ Blätter f. das Gym. Schulwesen, 1895, p. 31.

[342] It is almost incredible that the fact that Alciphron in one epistle (III. 49. 1) mentions Enneakrounos—as a source of ordinary drinking water—and in another (III. 51. 1) speaks of Kallirrhoë—as an object of sentiment—has been urged as an argument for an Enneakrounos on the Ilissos. He is obviously speaking of two different springs. Pliny (N. H. IV. 7. 11) enumerating the Attic fountains says ‘Cephisia Larine Calliroe, Enneacrunos,’ and some editors assume that Pliny wrote Calliroe Enneacrunos by apposition. Surely, as Dyer observes (Journ. Phil. III. p. 87), since Pliny was reckoning up the actual number of fountains, he would have given his readers notice that these were only two different names for the same object, and have inserted seu or some such word between them.

[343] Paus. I. 8. 5 οὐ πόρρω δὲ ἑστᾶσιν Ἁρμόδιος καὶ Ἀριστογείτων. I. 14. 1 ἐς δὲ τὸ Ἀθήνῃσιν ἐσελθοῦσιν Ὠδεῖον ... πλήσιον δέ ἐστι κρήνη, καλοῦσι δὲ αὐτὴν Ἐννεάκρουνον ... ναοὶ δὲ ὑπὲρ τὴν κρήνην ἔτι δὲ ἀπωτέρω ναὸς Εὐκλείας.

[344] For further evidence on these sanctuaries, see my Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens, pp. 89-111.

[345] For the Eleusinion and Thesmophorion, see Dörpfeld, A. Mitt. XXII. 1897, p. 477, and 1896, p. 106.