1. Ad Cornelianam p. 78. Ps. Asconius ad Cic. Divin. Verr: p. 103. Or. and in other places, see Orellii Onom. Ind. Leg. p. 142.—German Edition.

2. Ch. viii. 3.—Germ. Ed.

3. 1749.

4. There is a story that Cicero, when going to Rhodes, consulted the Delphian oracle concerning his life, and that the Pythia replied, that he ought not to trouble himself about the opinion of others but always to follow his own. If this be an invention, it was devised by a man of profound penetration; if the Pythia said it, it is one of those cases in which one feels tempted to believe in her inspiration.

5. Lydus de Magistr. II, 6.—Germ. Edit.

6. Lucan, Pharsal. I, 125.

7. It is remarkable, that of Cæsar not one witty saying indeed is recorded, whilst of Cicero an immense number are known, all of which have a particular stamp, so that their genuineness is not to be doubted.

8. This unaccountable expression is found in the MSS., and therefore I did not choose to suppress it. Milo was, as is well known, from Lanuvium, and had been adopted into the family of the Annii; but in fact he was sprung from the gens Papia. The epithet Syllanian seems to refer to his marriage with Fausta, the daughter of the dictator Sylla.—Germ. Ed.

9. Servius on Virg. Æn. XI, 743.—Germ. Ed.

10. This view is contradicted by Bunsen in his Description of the City of Rome,—Vol. III, 2d div., p. 110.—Germ. Ed.

11. 320 against 22. App. B. C. II, 30.—Germ. Ed.

12. V. Id. Sextil. consequently on August 9th, according to the Kalendar. Amiternin. in Foggini p. 112. 153. Not having access to the book itself, I have borrowed the quotation from Fischer’s Römische Zeittafeln, p. 278. Orelli (Inscript. II, p. 397) agrees with it.—Germ. Ed.

13. Licinus was a barber, an upstart who had amassed an immense fortune, and had caused himself to be splendidly buried.

14. When Dio Cassius, XLIII, 47, says, ὥστε καὶ ἐννακοσίους τὸ κεφάλαιον αὐτῶν γενέσθαι, he does not mean by it a regularly fixed amount, but an accidental maximum.—Germ. Ed.

15. The same friendly affection Cicero had shown also to Virgil, of whom he is said to have used the expression, Magnæ spes altera Romæ: Virgil, at the death of Cicero, was twenty-six years old. (Donat. vit. Virgil. XI.)

16. The other prætorships were unimportant, their occupants being mere chairmen of the courts of justice.

17. Against Demosthenes also similar calumnies were uttered, and the lines (Plut. Demosth. c. 30),

have been misrepresented, as having reference to it.

18. Posthumous Works, XIII, 68., “How little even the better men among them (the Romans) understood what government means, may be seen from the most absurd deed, which was ever done, even from the murder of Cæsar.”

19. Plut. Brut., c. 40.—Germ. Ed.

20. See vol. I., p. 406.

21. According to Cic. Brut. c. 64. and 94. Hortensius had made his first speech in the consulship of L. Crassus, and Q. Scævola (657 according to Cato), ten years before the birth of Brutus, who was therefore born in 667, and as he died in 710, must have been in his forty-fourth year. The other statement is that of Velleius Paterculus.—Germ. Ed.

22. The ode

is to be dated either from the time when Domitius Ahenobarbus united with Asinius Pollio (712), or more likely somewhat later, when Sextus Pompey made peace with the triumvirs, 713, Horace being then twenty-five years old. The punctuation in the edition of Lambinus is incorrect in the passage

There ought to be a comma after minaces, and a note of admiration after turpe, which is not an adjective but an adverb, according to the Horatian usage. The passage refers to those who in their flight stumble and fall.

23. De Orat. III, 12, 45.—Germ. Ed.

24. I.,—7.

25. In several manuscripts, there is here only a very short reference to the Fasti Prænestini; but as these do not contain the month of August, I conjecture that the Kalendarium Amiterninum is meant (Orellii II, p. 397), where it is stated, Feriæ ex S. C. Q(uod) E(o) D(ie) Cæsar Divi F. Rempublic(am) tristissim ... periculo liberat.—Germ. Ed.

26. Lammas day.

27. Gell. XIV, 7, 8.—Germ. Ed.

28. For details on the subject, see Strabo XVII, towards the end; Dio Cassius, LIII, 12.—Germ. Ed.

29. Conf. Plin. H. N. III, 4, 5.—Germ. Ed.

30. Here there seems to be some mistake. The passage of Quintilian, X, 1, 115, runs as follows, Inveni qui Calvum præferrent omnibus, inveni qui Ciceroni crederent, eum nimia contra se calumnia verum sanguinem perdidisse: sed est et sancta et gravis oratio et custodita et frequenter vehemens quoque. On the other hand, in the Dial. de Orat. c. 18. Sunt enim (antiqui) horridi et impoliti et rudes, et informes et quos utinam nulla parte imitatus esset Calvus vester, aut Cælius, aut ipse Cicero! And Legistis utique et Calvi et Bruti ad Ciceronem missas epistolas, ex quibus facile est deprehendere, Calvum quidem Ciceroni visum exsanguem et attritum—rursumque Ciceronem e Calvo quidem male audivisse tanquam solutum et enervem. In those writings of Cicero which are still extant, there occur two larger passages, Brut. c. 82, Epist. ad Famil. XV, 21, 5, where Calvus indeed is judged with great leniency, but is certainly not spoken of with unqualified praise.—Germ. Ed.

31. Should Seneca perhaps be meant here? conf. Gell. XII, 2.—Germ. Ed.

32. Weichert Poet. Lat. Rel. p. 361, not. 20.—Germ. Ed.

33. Plin. Ep. I, 18.—Germ. Ed.

34. Dio Cass. LXI, 20, LXIII, 8; but indeed in quite a different meaning—Germ. Ed.

35. According to vol. I. p. 45. to his seventy-ninth.—Germ. Ed.

36. Pro Cluentio, c. 56.

37. Humboldt, in Adelung’s Mithridates, vol. IV. p. 351, &c.—Germ. Ed.

38. I. 15.

39. Here ended the winter lectures on Roman history, April 1st 1829. Those which follow on the history of the emperors, were delivered in the following summer one hour every week; which accounts sufficiently for their greater conciseness—Germ. Ed.

40. Goethe’s Faust, Hayward’s Translation.—Transl.

41. Basiliscus?—Germ. Ed.

42. This name is supplied by conjecture. N. very likely had said of the sun and the moon: one MS. has “of Apollo and ...” (here follows an illegible name). The emendation is correct beyond a doubt, according to Descript. of Rome III, 1, 104.—Germ. Ed.

43. Posthumous Works, vol. XIII. p. 68. “The Romans, from a narrow, moral, easy, comfortable, bourgeois state had risen to the broad range of the dominion of the world, without losing their narrow-mindedness.—To the same source we may trace their luxury. Underbred men who acquire a great fortune, will always make a ridiculous use of it: their pleasures, their pomp, their profusion, will be absurd and overdone. Hence also arises that fondness for the Strange, the Innumerable, the Immense. Their theatres which turn round with the spectators; the second population of statues, with which the town was thronged, as well as the gigantic bowl in after times, in which the large fish was to be kept entire, are all of the same origin: even the insolence and cruelty of their tyrants mostly partakes of the absurd.”

44. The so-called Marforio. See Descript. of the city of Rome, III, 1. p. 138.—Germ. Ed.

45. Plin. Ep. IV. 22.—Germ. Edit.

46. Aurel. Vict. Imp. Rom. Epit. c. 12.—Germ. Ed.

47. 195 palms, according to Platner in Bansen’s Description of the City of Rome, III, 1. p. 289. 10 Palmi = 99 Parisian Lines.—Conf. however, on this matter, Platner and Urlich’s Description of Rome. Stuttg. and Tüb. 1845, pp. 24, 25.—Germ. Ed.

48. N. namely reads instead of laudati essent, capitale fuisse, laudati capitales fuissent; and previously, in c. 1. instead of at mihi nunc, at mihi nuper. See “Two classical Latin Writers of the Third Century, P. C.” (Kleine historische und philolog. Schriften I, p. 331.)—Germ. Edit.

49. Any one who writes High German, must feel that phrases and words are wanting, for which the popular dialect has very apt expressions, only they are not used in High German. This is most keenly felt by an inhabitant of Lower Saxony, as in Upper Germany people write very nearly as they speak.

50. That is, from Bonn.—Germ. Ed.

51. Alfieri, in one of his pieces, makes Pliny address a speech to Trajan in which he calls upon him to restore the republic.

52. Three months and six days, according to Dio Cassius.—Germ. Ed.

53. Laurentum, according to Herodian I. 12. 1.—Germ. Ed.

54. In Rome there is an amulet which has not been described before, a silver plate with magic inscriptions, having on it the silver candlestick of Jerusalem and the usual Christian monogram. It is in Greek, mingled with quite barbarous words in an unintelligible language. There is written on it, that he who wore this plate, was sure of being in favour with gods and men. This medley of Christianity, Judaism, and paganism, is of particularly frequent occurrence in the beginning of the third century of the Christian era.

55. In the dissertation “Two Classical Latin Authors of the Third Century, P. C.” (Lesser Historical and Philological Writings, I. p. 321)—Germ. Edit.

56. One of the Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ (Vit. Maximin. jun. c. 7.) is as ignorant as to make Maximus and Pupienus two different persons.

57. In Schmitz II, 320, this passage is given in the following version, “if he had been a Bedouin, he could not have been enlisted in a Roman legion, but would have remained in the cohorts of the Ituræi.” As my sources already begin to be more scanty, and in the ancients themselves very few notices are to be found, from which one might arrive at a correct opinion, I feel particularly bound to quote here this variation.—Germ. Ed.

58. Schmitz has Jotapianus, whereas my MSS., one and all, give the right version.—Germ. Ed.

59. According to the Fasti consulares, C. Messius Quintus Trajanus Decius.—Germ. Ed.

60. In some MSS., Cassianius, which form Eckhel lays down as the correct one.—Germ. Edit.

61. The MSS. give Ælianus and Lælianus, both forms, as is well known, being found of these names.—Germ. Ed.

62. X, 9. Niebuhr, Two Classical Writers, &c. (Lesser Histor. and Philol. Writings, I, p. 304. sqq).—Germ. Ed.

63. IV. 4.

64. A mistake for Florianus, Quintilius being brother to Claudius Gothicus.—Germ. Ed.

65. Review (Zeitschrift) on Historical Jurisprudence. VI. 323. Conf. XI. 20. Walter’s History of the Roman Law (Römische Rechtsgeschichte), I. p. 483. 2d edition.—Germ. Ed.

66. Apotheos. 450.

67. Claudianus de tertio consul. Honorii 90.—Germ. Ed.

68. Qy! Galiani!—Germ. Ed.

69. P. 765. Conf. Niebuhr’s preface to Merobaudes, p. x.—Germ. Edit.

70. Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus in Gregorius Turonensis II, 8.—Germ. Ed.

71. Conf. on this Godofredus’ Prosopography of the Codex Theodosianus.—Germ. Edit.

72. The words “on the banks of the Danube” are not in the MSS. I have supplied them merely from conjecture.—Germ. Ed.

73. Johannes, however, is not an exclusively Christian name. Johannes Lydus certainly was an heathen.

74. The reading Placidius has less authority for it, most of the coins on monuments have Placidus.

75. More correctly, nephews.—Germ. Ed.