97 (return)
[ The year of Rome
834, A.D. 81.]
98 (return)
[ The Firths of Clyde
and Forth.]
99 (return)
[ The neck of land
between these opposite arms of the sea is only about thirty miles over.
About fifty-five years after Agricola had left the island, Lollius
Urbicus, governor of Britain under Antoninus Pius, erected a vast wall or
rampart, extending from Old Kirkpatrick on the Clyde, to Caeridden, two
miles west of Abercorn, on the Forth, a space of nearly thirty-seven
miles, defended by twelve or thirteen forts. These are supposed to have
been on the site of those of Agricola. This wall is usually called
Graham's dike; and some parts of it are now subsisting.]
100 (return)
[ The year of Rome
835, A.D. 82.]
101 (return)
[ Crossing the
Firth of Clyde, or Dumbarton Bay, and turning to the western coast of
Argyleshire, or the Isles of Arran and Bute.]
102 (return)
[ The Bay of
Biscay.]
103 (return)
[ The
Mediterranean.]
104 (return)
[ The year of Rome
836, A.D. 83.]
105 (return)
[ The eastern parts
of Scotland, north of the Firth of Forth, where now are the counties of
Fife, Kinross, Perth, Angus, &c.]
106 (return)
[ This legion,
which had been weakened by many engagements, was afterwards recruited, and
then called Gemina. Its station at this affair is supposed by Gordon to
have been Lochore in Fifeshire. Mr. Pennant rather imagines the place of
the attack to have been Comerie in Perthshire.]
107 (return)
[ For an account of
these people see Manners of the Germans, c. 32.]
108 (return)
[ Mr. Pennant had a
present made him in Skye, of a brass sword and a denarius found in that
island. Might they not have been lost by some of these people in one of
their landings?]
109 (return)
[ The Rhine.]
110 (return)
[ This
extraordinary expedition, according to Dio, set out from the western side
of the island. They therefore must have coasted all that part of Scotland,
must have passed the intricate navigation through the Hebrides, and the
dangerous strait of Pentland Firth, and, after coming round to the eastern
side, must have been driven to the mouth of the Baltic Sea, Here they lost
their ships; and, in their attempt to proceed homeward by land, were
seized as pirates, part by the Suevi, and the rest by the Frisii.]
111 (return)
[ The year of Rome
837, A.D. 84.]
112 (return)
[ The scene of this
celebrated engagement is by Gordon (Itin. Septent.) supposed to be in
Strathern, near a place now called the Kirk of Comerie, where are the
remains of two Roman camps. Mr. Pennant, however, in his Tour in 1772,
part ii. p. 96, gives reasons which appear well founded for dissenting
from Gordon's opinion.]
113 (return)
[ The more usual
spelling of this name is Galgacus; but the other is preferred as of better
authority.]
114 (return)
[ "Peace given to
the world" is a very frequent inscription on the Roman medals.]
115 (return)
[ It was the Roman
policy to send the recruits raised in the provinces to some distant
country, for fear of their desertion or revolt.]
116 (return)
[ How much this was
the fate of the Romans themselves, when, in the decline of the empire,
they were obliged to pay tribute to the surrounding barbarians, is shown
in lively colors by Salvian:—"We call that a gift which is a
purchase, and a purchase of a condition the most hard and miserable. For
all captives, when they are once redeemed, enjoy their liberty: we are
continually paying a ransom, yet are never free."—De Gubern. Dei,
vi.]
118 (return)
[ The expedition of
Claudius into Britain was in the year of Rome 796, from which to the
period of this engagement only forty-two years were elapsed. The number
fifty therefore is given oratorically rather than accurately.]
119 (return)
[ The Latin word
used here, covinarius, signifies the driver of a covinus, or
chariot, the axle of which was bent into the form of a scythe. The British
manner of fighting from chariots is particularly described by Caesar, who
gives them the name of esseda:—"The following is the manner
of fighting from essedae: They first drive round with them to all
parts of the line, throwing their javelins, and generally disordering the
ranks by the very alarm occasioned by the horses, and the rattling of the
wheels: then, as soon as they have insinuated themselves between the
troops of horse, they leap from their chariots and fight on foot. The
drivers then withdraw a little from the battle, in order that, if their
friends are overpowered by numbers, they may have a secure retreat to the
chariots. Thus they act with the celerity of horse, and the stability of
foot; and by daily use and exercise they acquire the power of holding up
their horses at full speed down a steep declivity, of stopping them
suddenly, and turning in a short compass; and they accustom themselves to
run upon the pole, and stand on the cross-tree, and from thence with great
agility to recover their place in the chariot."—Bell. Gall. iv. 33.]
120 (return)
[ These targets,
called cetrae, in the Latin, were made of leather. The broad sword
and target were till very lately the peculiar arms of the Highlanders.]
121 (return)
[ Several
inscriptions have been found in Britain commemorating the Tungrian
cohorts.]
122 (return)
[ The great
conciseness of Tacitus has rendered the description of this battle
somewhat obscure. The following, however, seems to have been the general
course of occurrences in it:—The foot on both sides began the
engagement. The first line of the Britons which was formed on the plain
being broken, the Roman auxiliaries advanced up the hill after them. In
the meantime the Roman horse in the wings, unable to withstand the shock
of the chariots, gave way, and were pursued by the British chariots and
horse, which then fell in among the Roman infantry, These, who at first
had relaxed their files to prevent their being out-fronted, now closed, in
order better to resist the enemy, who by this means were unable to
penetrate them. The chariots and horse, therefore, became entangled amidst
the inequalities of the ground, and the thick ranks of the Romans; and, no
longer able to wheel and career as upon the open plain, gave not the least
appearance of an equestrian skirmish: but, keeping their footing with
difficulty on the declivity, were pushed off, and scattered in disorder
over the field.]
123 (return)
[ People of
Fifeshire.]
124 (return)
[ Where this was
does not appear. Brotier calls it Sandwich, making it the same as Rutupium:
others Plymouth or Portsmouth. It is clear, however, this cannot be the
case, from the subsequent words.—White.]
125 (return)
[ This
circumnavigation was in a contrary direction to that of the Usipian
deserters, the fleet setting out from the Firth of Tay on the eastern
coast, and sailing round the northern, western, and southern coasts, till
it arrived at the port of Sandwich in Kent. After staying here some time
to refit, it went to its former station, in the Firth of Forth, or Tay.]
126 (return)
[ It was in this
same year that Domitian made his pompous expedition into Germany, from
whence he returned without ever seeing the enemy.]
127 (return)
[ Caligula in like
manner got a number of tall men with their hair dyed red to give credit to
a pretended victory over the Germans.]
128 (return)
[ Thus Pliny, in
his Panegyric on Trajan, xlviii., represents Domitian as "ever affecting
darkness and secrecy, and never emerging from his solitude but in order to
make a solitude."]
129 (return)
[ Not the triumph
itself, which, after the year of Rome 740 was no longer granted to private
persons, but reserved for the imperial family. This new piece of adulation
was invented by Agrippa in order to gratify Augustus. The "triumphal
ornaments" which were still bestowed, were a peculiar garment, statue, and
other insignia which had distinguished the person of the triumphing
general.]
130 (return)
[ Of Dover.]
131 (return)
[ Domitian, it
seems, was afraid that Agricola might refuse to obey the recall he
forwarded to him, and even maintain his post by force. He therefore
despatched one of his confidential freedmen with an autograph letter,
wherein he was informed Syria was given to him as his province. This,
however, was a mere ruse: and hence it was not to be delivered as Agricola
had already set out on his return. In compliance with these instructions,
the freedman returned at once to Domitian, when he found Agricola on his
passage to Rome According to Dion (liii.), the emperor's lieutenants were
required to leave their province immediately upon the arrival of their
successor, and return to Rome within three months.—White.]
132 (return)
[ Agricola's
successor in Britain appears to have been Sallustius Lucullus, who, as
Suetonius informs us, was put to death by Domitian because he, permitted
certain lances of a new construction to be palled Lucullean.—Life of
Domitian, s. 10.]
133 (return)
[ Of this worst
kind of enemies, who praise a man in order to render him obnoxious, the
emperor Julian, who had himself suffered greatly by them, speaks feelingly
in his 12th epistle to Basilius;—"For we live together not in that
state of dissimulation, which, I imagine, you have hitherto experienced:
in which those who praise you, hate you with a more confirmed aversion
than your most inveterate enemies."]
134 (return)
[ These calamitous
events are recorded by Suetonius in his Life of Domitian.]
135 (return)
[ The Rhine and
Danube.]
136 (return)
[ The two senior
consulars cast lots for the government of Asia and Africa.]
137 (return)
[ Suetonius relates
that Civica Cerealis was put to death in his proconsulate of Asia, on the
charge of meditating a revolt. (Life of Domitian, s. 10.)]
138 (return)
[ Obliging persons
to return thanks for an injury was a refinement in tyranny frequently
practised by the worst of the Roman emperors. Thus Seneca informs us, that
"Caligula was thanked by those whose children had been put to death, and
whose property had been confiscated." (De Tranquil, xiv.) And again;—"The
reply of a person who had grown old in his attendance on kings, when he
was asked how he had attained a thing so uncommon in courts as old age? is
well known. It was, said he, by receiving injuries, and returning thanks."—De
Ira, ii. 33.]
139 (return)
[ From a passage in
Dio, lxxviii. p. 899, this sum appears to have been decies sestertium,
about 9,000l. sterling.]
140 (return)
[ Thus Seneca:
"Little souls rendered insolent by prosperity have this worst property,
that they hate those whom they have injured."—De Ira, ii. 33.]
141 (return)
[ Several who
suffered under Nero and Domitian erred, though nobly, in this respect.]
142 (return)
[ A Greek epigram
still extant of Antiphilus, a Byzantine, to the memory of a certain
Agricola, is supposed by the learned to refer to the great man who is the
subject of this work. It is in the Anthologia, lib. i. tit. 37.]
143 (return)
[ Dio absolutely
affirms it; but from the manner in which Tacitus, who had better means of
information, speaks of it, the story was probably false.]
144 (return)
[ It appears that
the custom of making the emperor co-heir with the children of the testator
was not by any means uncommon. It was done in order to secure the
remainder to the family. Thus Prasutagus, king of the Iceni in Britain,
made Nero co-heir with his two daughters. Thus when Lucius Vetus was put
to death by Nero, his friends urged him to leave part of his property to
the emperor, that his grandsons might enjoy the rest. (Ann. xvi. 11.)
Suetonius (viii. 17) mentions that Domitian used to seize the estates of
persons the most unknown to him, if any one could be found to assert that
the deceased had expressed an intention to make the emperor his heir.—White.]
145 (return)
[ Caligula. This
was A.D. 40, when he was sole consul.]
146 (return)
[ According to this
account, the birth of Agricola was on June 13th, in the year of Rome 793,
A.D. 40; and his death on August 23d, in the year of Rome 846 A.D. 93: for
this appears by the Fasti Consulares to have been the year of the
consulate of Collega and Priscus. He was therefore only in his
fifty-fourth year when he died; so that the copyists must probably have
written by mistake LVI. instead of LIV.]
147 (return)
[ From this
representation, Dio appears to have been mistaken in asserting that
Agricola passed the latter part of his life in dishonor and penury.]
148 (return)
[ Juvenal breaks
out in a noble strain of indignation against this savage cruelty, which
distinguished the latter part of Domitian's reign:
149 (return)
[ This happened in
the year of Rome 848.]
150 (return)
[ Carus and Massa,
who were proverbially infamous as informers, are represented by Juvenal as
dreading a still more dangerous villain, Heliodorus.
Carus is also mentioned with deserved infamy by Pliny and Martial. He was a mimic by profession.]
151 (return)
[ Of this odious
instrument of tyranny, Pliny the younger thus speaks: "The conversation
turned upon Catullus Messalinus, whose loss of sight added the evils of
blindness to a cruel disposition. He was irreverent, unblushing,
unpitying, Like a weapon, of itself blind and unconscious, he was
frequently hurled by Domitian against every man of worth." (iv. 22.)
Juvenal launches the thunder of invective against him in the following
lines:—
152 (return)
[ This was a famous
villa of Domitian's, near the site of the ancient Alba, about twelve miles
from Rome. The place is now called Albano, and vast ruins of its
magnificent edifices still remain.]
153 (return)
[ Tacitus, in his
History, mentions this Massa Baebius as a person most destructive to all
men of worth, and constantly engaged on the side of villains. From a
letter of Pliny's to Tacitus, it appears that Herennius Senecio and
himself were joined as counsel for the province of Boetica in a
prosecution of Massa Baebius; and that Massa after his condemnation
petitioned the consuls for liberty to prosecute Senecio for treason.]
154 (return)
[ By "our own
hands," Tacitus means one of our own body, a senator. As Publicius Certus
had seized upon Helvidius and led him to prison, Tacitus imputes the crime
to the whole senatorian order. To the same purpose Pliny observes: "Amidst
the numerous villanies of numerous persons, nothing appeared more
atrocious than that in the senate-house one senator should lay hands on
another, a praetorian on a consular man, a judge on a criminal."—B.
ix. ep. 13.]
155 (return)
[ Helvidius
Priscus, a friend of Pliny the younger, who did not suffer his death to
remain unrevenged. See the Epistle above referred to.]
156 (return)
[ There is in this
place some defect in the manuscripts, which critics have endeavored to
supply in different manners. Brotier seems to prefer, though he does not
adopt in the text, "nos Mauricum Rusticumque divisimus," "we parted
Mauricus and Rusticus," by the death of one and the banishment of the
other. The prosecution and crime of Rusticus (Arulenus) is mentioned at
the beginning of this piece, c. 2. Mauricus was his brother.]
157 (return)
[ Herennius
Senecio. See c. 2.]
158 (return)
[ Thus Pliny, in
his Panegyr. on Trajan, xlviii.: "Domitian was terrible even to behold;
pride in his brow, anger in his eyes, a feminine paleness in the rest of
his body, in his face shamelessness suffused in a glowing red." Seneca, in
Epist. xi. remarks, that "some are never more to be dreaded than when they
blush; as if they had effused all their modesty. Sylla was always most
furious when the blood had mounted into his cheeks."]