The Independence of Peru was the crowning glory of the Spanish-American revolution. Here, in the heart and centre of colonial monarchism, where the very existence of society seemed to be threatened in the event of a change of government, and the vigilance of the authorities was so active that a single word in favor of liberty, spoken in an unguarded moment, was sufficient to place its author under the fatal ban of the Holy Office, the patriotic spirit had, nevertheless, grown and developed, awaiting only a fair chance to dominate an overpowering environment. The Viceroy Pezuela realized the force of national sentiment when he hesitated to send his troops against General San Martin at Huaura, although the royalist army then at his command numbered eight thousand men, and he had every advantage over the precarious position of the patriots. The defection of the “Numancia” regiment, following on the capture of the Esmeralda and the victory of Cerro de Pasco, seemed to overwhelm the Spanish authorities with a sense of insecurity, as if they realized that these reverses signified a more powerful force at work to destroy the government than was apparent in the small army of the Liberator.

The fight in Peru was won in the secret councils of the patriotic party before the opposing forces met on the battlefield. When the standard of the Liberating Army was unfurled on the plain of Ayacucho, it mattered little that the royalist strength doubled that of the patriots, and that the viceroy himself appeared in the field, his silver helmet glistening at the head of his troops; the spirit of the warrior prepared for glorious victory or sublime sacrifice which animated every soldier of the republican army was not apparent in the royalist ranks; the officers in command of the king’s forces were discontented because they were obliged to obey a foreign leader, General Canterac being a Frenchman of haughty manners and exacting discipline; the Indians were all patriots at heart and had been pressed into the royal service against their will: a presentiment of defeat had spread through the viceroy’s camp the night before the battle, in spite of the royalists’ superior numbers, and there was none of the exaltation which carried their opponents into the combat with the exuberant confidence expressed in the order: “Forward, with the step of victory!”

The glad news of the final triumph of the patriotic cause was carried rapidly to every part of the country, and the joy of the people found expression in enthusiastic demonstrations of all kinds. In every city and town, religious services were held to render thanks to God for the success which had crowned the efforts of the nation to establish its freedom. The Liberator Bolivar was proclaimed by Congress president of the new republic for life, and the Colombian troops were voted a magnificent reward for their services in behalf of the independence of Peru. Henceforth the country that had been held most strictly under the bondage of Spanish conditions and customs was to be governed by its own people, in harmony with the principles for which its patriots had so courageously contended, and according to laws formulated and decreed on the responsibility of its own constituted authorities.

In the days of the viceroyalty the colonial offices of importance had been filled chiefly by Spaniards, the natives of the colony thus having had little opportunity to learn administrative methods. They were now to undertake the organization of a system of government which was not only unfamiliar to them, but which, considering the national temperament and traditions, it would be impossible to establish without overcoming tremendous obstacles.

As soon as the victory of Ayacucho was assured, General Sucre led his army to Cuzco, and this ancient city was once more the scene of celebrations in honor of a great conquest; though, while the former had meant the destruction and slavery of the original inhabitants, this one signified their emancipation and protection. It was fitting that the capital of the Inca empire which had been subjugated by Spain three hundred years before, should be the first city to receive the patriots who had won its independence, and that the children of the new Peru should link their destiny with the descendants of its oldest civilization on this historic ground, both of them proud to claim the title of Peruvians.

After a short stay in Cuzco, General Sucre proceeded to Alto Peru, where he was chosen to preside over the first congress of the new republic, named Bolivia in honor of the Liberator, who was also invited to become its president for life. In acknowledgment of this distinction, General Bolivar went to Chuquisaca, afterward called Sucre to compliment the hero of Ayacucho, and took charge of the government, drawing up the famous constitution that received his name, and which he afterward tried, unsuccessfully, to impose on Peru. He abdicated the presidency in favor of General Sucre within a year and returned to Lima, where a council of government had ruled during his absence. The Liberator did not remain long in Peru, however, retiring from the country permanently on the 3d of September, 1827, to go to Colombia. General Andrés Santa Cruz became the president of the council of government after Bolivar’s abdication. He convoked Congress to meet for the election of the president of the republic and to frame the national constitution. The question of establishing a satisfactory government code occupied the attention of successive administrations for twenty-five years, during which eight constitutions, based on republican ideas of government, were promulgated, the last, decreed in 1860, being still in force.

General La Mar succeeded Bolivar in the presidency; but as his native province, Quito, had been separated from Peru by the Liberator, and included in the new republic of Colombia, his election was declared null and void by a clause of the constitution, which provided that the president should be a Peruvian by birth. He hoped, however, to annex his native territory to Peru and thus legalize his position; and the opportunity to make the attempt came as a result of his interference in the affairs of Bolivia, which caused the abdication of General Sucre and the election of General Andrés Santa Cruz as president of that country. Bolivar resented the proceeding and declared war on Peru, to which La Mar responded by marching into Guayaquil with an army of four thousand men and taking possession of the city. He was forced to retreat before the Colombian army and withdrew to Piura, where he received news of his deposition from the presidency and of the election of General Gamarra, a native of Cuzco, who was inaugurated on August 31, 1829.

The military spirit was too strong, and the principles of representative government were too little understood in the beginning of the new life of Peru to admit of a strict conformity to the republican constitution; and it is not surprising that the descendants of a race of soldiers, with all the traditions implanted by an absolute monarchy, should err at first in their interpretation of political freedom. It was to be expected that the heroes of the Independence would be chosen to fill the highest places of honor in the new government, although the very nature and disposition of a successful military leader often disqualify him for the duties of civil administration. The earlier presidents were all men who had fought for the Independence, and with the exception of La Fuente (vice-president in La Mar’s cabinet and president in the interim), Orbegoso, and Vidal, they had been identified with the victory of Ayacucho.

In the frequent changes of government that occurred during the first ten years of the republic, some of the administrations were of short duration and of little historical importance. President Gamarra was despotic and arbitrary, and aroused the opposition of the more liberal members of Congress, who, led by the deputy from Tacna, Don Francisco de Paula Gonzalez Vigil, openly protested on the floor of the House against the unconstitutional conduct of the chief executive. It was the beginning of a persistent struggle to overcome militarism and to establish the government of Peru on a basis more consistent with the ideals of a modern republic. President Gamarra was in turn succeeded, in 1833, by President Orbegoso, whose administration was disturbed by continuous revolts in consequence of the irregularity of his election, and the jealousy of rival candidates. On the 23rd of January, 1835, General Salaverry, commander of the garrison of Callao, who had been promoted to the rank of brigadier-general for his services in support of President Orbegoso during previous revolts, suddenly declared himself against the government, which he said was dishonored by illegal arrests and acts of injustice. He was a high-minded, though impetuous, young officer, and he won many followers, being able to secure command of the government, which he directed with good purpose and ability; his authority was recognized for several months in all the republic except Arequipa, where Orbegoso had his stronghold. The latter sought the assistance of President Santa Cruz of Bolivia, and the overthrow of Salaverry was accomplished after a series of engagements in which the Bolivian army was repeatedly checked; the battle of Socabaya, which took place on February 7, 1836, brought the struggle to an end, Salaverry being taken prisoner and condemned to be shot. This sentence was carried into effect in the central plaza of Arequipa ten days later. General Santa Cruz then proclaimed the Peru-Bolivian Confederation, which was divided into three states, northern and southern Peru and Bolivia; Orbegoso was made president of northern Peru and General Herrera of southern Peru, while General Santa Cruz became supreme director of the confederation with the powers of a dictator.

The Peru-Bolivian Confederation, inaugurated on the 1st of May, 1837, was not only unpopular in Peru and Bolivia, but it led to war with Chile. The Chilean invasion has been called the Nemesis of Salaverry, as the Chilean ships were full of exiled Peruvians, glad to have this opportunity to fight against Santa Cruz, the author of Salaverry’s defeat and death. Orbegoso deserted Santa Cruz and retired to Guayaquil. The Chilean forces were commanded by General Bulnes, who defeated the army of Santa Cruz in the battle of Yungay, in 1839, the “Supreme Protector” making his escape to Guayaquil, whence he sailed to France. The confederation was dissolved by General Santa Cruz prior to his leaving the country, and General Gamarra was proclaimed president of the republic for a second time. His ambition led him to invade Bolivia, where he was defeated and killed, in the battle of Ingavi in 1841. During his absence from Peru, Colonel Manuel Ignacio Vivanco seized the reins of government, declaring Gamarra’s election illegal. He was deposed by General Castilla, Gamarra’s commander-in-chief.

On the death of President Gamarra, Don Manuel Menendez assumed supreme power, but his election was disputed by La Fuente and Vivanco, who supported General Vidal for the presidency, while, in the meantime, General Torrico took more violent measures and deposed Menendez, declaring himself president. The greatest confusion followed, Vidal taking the field against Torrico, who was defeated. General Vidal, however, was more desirous of restoring order and peace than covetous of political honors, and in order to avoid further dissension, he resigned in favor of President Menendez; though a few days later his action was nullified by that of a new faction that declared in favor of General Vivanco, who assumed the government on the 8th of April, 1844. The unsettled political condition was a natural consequence of President Gamarra’s death in Bolivia, and it continued until a leader appeared who possessed the resolution and strength necessary to establish order and authority.

General Ramón Castilla, who was elected president of Peru in 1845, accomplished a great deal in promoting the welfare of his country. Possessing extraordinary administrative ability, he reorganized the various branches of public service, suppressed the taxation of the Indians, definitely abolished slavery, advanced education and undertook the construction of public works of great importance. During this administration, the first railways in Peru were built, between Lima and Callao (in 1848), also between Lima and Chorillos, and the first telegraphic service was established. The finances of the government were regulated by subjecting the national expenditures to an estimate sanctioned by Congress. Municipal improvements were encouraged throughout the republic, and the prefects of the various departments vied with one another in the construction of good roads, commodious public buildings and other progressive enterprises. Steam navigation, which had been initiated between Valparaiso and Callao in 1840, was extended to Panamá, the service being increased. The navy was reorganized and five new war vessels, operated by steam, were added to the squadron. The wealth of the republic increased in consequence of a great demand for the guano of the Chincha Islands, which became a source of immense revenue, and the government was thus enabled to arrange for the payment of the interest on the national debt:—a loan of one million two hundred thousand pounds sterling had been made in London in 1822, and another of six hundred thousand pounds in 1825, both at six per cent, which with the accumulated interest made a debt of nearly four million pounds. Negotiations were concluded by which the interest on this sum could be paid regularly.

After six years of peaceful government President Castilla was succeeded by President Echenique, whose administration lasted from 1851 to 1855, when he was deposed and President Castilla was reëlected. During his second term, this indefatigable statesman continued to devote his efforts to the improvement of the public service. Especial attention was given to the construction and discipline of the prisons. The foundations of the present penitentiary of Lima were laid in accordance with plans prepared and submitted by Dr. Mariano Paz Soldan, who had the work in charge. When, in 1862, the reins of government were passed to his successor, Grand Marshal Don Miguel San Román, President Castilla retired from office with everything to his credit that a patriot who has rendered good service to his country may claim. Three years later he became president of the Senate, at seventy years of age. By the terms of the constitution of 1860, the presidential period, which formerly lasted for six years, was reduced to four, the president not being permitted henceforth to succeed himself by reëlection for a second term. President San Román, son of the martyred patriot of Umachiri, lived only a few months after his election, and was succeeded by Vice-President Pezet, during whose administration a conflict arose with Spain, with dire consequences to the prestige of the president. The Chincha Islands were seized by a Spanish fleet on the pretext of guaranteeing certain unjust claims, and President Pezet, who found himself unable to offer resistance, was obliged to make a settlement with Spain which was so unfair to Peru that it called forth vigorous protest and led to a revolution. The second vice-president, General Pedro Diez Canseco and Colonel Mariano Ignacio Prado were the leaders of the movement against President Pezet, who, rather than plunge his country into civil war, resigned office, Colonel Prado being proclaimed dictator in November, 1865.

One of the first acts of Dictator Prado was to form an alliance with Ecuador, Bolivia, and Chile to combat the aggressive designs of Spain. After an engagement between the allies and the Spaniards at Abtao, in the Chiloe archipelago, the latter proceeded to Valparaiso, which they bombarded, thence going on to Callao, where after a five hours’ fight they were defeated and obliged to withdraw, never to return. Chile expressed the greatest admiration for the bravery and patriotism shown by the Peruvians, the Chilean minister in Lima writing to his government in praise of “the noble and valiant nation.” The city of Santiago presented President Prado with a sword, in token of appreciation. Though the administration of Dictator Prado was liberal and his authority mild, the spirit of the nation was now opposed to an unconstitutional government, and in 1868 he abdicated in favor of General Canseco, who immediately convoked Congress to elect a new president. The choice fell on Colonel José Balta. His administration is noted for the extensive improvements made in public works during that period, from 1868 to 1872.

The influence of militarism, which had been so powerful during the first days of the republic, gradually declined, as republican principles became better established and a younger generation grew up more zealous for the moral and material development of the country than for glorious records of the battlefield. General Pezet was the last of the heroes of Ayacucho who occupied the presidency. Colonel Balta was only eight years old when the victory of Ayacucho was won, and thus, born a child of the republic, he grew to manhood under conditions which enabled him to appreciate the needs as well as the accomplishments of the nation. He saw that, in order to realize the progress for which the people were so earnestly struggling, greater facilities of communication were indispensable, and he devoted his attention especially to the construction of important railways, their cost being defrayed with the product of the national loans of the years 1869, 1870, and 1872. These loans increased the foreign debt of Peru to thirty-two million nine hundred and fifty-four thousand pounds sterling, and the sales of guano were pledged as security for its payment. During this administration, the region of the Amazon, which had been opened up to traffic by General Castilla, was put in closer communication with the capital, explorations being made on the tributaries—Pachitea, Perené, and others. The city of Lima was beautified, a new iron bridge was built across the Rimac River, and a great industrial fair was inaugurated, the handsome Exposition Palace being built for the purpose. When his presidential term expired, in 1872, Don Manuel Pardo, who had founded the civil party in opposition to militarism, was elected his successor. A few days before President Balta was to retire from office, his Minister of War, Colonel Tomás Gutierrez, in conspiracy with officers of the army, effected a coup d’ètat, overpowering the president, who was carried off and imprisoned, and, later, assassinated. Gutierrez caused himself to be proclaimed by his officers Supreme Ruler of Peru; he had already given secret orders for the capture of Don Manuel Pardo,—whom he was determined to get out of the way in order to establish his authority more securely,—but the president-elect was informed of the imminent danger which threatened him and he succeeded in making his escape on board a man-of-war which lay in the harbor. But the coup d’état found no sympathy with any political party, and had no significance beyond the ineffectual attempt of a few soldiers of inflamed ambition and little patriotism to impose their will on a law-abiding people; the citizens of Lima and Callao rose en masse against the treacherous soldiers and overthrew them, putting to death Tomás Gutierrez and two of his three brothers implicated in the deed. The surviving brother deeply repented his share in the revolt, and spent the remainder of his life in an honest and brave attempt to expiate his crime.

President Manuel Pardo was inaugurated on the 2d of August, 1872. Born in Lima in 1834, of a family distinguished for generations as statesmen and men of letters, he had early imbibed the sentiments of patriotism. His education began in the college of San Carlos, Lima, and was completed in Barcelona and Paris, where he developed an especial interest in the study of political science and finance. When still in his early twenties he began his public career as one of the founders of La Revista de Lima, a periodical of importance; and, in 1858, he received the appointment of Oficial Mayor in the Ministry of Finance. In 1864, the first bank in Lima was founded by him, and, during the administration of the Dictator Prado, he was promoted to the post of Minister of Finance. As mayor of Lima and as director of its benevolent societies, his official services were of such importance that the citizens presented him with a gold medal in token of their gratitude. This occurred during a period when the capital was visited by an epidemic.

Possessing unusual gifts and wide experience, President Pardo was well equipped to fulfil the highest duties of the state. He devoted himself with particular energy and purpose to the intellectual development of his country, and introduced radical reforms in various branches of the public service. In no period of the republic was more rapid progress shown in the culture of the people than during this administration, when the encouragement of education stimulated a love of knowledge among all classes. A Faculty of Political and Administrative Science was created, also a School of Engineers and a School of Science and Arts; the military and naval schools were reorganized, and the School for Midshipmen of the Navy as well as the School for Corporals and Sergeants of the Army was established. The present system of modern instruction conforms to the code promulgated by President Pardo. His administrative ability was seen in every department of the government. He organized the national guard and the police service; established departmental, provincial, and district councils, to overcome municipal centralization; coöperated with the judiciary in maintaining the authority of their decisions; ensured the stability of the financial system and reformed the mining code.

Unfortunately, the administration of President Manuel Pardo succeeded a period of material expansion so costly that the responsibilities resulting therefrom were of extraordinary weight and difficulty, and could be met only by heroic sacrifices. The public debt called for an immense sum to pay the interest, and caused a financial and economic crisis, which made it impossible to redeem the bank notes, and necessitated the issuance of government notes. In order to improve the economic situation, President Pardo, realizing that Peru contained the world’s chief nitrate and guano deposits, conceived the plan of establishing a nitrate monopoly. He hoped by controlling the nitrate output to destroy the competition which nitrate had waged against guano, the country’s principal source of revenue, and the chief means of paying its public debt. By this and other patriotic measures, a reform in existing conditions was to be effected which would relieve the financial strain and restore the prosperity of the country. But the intensity of the commercial crisis and the unsettled state of politics that always accompanies panic conditions, made it impossible for the great statesman to realize his hopes, and his administration was a continued struggle through one of the most trying financial periods of the republic. President Manuel Pardo, the founder of the Civil party, was the first executive to dominate the tendency which had hitherto prevailed in Peruvian politics of keeping the public offices in the hands of a privileged class. He was impartial in his recognition of superior worth wherever he found it.

The dictator, Don Mariano Prado, was elected constitutional president to succeed President Pardo in 1876, the latter being called to the Senate, of which he became president the following year. On the 16th of November, 1878, while passing through the ante-room to the Senate Chamber, the illustrious statesman met his death at the hand of an assassin. An ignorant sergeant committed the deed which robbed Peru of one of her noblest and devoted patriots, and plunged the whole nation into grief. By what strange fatality the defender of the masses and their most sincere protector should have been murdered by one of their number is no more to be explained than that Lincoln, Garfield, and McKinley should have been similarly sacrificed while laboring in behalf of the sacred principles of human liberty.

In the year 1879 the war of the Pacific was inaugurated by Chile, whose government claimed that its interests were threatened in consequence of a treaty of alliance made six years earlier between Peru and Bolivia, which Chile denominated a secret compact. The treaty was known to the Chilean Minister in Bolivia in 1874, however, and was officially announced to Argentina in 1876. According to some authorities, Chile sought a pretext for war, hoping to gain possession of the nitrate beds of Tarapacá. In any case, its government was well prepared for war, having just reorganized its navy and purchased the new ironclads Almirante Cochrane and Blanco Encalada, which were superior to the Peruvian ironclads Huascar and Independencia, purchased ten years earlier. The first attack was made on Bolivia, but that country was in no condition to resist a powerful enemy, and the war soon became a trial of strength between Chile and Peru. The first naval engagement occurred off the coast of Iquique, Rear-Admiral Miguel Grau commanding the Huascar, and Captain Moore the Independencia, against the Chilean corvette Esmeralda, commanded by Captain Arthur Prat, and the gunboat Covadonga, commanded by Captain Condell. The Esmeralda was sunk by the guns of the Huascar and Captain Prat lost his life in the engagement, though fighting with great heroism. A letter from Admiral (then Captain) Grau of the Huascar to the widow of the Chilean hero, reveals the noble character and gentle heart of the victorious commander, who was soon to meet his own death fighting against greater odds. “Captain Prat died,” he wrote, “a victim to his excessive intrepidity in the defence and for the glory of the flag of his country. I sincerely deplore this mournful event, and in expressing my sympathy, I take the opportunity of forwarding the precious relics that he carried on his person when he fell, believing that they may afford some slight consolation in the midst of your great sorrow.” Such thoughtful tenderness inspires the greatest admiration for this brave man. Meantime the Independencia in pursuit of the Covadonga, and drawing much more water than the adversary, suddenly ran on the rocks and became a total wreck, this fatal accident proving a deathblow to Peru, as the strength of the Chilean fleet was now overwhelming. The brilliant exploits of Admiral Grau kept the enemy at bay for four months, during which he protected the Peruvian coast by a series of rapid and skilful manœuvres. The discontent in Chile over the inactivity of the fleet became so great that a new War Minister was appointed, whose first act was to order the two ironclads back to Valparaiso to be overhauled, as they were no match in speed for the Huascar. The Chilean navy was practically reorganized, merchant ships were engaged to transport troops, and a few were purchased to be used as men-of-war. The naval fight was really a single-handed encounter between the Huascar and the two Chilean ironclads. Admiral Grau’s heroism was sublime. The English historian, Clements R. Markham, who has written a detailed description of this war, says that “the Chilean squadron consisting of two ironclads and several other vessels, all carefully and thoroughly refitted, was despatched from Valparaiso for the purpose of forcing the Huascar to fight single-handed against hopeless odds.” Meantime gallant Grau was along the coast, doing his utmost to hinder the preparations of the Chileans for a military invasion of Peru. On the morning of the 8th of October, 1879, as the Huascar, followed by the gunboat Union, was slowly steaming northward from Antofagasta, the three Chilean warships, the Blanco Encalada, Covadonga, and Matias Cousiño appeared in sight to the northeast near Point Angamos; the Huascar turned to the northwest and put on all speed to escape the enemy, when suddenly the Almirante Cochrane, O’Higgins, and Loa came into view, heading from the very direction in which the Huascar was steering. Undismayed by the critical situation, Admiral Grau ordered Captain Garcia y Garcia, the commander of the Union to put on full speed and get out of danger, as in case of the loss of the Huascar the Union would be the only serviceable vessel left to Peru. In the fight which followed, a shell from the Cochrane struck the pilot tower of the Huascar, in which were Admiral Grau and one of his lieutenants, destroying the tower and killing its occupants, who were blown to pieces. The brave hero and his ship met their doom by the same blow, as, up to that moment, the Huascar had held its own. A few minutes later, the Blanco Encalada fired on the doomed Huascar, its shell killing Captain Elias Aguirre, who had taken the admiral’s place. No sooner had he fallen than his successor, Captain Manuel Carbajal, met the same fate, to be followed by Lieutenant Rodriguez, whose place was immediately taken by Lieutenant Enrique Palacios, until a fragment of shell struck him down and the command devolved on Lieutenant Garezon. When the terrible combat ended, it was found that one-third of the one hundred and ninety-three officers and men on the Huascar had been killed or wounded.

In the hecatomb of Angamos perished Peru’s last hope of keeping the enemy from an attack on the coast, which extended fourteen hundred miles in length and presented peculiar difficulties of defence, because of the desert regions that occur at intervals. The movement of troops was practically impossible in case of a blockade of the ports, and the uncertainty of the chosen point of attack made it necessary to prepare for defence everywhere. In November 1879 the invading Chilean army, consisting of ten thousand men, and supported by the Chilean fleet, began a series of attacks on land which, with the exception of the battle of Tarapacá and a few minor engagements, resulted in victory for the invading troops. The only advantage Peru could claim lay in the skill of her generals and other commanding officers who performed miracles in manœuvring the small forces at their disposal. General Buendia, commander-in-chief of the Peruvian army, was fortunate in the officers who surrounded him. His chief staff officer, Colonel Suarez, who led the troops in the victory of Tarapacá, and Colonel (now General) Andrés Cáceres, who received the felicitations of his chief on the field of battle on that memorable occasion, showed themselves worthy descendants of a race of warriors; Colonel Bolognesi, Colonel Zubiaga, Colonel Pardo de Figueroa, Colonel Rios, all of whom lost their lives in the service of their country, were soldiers whose military genius, no less than their heroism, reflected glory on their country. The name of Bolognesi is especially revered in Peru, in memory of the heroic fight which this indomitable hero made on the Morro de Arica, June 5, 1880. The war had gone against the allies, the command of the sea giving the Chileans a tremendous advantage; though, in spite of their watchfulness, the Union and small transports succeeded in running the blockades and getting troops, arms, and clothing to the Peruvian army at various points. The assault and capture of Arica was to bring the struggle close to its final scene—the last formal resistance on the part of Peru being made at Huamachuco under the command of General Cáceres—and this thrilling event proved a fitting climax to one of the saddest dramas in the history of republican America. Colonel Francisco Bolognesi was given command of the defence of Arica. With him were Captain Moore, Alfonso Ugarte, Colonel Inclan, Arias, Varela, and the Cornejo brothers, all prepared to die with their leader rather than surrender. The heavy bombardment from the Cochrane, Magallanes, Covadonga, and Loa was answered by the monitor Manco Ccapac and the shore batteries, the guns on the Morro doing effective service; but the odds were more than two to one of disciplined troops against volunteers and the result was inevitable. Bolognesi, Moore, and Alfonso Ugarte stood together at the guns as the fort was taken, and met the death of heroes. The story of Arica and of the events which followed chills one with horror at the thought that such things could be; and the nation to whom victory was thus brought must sincerely regret that it was won at such dreadful cost. Peruvian industries and commerce were paralyzed, as if the whole land had been scourged by a plague; and the beautiful City of the Kings, with its population of one hundred thousand, as well as the suburbs, Chorillos and Miraflores, presented a spectacle of general desolation.

The War of the Pacific lasted four years and a half, and closed with the Treaty of Ancón, which was signed in Lima on the 23d of October, 1883, by General Manuel Iglesias, the commander of the Peruvian army in the north, who believed there was no other way to obtain peace than by submission. In accordance with this treaty, the province of Tarapacá, with its valuable nitrate fields, was given up to Chile unconditionally and for all time; and the provinces of Tacna and Arica were ceded for a period of ten years, subject, at the expiration of that time, to a plebiscite, which would definitely establish their nationality; it being stipulated that the country in whose favor it should result, should pay to the other the sum of ten million pesos. This plebiscite has not yet been held. After the signing of this treaty, General Iglesias assumed command of the government, the Assembly convoked by him ratifying his appointment as president of Peru and approving the Treaty of Ancón. But a great part of the nation refused to recognize his authority and could not be induced to lay down their arms; General Cáceres, who with General Canevaro and others had sustained the honor of their country through four years of incessant struggle against heavy odds, continued the bitter fight to the last.

On the 2d of December, 1885, General Cáceres occupied Lima and was installed as constitutional president of the republic on August 10, 1886, seven years after the declaration of war by Chile. He was the unanimous choice of the nation and was elected amid the acclamations of the people, without regard to political parties, his election signifying the final restoration of peace. President Cáceres devoted his chief attention to reorganizing the various departments of the administration. The consolidation of the public debt was effected, the foreign debt contracted by the loans of 1869, 1870, and 1872 being cancelled by a contract with the corporation which represented the bondholders. By this contract, Peru ceded, in payment of its debt, the usufruct, for sixty-six years, of all the state railways and the guano in Peru, not, however, in excess of three million tons, and furthermore obligated itself to pay eighty thousand pounds a year for thirty-three years in consideration of the construction of one hundred and sixty kilometres of railway in addition to the mileage already built.

When General Cáceres retired from the presidency in 1890 he was succeeded by Colonel Remigio Morales Bermudez, who died just before the expiration of his term in 1894. The second vice-president, General Borgoño, assumed the presidency, disregarding the right of the first vice-president, Dr. Alejandrino del Solar. The disturbances threatened by this irregular proceeding culminated when General Cáceres assumed command of the government for the second time, though his attitude brought about the coalition of the Civil and Constitutional parties, formerly antagonistic but henceforth proving a powerful combination for political peace and progress. General Cáceres resigned from the presidency in March, 1895, and a governmental committee took charge of the administration, presided over by Don Manuel Candamo, its first act being to convoke Congress for a general election.

General Don Andrés Avelino Cáceres stands among the foremost leaders of Peruvian politics, combining, with extraordinary success, the gifts of a soldier and a statesman, fearless and unyielding on the battlefield, clear-headed and resolute in the cabinet. Born in Ayacucho on the 11th of November, 1838, the hero of many combats has passed his three score and ten years with the same disdain of fatigue in his march with Time that he used to display when outgeneralling the enemy of his country. When only sixteen years of age he solicited and received the appointment of sub-lieutenant in the Ayacucho battalion. He fought with credit under General Castilla, who afterward sent the handsome young soldier to Paris as military attaché to the Peruvian Legation. During the administration of the dictator Prado he was prefect of Cuzco, and when the war of the Pacific began, he was among the first to march to Tarapacá with his famous battalion, “Zepita,” which he commanded as Lieutenant Colonel; his bravery at Tarapacá, Tacna, Chorillos, Miraflores, Pucará, and Huamachuco, made his name renowned in war, as his efforts to establish reform and progress in the government, which he twice directed as chief executive, have brought him fame in the victories of peace.

The result of the elections of 1895 was the choice of Don Nicolás de Pierola, a well-known statesman, whose government was one of order and improvement in financial and industrial affairs. During his administration the gold standard was adopted in Peru, the monetary unit being the Peruvian pound, equal in weight and fineness to the English pound sterling. This reform has greatly stimulated the investment of foreign capital in Peru, the stability of exchange being an important factor in attracting all kinds of enterprises. Among other noted reforms, President Pierola secured the reorganization of the army, obtaining from the French government the appointment of a military mission to direct this work; a military school, under the direction of French officers, was established, which has proved eminently satisfactory. To President Pierola is also due the inauguration of the national general postoffice, and projects for the construction of a state prison, an insane asylum, and other edifices. His government was marked by peace and order, and the country made rapid progress in recuperating from the effects of the war of the Pacific. President Pierola was succeeded by President Eduardo Lopez de Romaña, who continued the work of peaceful development, retiring from office at the end of his term to give place to President Manuel Candamo, who was elected in 1903.

President Candamo was a statesman of progressive ideas and lofty principles, and a leader of the Civil party, founded by Don Manuel Pardo; his programme of government included many important measures for the national well-being. A law was passed devoting the product of the tobacco tax to the construction of new railways, and taxes were decreed which doubled the fiscal revenue of the state. Every effort was made to turn the people away from a bitter contemplation of the past, with its terrible experiences, and to direct them toward a brighter future. The remembrance of suffering and loss, under peculiarly unfortunate circumstances, was resolutely stifled, to give place to the nobler sentiments of aspiration and hope, under the guiding genius of a leader who believed in looking forward, not backward; in overcoming hard conditions, not in bewailing them. And the people were ready to follow the wise direction of a chief executive who stimulated them to make their best endeavors and who encouraged education, industrial development, and commercial activity by every possible means. The administration of President Candamo marked the inauguration of a new era for Peru. The strife that had followed the period of war was buried away never to be resurrected. The sentiment of the nation was shown to be in accord with all that contributed to the peaceful progress of the country. The principles of industry and prudence which had been so earnestly upheld by his illustrious political teacher, Don Manuel Pardo, were sustained and made more popular than they had ever been, by the example of the new leader, who was the second president elected by the Civil party. But his patriotic efforts were cut short by his death only seven months after being elected to office, and the nation was called to mourn the loss of one of its most illustrious sons. The demonstration of grief with which the sad news of President Candamo’s death was greeted in every town and hamlet of the republic afforded a touching evidence of the esteem and affection he had won from all classes, the rich and the poor, the proud and the humble, by his high principle and sterling patriotism. The funeral ceremonies were attended with every honor that a sorrowing nation could bestow in recognition of the dignity and glory with which their lamented president had served his country. On the death of President Candamo, the second vice-president, Señor Serapio Calderon, succeeded to the office of chief executive. He governed with prudence and success during the months that intervened between the death of President Candamo and the inauguration of his successor, a period that was marked by the unsettled conditions which are usual during the year of the presidential election in all republican countries. By his authority a general election was called which resulted in the choice of Dr. José Pardo as president of the republic. The proclamation of his election was attended by demonstrations of the national enthusiasm in a series of banquets and speeches in all the cities of the republic, which afforded opportunity for the expression of the spontaneous and sincere admiration of his devoted supporters. His youthful appearance and distinguished presence added to the interest which a recognition of his well-proved ability and energy gained from the applauding multitude, and the vivas carried a note of affection as well as esteem as they were repeated in every street and alley of the capital. On the 24th of September, 1904, he was inaugurated by the sovereign will of the nation, in accordance with the principles of the Civil party, founded by his illustrious father. The record of his administration affords ample proof of the good judgment of the people who elected him their chief executive.