D’Eon (la citoyenne Geneviève) offers her services to the Legislative Assembly—Is ordered to join General Dumouriez—Detained in England—Her English friends—Fences in public—Is seriously wounded—Distressing times—Last days—Death—Autopsy and appearance of the body—Administration of property—General character—Pursuits and habits late in life—Maxims on religion—Coldness of temperament—Reflections—Fugitive pieces.
Having satisfied some of her creditors with the proceeds of the sale, D’Eon occupied herself in packing the remainder of her effects in fifteen cases for conveyance to France. War had been declared, and the Citoyenne Geneviève at once sent her nephew O’Gorman to Paris, with the offers of her services in the form of a petition addressed to the Legislative Assembly, an extract from which was read at a sitting of that body. It stated that although she had worn the dress of a woman for fifteen years, she had never forgotten that she was formerly a soldier; that since the Revolution she felt her military ardour revive, and demanded, instead of her cap and petticoats, her helmet, sabre, horse, and the rank in the army to which her seniority, her services, and her wounds entitled her; and she also requested permission to raise a legion of volunteers. Unconnected with any party, she had no desire to brandish her sword in procession in the streets of Paris, and wished for nothing but actual service—war nobly made and courageously supported.
‘In my eager impatience,’ she continued, ‘I have sold everything but my uniform, and the sword I wore in the last war, which I wish again to wear in the present. Of my library nothing remains but the shelves,[369] and the MSS. of Marshal Vauban, which I have preserved as an offering to the National Assembly, for the glory of my country, and the instruction of the brave generals employed in her defence. I have been the sport of nature, of fortune, of war, of peace, of men and women, of the malice and intrigue of Courts. I have passed successively from the state of a girl to that of a boy, from the state of a man to that of a woman. I have experienced the strange vicissitudes of human life. Soon, I hope, with arms in my hand, I shall fly on the wings of liberty and victory to fight and die for the nation, the law, and the King.’
This petition, the reading of which was interrupted by repeated bursts of applause, was ordered to be honourably mentioned in the minutes, and referred to the military committee.[370]
Early in the following year the Citoyenne Geneviève, in a transport of delight, informed her friend, M. Beauvais,[371] that in consequence of instructions received from the Minister of War for the Republic of France, she was about to proceed to Paris, thence to join the army of General Dumouriez,[372] and begged leave to forward to his care six cases for despatch to France, viâ Rouen or Havre de Grace, as she might determine after her arrival in that country. Nine other cases were at the same time sent to Mr. Christie, who had promised to find room for them. She was also invited by the ladies of Paris to return to them, the invitation, dated in the month of April, having been entrusted for personal delivery to her old friend, Captain Arden, of the Royal Navy. The Chevalière did not return to France, having been detained in all probability by her creditors, who would have acted with greater wisdom and profit to themselves had they trusted to her honour, and left her free to seek for better days under the changed fortunes of her country. It was doubtlessly her late surrender of State papers, and the nature of their contents,[373] that had influenced the administrators of the Republic in her favour; but her right to a pension was no longer recognised under the new form of Government in France, her property had been confiscated, and she was thus left without resources of any description, now verging on her sixty-fifth year. The Chevalière appears to have existed at this time chiefly upon the hospitality of her friends, there being amongst those who entertained her more frequently the names of Lady Constable, Mr. Christie, Lord and Lady Glencairn, Lady Wallis (sister to the Duchess of Gordon), Colonel and Mrs. Kemys-Tynte, General Melville, General Rainsford, at whose house she met Horne Tooke and Paine; Mr. Fitzmaurice (brother of Lord Lansdowne), Colonel Macbean, of the Artillery; Mr. Lockhart, banker, Pall Mall; Mr. Dent, banker, Clarges Street; Sir William Ffloyd, Count Zenobio, envoy from Venice; Colonel du Bathe, M. Hirsinger, Chargé d’Affaires from France, &c. &c.
By the end of the year 1792 the Chevalière’s remaining means and credit were completely exhausted, and there was no alternative but to make public exhibition of her pre-eminent skill in fencing, a resolution in which she appears to have been supported by Mrs. Bateman, the noted actress and female fencer. Her first appearance, in a series of performances, was at a déjeuner given by Mrs. Bateman in her house, Soho Square, to a party of English and French officers of both services, several ‘literary characters, and gentlemen of first-rate stage talents,’ upon which occasion, as announced in the papers,
‘Sir George Kelly pushed carte and tierce with Mademoiselle D’Eon to the great entertainment of the company. An assault between Captain Walmsley and Mademoiselle D’Eon concluded this scientific display, and it was astonishing to observe with what vigour the captain’s repeated thrusts were repulsed. The assault lasted nearly fifteen minutes, during which time Mademoiselle D’Eon did not appear to be out of breath; she only once exclaimed, “Ah! mes jambes!” which was when the conflict had subsided. This celebrated character cannot be termed Madame Egalité, for in this, as in any other country, she has not her equal.’[374]
January 22.—She was next invited to an Assaut d’armes with Captain Walmsley, at Mr. Towneley’s house in Devonshire Place, when one hundred guests were present, nearly all of whom were Roman Catholics.
February 11.—Fenced Captain Walmsley at the Club d’Armes, Brewer Street, and although very much indisposed, astonished numerous spectators with her science and activity. The captain was foiled four or five times successively, and it was not till the female Chevalier was nearly exhausted that he had the opportunity of a retort. Confident of success, Mademoiselle D’Eon refused the mask, of which her opponent availed himself.[374]
May 30.—Fences at the Haymarket on Mrs. Bateman’s benefit night. Never, since the death of Garrick, had the house been so full.
June 26.—Fences at the Ranelagh, in the presence of the Prince of Wales and Duke of Gloucester.
August 23.—Fences with Mr. Bateman and his son.
September.—Fences with Mrs. Bateman and an English officer, under the patronage of the Prince of Wales, who sat in the stage box (Brighton theatre) with Mrs. Fitzherbert and Miss Piggot.
October 19.—Fences at her own benefit in the theatre, Margate, a prologue being spoken by Mrs. Bateman.
November 2.—Fences at the Assembly Rooms, Deal.
November 11 and 21.—Fences at the theatre, Dover.
November 30.—Fences at the Fountain Inn, Canterbury.
After which, Mrs. Bateman[375] and the Chevalière, who had been on a professional tour together, returned to London.
In the Chevalière’s journals, from which the above dates are taken,[376] there appear two entries only during the year 1794 of her having publicly exhibited—at Ranelagh on May 26, and at the Brighton theatre on August 8. In 1795, she fenced at the Lower Rooms (Bath?) on April 24, at Birmingham on July 6, and at Worcester on August 13. In January 1796, she performed in the Lower Rooms, Bath, under the patronage of the colonel and officers of the Essex Dragoons, whose band was in attendance, Bath still being what it had been for many years, incomparably the most fashionable and favourite watering-place in England, and frequented by people of all classes of society. After giving four performances, D’Eon travelled to Oxford for April 22 and three other evenings, thence to Southampton to keep an engagement on August 26, when an unlucky accident brought to an end, for ever, these exhibitions of her skill.
In receiving a thrust from her adversary that evening, the foil broke off, inflicting a serious wound, by which she was completely disabled. It is well to reproduce her address to the public upon that occasion, and the surgical certificate given to satisfy that public; the first, because it so very clearly, and in her own words, exposes her sad necessities; the second, because it is evident that the physician and surgeons who examined the wound were satisfied with regard to the sex of their patient.
‘Mademoiselle D’Eon takes this Opportunity of returning her sincerest and respectful Thanks to the Benevolent Gentry of the Town and Neighbourhood, for having honoured her with their Presence at her late Grand Assault d’Armes; and also for the kind Interest they were so good as to take in the dangerous Wound she received that Day. Alas! She is now obliged to cut her Bread with her Sword; which is indeed to her a Bread full of Repugnancy and Bitterness, that Necessity alone can make her swallow. But preferring that Shift so unfit for her sex, and so against her Feelings, at the Age of Sixty-nine, to a State of Dependence, whilst she has Strength to hold a Sword she is forced to make it useful, to the Support of an unhappy and injured Woman; bathed, as it often may be with Truth said, with her Tears. Her Misfortunes began with her Birth, and are only likely to end with her Life. The Friends Prosperity had given her, Adversity has deprived her of.’
‘We certify, that having been present at a Grand Assault d’Armes, or Fencing-Match, exhibited by Mademoiselle D’Eon in public, on Friday, August 26, at the Long Rooms, Southampton, we witnessed her receiving a dangerous Thrust from the Foul of her Antagonist, the Button having broken off, unperceived, about an Inch from the Extremity. On Examination, the Wound was found to be situated in the Arm-pit, on the Right Side, extending itself laterally about four Inches. The muscular Irritation, in Consequence of this Accident, occasioned intense Pain for some Days, which she sustained with the utmost Fortitude, Patience, and Resignation.[377]
‘J. Mackie, M.D.
‘P. Bernard.
‘H. Corbin. Surgeons.’
‘Southampton, September 6, 1796.’
D’Eon had to keep her bed for four months, and after being removed to London was confined, through great debility, to the house, which she left four times only during the next four years, and then only in a coach. She spent her long convalescence with Mrs. Mary Cole[378] at her own invitation, an old friend from whom she never again parted, and these two thereafter shared alike in each other’s sorrows, for of joys they had none! ‘My life was spent in eating, drinking, and sleeping, praying, writing, and at work with Mrs. Cole, repairing linen, gowns, and head-dresses.’
The Chevalière was in the habit of pawning her diamonds from time to time when hard pressed, taking care to redeem and keep them in reserve until she could dispose of them at a fair price. In 1799, being absolutely obliged to part with those jewels, after failing to treat with Rundell and his friend Sharp, the well-known jewellers, she made some satisfactory arrangement with a Mr. Moses, who called to see them. After this, it may be said that D’Eon lived entirely upon charity. Forced to give up the chambers she had occupied in Brewer Street during thirty-three years, she went to stay for a time with Colonel Thornton, on the Surrey side of the Thames, and then took up her residence permanently with Mrs. Cole, first at 33 Westminster Bridge Road, then at 5 Mead’s Place, opposite to the Apollo Gardens, and near the Asylum, Lambeth, and finally at 26 New Milman Street, Foundling Hospital. Her two nephews, Major O’Gorman, and Captain Augustus O’Gorman of the 18th regiment of foot, called to see her occasionally, but it does not appear that they ever afforded any relief or comfort to their aged aunt, who had been in the habit of assisting them very materially in their younger days.
D’Eon had never abandoned the idea of possibly returning to France, the Treaty of Amiens and the First Consulate seeming to afford a glimmer of hope. She had made some kind of declaration before M. Otto, the French minister plenipotentiary, on the 7th Fructidor (August 24), 1802, which resulted in her being supplied with a passport to Paris and Tonnerre, good for three decades (thirty days), dated the 25th Brumaire (November 15) of the same year, and she received five pounds from Mr. R. Slade ‘to enable her to return to her country;’ but she remained hopelessly involved, as appears from several touching entries in her note-book, of which we quote two. M. Blacher, the exiled curé of St. Martin le Gérard in the diocese of Constance, called at the house of the sheriff’s officer for Surrey, on November 15, 1804, and inquired if it was true that Mademoiselle D’Eon was in detention. Upon learning that she had been in custody five months, and only just set at liberty, the curé asked to see her, and being shown into the Chevalière’s chamber, said that he had come at the instance of an English lady to know the particulars of her arrest. On taking his leave, and pleading that he also was an exile and poor, he quietly placed on the table a gold seven-shilling piece which he refused to take up again, although pressed to do so by D’Eon. Acknowledging the receipt of ten guineas from the Marchioness Townshend, D’Eon wrote, July 18, 1805:—
‘This relief is a gift from Heaven which comes to me at the right moment, in the sorrow of my great age and of the great revolution that has taken place in my country, and which has, at one blow, swallowed up my little property in Burgundy, and the pensions I had received from Louis XV. and Louis XVI.’
The note was signed: Chevalier D’Eon, who has not quitted his bed, his room, or his house nine times during the last nine years.
Writing to Major Clive, M.P.,[379] she complains of her reduced circumstances, and of having lost her all by the French Revolution, she cannot say, why?
‘It is a secret hidden, I will not say in the womb of Providence, but in the foolishness of the French, who, like weather-cocks, turn to every wind.’[380]
Amongst those who occasionally supplied her with funds, or whose attentions the Chevalière more particularly appreciated, were Mrs. Crawford, of Hertford Street, Mayfair, a daughter of Mrs. Holland; the Misses Dodwell; Mrs. Tryon, of Glaston, Uppingham; Colonel Kemys-Tynte; and Miss Shirley, a natural daughter of Admiral Shirley. The good Queen Charlotte had never forgotten her, and she enjoyed an annuity of fifty pounds from the Duke of Queensberry.
For the two last years of her life, D’Eon was almost bed-ridden through infirmity, but affectionately nursed and tended by Mrs. Cole. About a year before her death she sent for Père Elisée, formerly surgeon to the ‘Pères de la Charité’ at Grenoble, who was enjoying a comfortable allowance from the Duke of Queensberry as his grace’s physician, and with whom he dined almost daily.[381] Elisée and Dr. Perigalese attended her as her strength failed from day to day, and until she quietly expired at 10 P.M. of May 21, 1810.
When the last offices were being performed to the remains of her deceased friend, Mrs. Cole learnt for the first time, and to her utter astonishment, that her late most intimate companion was a man. Upon making his appearance the following morning, Père Elisée equally expressed his great surprise, and at once recommended the expediency of the Chevalier’s sex being professionally determined; the body was accordingly dissected in the presence of several medical gentlemen, the Earl of Yarborough, Sir Sidney Smith, the Honourable Mr. Lyttleton, Mr. Douglas, and other persons of consideration, the following certificate being forthwith made public:—
‘I hereby certify that I have inspected and dissected the body of the Chevalier D’Eon, in the presence of Mr. Adair, Mr. Wilson, and Le Père Elisée, and have found the male organs in every respect perfectly formed.[382]
‘(Signed) ‘T. Copeland,
‘Surgeon, Golden Square.’
‘May 23, 1810.’
In the Slade collection of autograph papers at the British Museum is preserved this letter:—
‘My dear Sir,—Introduced by a friend of the late Chevalier D’Eon, I attended in the evening of yesterday at lodgings in two pair of stairs at No. 26 New Milman Street, Foundling Hospital, and being permitted to inspect the corpse, can assure you that the late Chevalier, called when living, Mademoiselle D’Eon, had the visible organs of generation of a male, and was a very man. Mrs. Cole, with whom he lived for many years, being as well as the Chevalier aged above eighty, assured me that it was with the utmost astonishment that she received the information, just after her companion’s death, that he, a Mademoiselle D’Eon as she called him, was discovered to be as I saw him—a man—that she did not recover the shock for many hours. The above, being interesting to you, as you can have no doubt of its authenticity, I have sent in writing. The Prince de Conti, &c. &c. had attended on the same day at the lodgings.
‘Yours very truly,
‘Geo. Silk,
‘Notary Public.’
‘Doctors’ Commons, May 27, 1810.
‘Robert Slade, Esq.’
The body was privately interred in the churchyard of St. Pancras on the morning of May 28, the coffin being inscribed, ‘Charles Geneviève Louis Auguste André Timothée D’Eon de Beaumont. Né 17 Octobre, 1727, mort 21 Mai, 1810.’
Before the devastating spade and shovel of the Midland Railway Company had commenced its work in 1868, to make a cutting through the churchyard at St. Pancras, a slab, in situ, was to be seen bearing this inscription:
CHARLES GENEVIEVE LOUISE AUGUSTE ANDRE
TIMOTHEE D’EON DE BEAUMONT,
Died, May 21; Buried, May 28, 1810,
Aged 83 Years.[383]
but, like numerous other monuments, it has disappeared,[384] ‘and the place thereof shall know it no more.’
A cast was taken after death, of which an engraving was made, and a tinted engraving of the torso, from a drawing by C. Turner, was also published, with the surgical attestation as to sex. The body presented unusual roundness in the formation of limbs; the appearance of a beard was very slight, and hair of so light a colour as to be scarcely perceptible on the arms, legs, and chest. The throat was by no means masculine; shoulders square and good; breast remarkably full; arms, hands, and fingers, those of a stout female; hips very small, and legs and feet corresponding with arms.
So early as 1763, D’Eon had a tendency to being round-shouldered, a deformity induced by much sedentary work, but that did not greatly increase with years, or interfere with his carriage, which was good. The low body, in red cloth, lined with coarse canvas, of one of the last gowns he wore, exhibits dimensions showing the obesity of his condition at death.
| Circumference at the breast | 38 | inches. |
| ” at the waist | 31 | ” |
| Depth of centre whalebone in front | 16½ | ” |
| ” ” ” at the back, pierced for lacing | 14 | ” |
| Diameter of arm-hole | 9 | ” |
This garment is stiffened with seven whalebones; three being in front, one upon each side, from arm-pit to waist, and two behind for lacing.[385]
D’Eon left a holograph will of some length, preceded by a preamble, and appointed Sir Sidney Smith to be his executor, but the will was unsigned. The preamble is headed, Soli Deo Gloria et Honor, and the testament commencing, Mors mihi lucrum, ends with these four lines:—
The preamble directs:—
‘When God will have received my soul, inter my body within the coffin upon which I sleep. There you will find the articles with which I wish to be buried, viz., a large woollen blanket in which to wrap me up according to custom in England. If I die in London, bury me at St. Pancras near my cousin D’Eon de Mouloise, who died in 1765 in London, whither he was sent by the late Count de Broglio to watch over my person and papers. If I die in Switzerland, I desire to be buried in the garden of the Hermitage at Friburg. If I die in Paris, I desire to be buried in the cemetery of the old church of St. Geneviève, my patroness. If I die at Tonnerre, I desire to be buried in my mother’s grave. Being in my coffin, place my New Testament near my heart, and between my hands joined together in supplication, my Christ, and my Imitation of Jesus Christ, whom I have so badly imitated.’
After bequeathing his estates (?) at Chambeaudon, Tissey, and at the chapel Flogny, to his native town, Tonnerre, for a certain purpose distinctly specified, he leaves to his three nephews O’Gorman the sum of sixty thousand livres, owed to him by their father, his brother-in-law, the Chevalier O’Gorman.
On August 14, 1811, administration of the goods and chattels (value 300l.) of the Chevalier D’Eon, bachelor, deceased, was granted to Thomas William Plummer, Esq., the lawful attorney of Lewis Augustus O’Gorman, residing at Cadiz, the nephew and one of the next of kin of the deceased. The sale of his library, which included five hundred editions of Horace (see note, p. 323), was held at Mr. Christie’s rooms on February 19, 1813, the proceeds amounting to 313l. This library and his own MSS. included all the Chevalier’s possessions. The latter, refused in all probability by Mr. O’Gorman at Cadiz, on account of the expense that would be entailed in their transport, appear to have been divided amongst Père Elisée, Mr. Christie, and others who had most befriended the destitute exile.
What further remains to be said of the Chevalier D’Eon will be briefly and exhaustively done.
Writing to the Bishop de Langres, Seigneur de Montmorin, D’Eon sums up very curtly a sketch of himself:—
‘Whatever my troubles, I never despair. I am inflexible in my principles, which I believe to be those of honour and of virtue. As a rule, I submit myself in all things to the will of God. Summer succeeds winter, night is followed by day, after a storm comes a calm! Of what use would my faith be, did I not live in hope? I will strive to be a man of character, and practise perseverance, and I shall meet with solace in good time.’[386]
Let us now turn to one of his contemporaries and to those personally acquainted with him, and see what they have recorded.
‘This ambiguous creature,’ says Lacretelle, ‘had been by turns and sometimes simultaneously, a diplomatist, student, statesman, jurisconsult, and soldier. Few of his contemporaries devoted themselves so much to study and manly exercise. His mind was reasoning and profound, without being elegant; he was of a robust constitution and endured to all kinds of fatigue; his face was repulsively coarse. Of an unmanageable disposition, he was a pertinacious quarreller. There was one blemish in his courage—it was restless impatience that had constituted him almost a professed duellist.’[387] ‘As a soldier,’ says his intended biographer,[388] ‘his personal courage and thorough knowledge of the military profession had distinguished him on many occasions, and in the art of fencing his skill was eminently conspicuous. His political reputation was sufficiently established, not only by the public missions in which he was employed, but also by the confidential situations he maintained in the secret correspondence of Louis XV., whose private protection and support he continued to enjoy, even during the inveterate persecution he experienced from the ministers of the French Court. In private life D’Eon was much esteemed, not only as a man, but during his assumed character of a woman; and though his natural inclinations, and the restraint he must ever have felt himself under, on account of his concealed sex, led him very much into retirement, yet in those societies where he did mix, his suavity of manner and obliging disposition always rendered him a welcome guest, whilst his various attainments, and the discordant characters he had sustained, gave to his person, especially as a supposed female, a degree of interest rarely excited by any individual. The shades in his character were, most inflexible tenacity of disposition, and a great degree of pride and self-opinion; general distrust and suspicion of others, and violence of temper which could brook no opposition. To these failings may be traced the principal misfortunes of his life; a life of much labour and suffering, mixed with very little repose.’[389]
John Taylor had met the Chevalier in his advanced life at Mr. Angelo’s, when he found that his former captivating manners must have undergone great alteration, for, although dressed as a woman, he spoke and acted with all the roughness of a veteran soldier. He was generally considered to be most intelligent, full of anecdote and fertile conversation, and it was believed that his name and extraordinary appearance would never be forgotten.
As to the tastes and habits of our subject, he certainly through life eschewed low society of whatsoever class. He was fond of good living, and in his palmy days kept his cellar well stocked with expensive Burgundies and Champagnes. He was hospitable and charitable, never forgetting more especially his poor relations; but it does not appear that he ever had the generosity to admit a fault to his neighbour, although frequently confessing his imperfections to God. He was an accepted free-mason at the Lodge of Immortality at the Crown and Anchor in the Strand, not very zealous in his attendance. As a woman he rarely left the house except when socially called, was a confirmed smoker, and no doubt employed cosmetics and wore feminine garments other than stays, as we are led to believe by the numerous cuttings of newspaper advertisements he has left behind. (A small red cross marked every piece of linen.) He spent his leisure indulging largely in writing, and in the study of his favourite authors, such as Cicero, Lucretius, Sallust, Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Juvenal, Tacitus—La Fontaine, Boileau, Racine, and Voltaire—Swift, and Addison from whom I have found quoted the apothegm that must have been like salve to his turbulent spirit: ‘A disturbed liberty is preferable to quiescent slavery.’ He was fond of reading the Psalms, frequently transcribing passages adapted to his changed condition and circumstances, and had perhaps realised—but how much too late!—his neglect of the admonition: ‘Put not your trust in princes’ ... when, in writing his will, he expressed the hope that he might be able to retire to the Hermitage at Friburg, there to forget the world, and devote himself solely to God, ‘alone worthy of his homage.’
‘In religion,’ continues the intended biographer, ‘the Chevalier was a sincere Catholic, but divested of all bigotry; few were so well acquainted with the biblical writings or devoted more time to the study of religious subjects.’
A few extracts from the voluminous MSS. on sacred subjects in the Christie collection, should suffice to persuade us that D’Eon had indeed studied the Holy Scriptures, and faithfully interpreted, generally speaking, the doctrine of our Lord; but without entirely divesting himself of some of the teachings of the Church of Rome, upon whose servants he unsparingly casts obloquy similar to that heaped upon their successors at the present day, in both hemispheres; for there is no exaggeration whatever in asserting that it is in Great Britain alone, where the spirit of ‘fair play’ rules every heart, that the Romish priesthood enjoys anything like consideration at the hands of its fellow subjects at large.
‘1. I trust that wise measures will be taken for diminishing the large number of religionists of both sexes, who are depopulating the State to people monasteries, and that mankind will at last be persuaded of the preferableness of serving their King and country, to becoming voluntary eunuchs, unserviceable to the world, and frequently useless in the cause of religion.
‘2. It is entirely repugnant to common sense, to the Word of God, and to custom in the primitive church, that public prayers should be offered up in public places, in a tongue not understood by those assembled for prayer.
‘3. Were every priest, every confessor, an angel upon earth, I should advise everybody to confess; but as the greater number are demons, and men-wolves disguised in lamb-skins, I do not recommend men to do so—still less women—and still less again, young girls. Let all read the gospels, and especially the epistles of St. Paul; let them retire into their innermost chamber, let them confess their sins to God, abase themselves before Him, repair their faults, and exhort themselves to lead a better life.
‘4. In Catholic countries, priests and apothecaries alike tease the sick.
‘5. I see in the Church of Rome a chronological succession of the apostles of Jesus Christ, but I do not see the hereditary succession to their virtues. If Catholic priests are the precious depositaries of faith, it is to be found on their lips rather than in their hearts, or else they conceal the treasure so effectually that it is impossible to discover it in their conduct. Thus their faith, as well as their charity, is dead rather than living.
‘6. Did religion not exist, independently of priests and monks, it would have been annihilated long since.
‘7. Although he is the head of the Church, the Pope will soon be obliged to remain satisfied with his spiritual power, and renounce all temporal power so incompatible with the maxims of Christ.
‘8. Ecclesiastics have no difficulty in reminding themselves that they are but men, and thus forget they are priests.
‘9. The study of the Holy Scriptures cannot be too strongly recommended, for it is the quickest and safest mode of becoming acquainted with the New Testament by means of the Old Testament, and with the Old Testament by means of the New, which is the fulfilment of prophecy. I have spent a portion of my life in reading commentaries on the Bible, chiefly those on the New Testament, and have found that commentators express themselves a hundred times less lucidly and with less force, than does the text itself, of the evangelists and apostles. Of what use, therefore, can be the piles of commentaries in the libraries of the Vatican, at Paris, Vienna, Madrid, London, Oxford, Cambridge, &c., except for burning, if they only serve to guide us by their obscure light, and are pernicious to the text.’[390]
About the year 1764 D’Eon wrote:—
‘Since the time when I discovered that Love, the comforter of the human race, the regulator of the universe ... Love, that ruler of hearts, that soul of our soul, to be worth no more than a kiss and twenty kicks ... I have never wished for wife or mistress.’
And later, in 1777, upon assuming the garb of a female:—
‘... I have never mixed myself up with those fond of dancing and similar amusements, and have never had anything to do with people of light character, who conduct themselves indiscreetly, and give way to their passions, following the maxims of the world.’[391]
The most perfect stranger to Charles XII. was Love! They had never nudged one another! This was not the case with the Chevalier D’Eon, who resembled Swift perhaps in more ways than one. In Mademoiselle Constance de Courcelles and the Countess de Rochefort (the latter, by the way, was a young widow), D’Eon had his Stella (short of wedlock) and Vanessa. Of the scenes of their love, we know nothing. He may have had a dozen Varinas, but I very much doubt it. Of Mademoiselle de Courcelles’ letters he preserved a large packet for twenty years, and it may be, for longer, after their correspondence had ceased upon his assuming female attire. The Duke de Nivernois was in the habit of teasing him by introducing the name of the Countess, but this was the shortest-lived flirtation of the two, because the Chevalier remained in England and the Countess resided chiefly in France. Without actually avoiding the society of ladies, he never sought it—he could not speak of that he did not feel—and was never known, in the course of his career, to have been engaged in any amorous adventure or affair of gallantry as it was termed, whether at Court or in the camp, and this in an age when courtiers, like their sovereigns, were strangely given to profligacy. The old Marquis de l’Hôpital, an antiquated debauchee, who will be remembered as French ambassador at St. Petersburg, frequently twitted D’Eon on his cold temperament, but the latter preferred close application to his duty, working early and late, with fencing for recreation, to any kind of unsavoury indulgence. He never sought to wrong the decencies of life.
I am not aware that Swift’s unfeeling treatment of the two women he after a fashion loved has ever been satisfactorily explained; whereas D’Eon himself, upon various occasions, assigns to physical causes his state of insensibility. Two examples will probably suffice:—
‘I am sufficiently mortified at being what nature has made me, and that the dispassion of my natural temperament should induce my friends to imagine in their innocence, and this in France, in Russia, and in England, that I am of the female sex. The malice of my enemies has confirmed all this....’ ‘If the Great Master of the universe has not endowed me with all the external vigour of manhood, He has amply made amends by gifting my head and heart. I am what the hands of God have made me; satisfied with my weakness, I would not exchange it for the dangerous strength of Marshal Saxe, even were it in my power to do so.’[392]
Most accounts agree, the one being taken from the other, that D’Eon’s attainments included an acquaintance with ancient and modern languages. That this was not the case is evidenced by the contents of his library and the almost complete absence, amongst his MSS., of any note or quotation except in French or Latin; while forty years’ residence in England did not suffice to teach him English.
A few reflections, written at intervals of time, might assist us in passing judgment on a life of so rare adventure, for t’were well, if we would be just, to estimate each touch of character at its true proportions, for entry whether on the credit or on the debtor side of the moralist’s ledger.
‘1. So long as a kingdom is under the domination of a woman, all will go well. Why? Because it is then that men will govern. (Written at St. Petersburg.)
‘2. Nothing so much shows the sound judgment of a man, as to know how to choose between two evils.
‘3. Freedom may be preserved, even where there is esteem and regard.
‘4. An energetic will suffices to put into execution an object in view, but should anything chance to check it, force must absolutely be resorted to; and when I speak of force, I mean the force that is to be obtained from the consideration in which one is held, by those very persons who have occasioned the wrong sought to be remedied, and of which they cannot deprive you since it already belongs to you, notwithstanding any personal dislike they may entertain, and which has arisen solely because of the opposition to their wishes.
‘5. It is the destiny of popular governments to be believed in only when they make themselves felt; and it is often to their interest and honour rather to make themselves believed in than felt.
‘6. Power in a people is to be deplored, since they do not consider themselves answerable even for acts they commit in spite of us.
‘7. Does familiarity with great dangers accustom us to be ready in resources? Well, do brilliant motives, glory, exertions, great sights, the destiny of nations in one’s power, raise humanity and elevate the soul by the vigorous exercise of all its faculties?’
And here we have a reflection after Raphael Aben-Ezra’s own heart!
‘8. ’Tis said, truthfully enough, that death makes all men equal; but it might also be said, with even greater truth, that it is his origin should humiliate man; for we are nothing but vile insects, more agile and more fortunate than thousands of millions of other similar insects, who have succeeded in insinuating ourselves into worthless vehicles where we have grown, and where we have become worthy of receiving from God a soul, that raises us to the dignity of humanity.
‘9. The absent are ever in the wrong, and untruths told with assurance easily silence truths told with disdain.
‘10. He who writes is certain to have as many judges as readers; but among this great number of judges, how many, may it be said, are really competent?
‘11. A master-mind looks upon minor incidents as victims to be sacrificed to affairs of greater importance.
‘12. To be above the caprice of fortune, not to be moved by her smiles or frowns, is to be high-souled. They who too easily betray their joy or sorrow, according to circumstances, possess neither strength of character nor courage, whatever their other merits.
‘13. In France, we can construct perfectly good ships of war, but we cannot turn out efficient naval officers. This is the great misfortune in our country, which will ever give to the English the superiority at sea, through the excellence of their seamen and naval officers. In England, the son of the wealthiest and greatest nobleman will commence life as a sailor in a vessel of war under a good officer—but notwithstanding his influence, the king of France will never be able to do away with the prejudices and pride of our nobles, who aspire to being sea officers without knowing how to sail, even on fresh water.’
From the first moment when society, not in England only, stood perplexed at the enigma presented in the person of the Chevalière D’Eon, a variety of fugitive pieces, some acrimonious, others laudatory, of which she was the subject, appeared in the public prints on both sides of the Channel. With the necessarily limited selections for which we can find space, because we believe they form a fit sequel to the history of our archetype, we gratefully take leave of the reader, who will have had the kindness to accompany us thus far.
Verses believed to have been written by an eminent Doctor of Divinity of the University of Oxford, and addressed to a friend of the Chevalier.