[393] Had the Huguenots succeeded, they would have burned Paris. For the proofs of such an improbable story see Hist. relig. pol. etc. de la Comp. de Jésus, by J. Crétineau-Joly (3 éd. Paris, 1859), ii. ch. ii. p. 85.

[394] Gachard: Corresp. Philippe II., tom. i. p. 593.

[395] “Car tant plus de morts, moeingz d’ennemys.” Letter of 8th October, 1567. Livre du Roy. Grenoble MS. Gordes proving too merciful in carrying out these harsh instructions, the cruel and intemperate Maugiron was appointed his colleague.

[396] As crowds of American ladies are reported to have gone out to witness the first battle of Bull Run.

[397] The Huguenots adopted white, the king’s color, to indicate their loyalty; their opponents chose red, the emblem of Spain.

[398] One account says that the constable was really killed by “un autre Ecossais,” who shot him in the loins.

[399] “Expetebat pacem, et ob eam rem adduxerant eum in suspicionem apud vulgus ii qui sperant se ex calamitatibus publicis aucturos suas opes et suam potentiam.... Fuit amans patriæ et moderatior,” etc. Languet, Epist. i. 33

[400] “Edoctus suo malo ... omnino hoc incumbit ut Edictum ubique mandetur executioni.” Languet, Epist. ii. 357.

[401] Borrel: Hist. de l’Église Réf. de Nimes, 12mo. Toulouse, 1856, p. 51.

[402] Baragnon: Hist. de Nimes, tom. ii.; an anonymous Histoire de la Ville de Nimes, 8vo. Amsterd. 1767.

[403] Charronet: Les Guerres de Religion dans les Hautes Alpes, p. 50. (8vo. Gap, 1863).

[404] “Ce qui restait du pillage des Huguenots était repillé par les Catholiques.” Castelnau.

[405] “Discours des Raisons,” etc., in Anc. Collect. Mém. France, xlviii. p. 224.

[406] La Noue, p. 409.

[407] Longjumeau is about four leagues south of Paris, on the old coach-road to Orleans.

[408] Mezeray: Abrégé, iii. p. 1051. Montluc says: “Le prince et l’amiral firent un pas de clerc, car ils avaient l’avantage des jeux.” Comment.

[409] Memoirs of Gaspar de Coligny (Edin. 1844), p. 116.

[410] Die Menschen verwilderten mit den Ländern.

[411] Archives of Tours. Luzarche (Victor): Lettres historiques, p. 81 (Tours, 1861).

[412] Archives of Tours. Luzarche (Victor): Lettres historiques, p. 89 (Tours, 1861).

[413] Languet, i. 58.

[414] “Reclamarunt autem quantum potuerunt legati pontif. Rom. et reg. Hisp. immo aiunt eos Regi minitatos esse bellum, si hæreticis pacem concederet, sed Regem ita respondisse ut eos terruerit.” Languet, i. 62.

[415] Gachard: Corresp. de Philippe II., vol. i. p. 609 (4to. Bruxelles, 1848).

[416] Archives of Provins: Registres de Baptême. Charronnet: Guerres de Religion, p. 60. Comptes consulaires de Gap. 1569.

[417] Claude Haton, p. 534.

[418] Thierry: Tiers-État, ii. 726.

[419] Laderchii Ann. Eccles. xxiii. 125, in Sismondi, xix. p. 21.

[420] Journal de Lestoile. The Orange Societies were originally bound by a similar oath to “pay allegiance to the king and his successors so long as they support the Protestant ascendancy.” The loyal Catholics threatened to shut up Charles in a convent, and put another in his place, if he tried to protect the Huguenots. De Thou, v. p. 516.

[421] Dom Vaissette: Hist. Languedoc, tome v. p. 216, note.

[422] On the vaulted ceiling of the Tour de la Ligue is a striking fresco representing Condé as Mars, Biragne as Vulcan, Catherine as Juno, Margaret of Valois as a Muse, with other well-known historic characters.

[423] Of this passage, Jean de la Haize, orator of La Rochelle, said: “La faveur du ciel s’étant déclarée si miraculeusement pour votre conservation, que la délivrance des enfans d’Israël par la Mer Rouge n’est point plus admirable et extraordinaire.” Second Discours bref, in Arcère, i. p. 369, note. Villegomblain (Mém. i. p. 16), says they crossed “near Les Rosiers,” four leagues below Saumur, which must be a mistake. A spot just above Cosne was pointed out to me by a lineal descendant of one of the sharers of this flight.

[424] In the Cotton MSS. (Caligula E, vi. fol. 90) there is an inventory of jewels and trinkets mortgaged to Elizabeth by Joan of Navarre, Condé, and the admiral, 12th June, 1569.

[425] Champernon married a daughter of the famous Count of Montgomery.

[426] Raleigh’s Works, vi. pp. 157–158, 211.

[427] Mezeray describes the frost of 1570–71 as lasting three months, during which the fruit-trees, even in Languedoc, were frozen down to their roots. In March, 1572, Smith, the English embassador, writes from Blois, complaining of “thirty days’ continued frost and snow.”

[428] Leicester to Randolph (March 13), blames Condé’s “overmuch rashness,” and says his arm was broken by a shot. Wright’s Elizabeth, i. 313.

[429] Champollion-Figéac: Documents hist. inédits, iv. p. 486 (4to. Paris, 1848).

[430] When Charles heard the news of Condé’s death “surgit e lecto, properat ad summam ædem, alta voce depromit canticum Te Deum, jubet campanas omnes solenniter pulsari.”

[431] One of the medals struck at Rome to commemorate this victory represents the pope and cardinals kneeling and receiving from heaven an answer to their prayers: the inscription is from the Te Deum: “Fecit potentiam in brachio suo; dispersit superbos.” Bonanni: Numism. Pontif. Rom. No. 14 (2 vols. fol. Romæ, 1699).

[432] Catena, Vita di Pio V. p. 85. He wrote to Catherine to fight the enemies of God “ad internecionem usque;” and to Anjou to show himself “omnibus inexorabilem.” He describes Coligny as “exsecrandum illum ac detestabilem hominem, si modo homo appellandus est.” See also No. xi. to Charles (6th March, 1569), in Potter’s Lettres de Pio V. (8vo. Paris, 1826), where “punire hæreticos eorumque duces omni severitate” will hardly support the writer in the Dublin Review (October, 1865), who contends that the Church exulted over the St. Bartholomew massacre, not because the victims were heretics, but because they were rebels. In the prayer ordered by Clement IX. to be read on 1st May, Pius V. is described as elect “ad conterendos ecclesiæ hostes.”

[433] “Death or Victory” had been Henry’s motto in certain court masques, until Catherine, whose curiosity was piqued by the three Greek initials he used, ordered him to discontinue them.

[434] Some years ago there was in the cabinet of Alfred de Vigny, the author of Cinq Mars, a portrait, by an unknown painter, of Prince Henry, when not more than three years old. It was full of character and life.

[435] Sir James Stephen says that Andelot was slain at Moncontour. Lectures, Hist. France, ii. p. 123. He died at Saintes, 27th May; Moncontour was fought 3d October.

[436] D’Acier was ransomed for 10,000 crowns, on hearing of which the pope wrote angrily to Count Santa Fiore, “che non avesse il comandamento di lui osservato d’ammazzar subito qualunque heretico gli fosse venuto alle mani.” Catena: Vita Pio V.

[437] Simancas Archives, Bouillé, ii. 448.

[438] Henry of Nassau had left his studies to join his brothers: “dantem operam literis Argentorati fratres secum abduxerunt.” Languet: Epist. Secr. i. 117.

[439] Raleigh: Hist. World, bk. v. ch. ii. sec. 8, p. 356 (fol. 1614).

[440] Mém. de Perussis in Aubais, p. 106. The furniture and valuables—sculptures by Goujon, and pictures by Italian artists—filled 80 wagons, and produced 400,000 dollars by public auction in Paris.

[441] Epist. Pii papæ V. Edid. Gouban, Antwp. 1640: “Nihil est eâ misericordià crudelius.” Lib. iii. ep. 45, Octob. 20.

[442] Hist. France (Le Fère and Piguerre), fol. 1581, p. 119, b.

[443] De Thou. v. p. 610.

[444] Villegomblain: Mém. des Troubles, i. 255.

[445] Gilbert de Voisins: Traité de Géognosie.

[446] Weld’s Auvergne and Piedmont contains an interesting and picturesque description of a portion of this district.

[447] Henry and the Prince of Condé had each a regiment at the head of which they made their apprenticeship in arms.

[448] Matthieu, i. liv. v. p. 327.

[449] Chatillon-sur-Loing (not sur-Loire), is in Loiret, five leagues S.E. of Montargis, and 16 leagues E. of Orleans, on the left bank of the Loing.

[450] Simancas Archives: Bouillé, ii. p. 454.

[451] Le Pipre: Abrégé chron. de la Maison du Roi, p. 30. (4to. ed.).

[452] See also J. Rondinelli: Oratio in exequiis Karoli IX. Florentiæ, 1574.

[453] Walsingham to Leicester, 29th August, 1570.

[454] Digges: Compleat Ambassador, p. 7.

[455] Ad Camer. p. 132. “Omnes affirmant esse eximiæ voluntatis regem; sed potentes sunt factiones eorum qui pacem improbant ... omnia sunt hic tranquilla, nec dubitat quisquam regem esse pacis cupidissimum.” p. 136.

[456] Baschet, p. 252.

[457] “Nullam luci cum tenebris communionem, nullamque catholicis cum hæ. reticis ... compositionem esse posse.” Letter of 29th January, 1570, Potter.

[458] Tours Archives. Luzarche: Lettres historiques (1861), p. 129.

[459] “Voyant maintenant les affaires de mon royaume réduites au bon état qu’elles sont (Dieu merci), après qu’il lui a plu pacifier des troubles qui y étaient.” MSS. Bibl. Imp. in Soldan: Frankreich und die Bartholomæusnacht.

[460] Bouillé, ii. 456, note. See also État de France, i. 12 b (ed. 1579). Le Tocsain, p. 93 (ed. 1579).

[461] “Non sine magna procerum indignatione.” Elsewhere he is described as a “monstrum nulla virtute redemptum.”

[462] “Miroir de la Justice divine.” L’Estoile.

[463] Davila, i. p. 500.

[464] He was made Duke of Nevers after his marriage with Henrietta of Nevers, sister of Catherine of Cleves, the widow of Prince Porcien. Henrietta was the eldest daughter of the Duke of Nevers and Margaret of Bourbon, sister to Anthony of Navarre. Maria, the youngest daughter, married Henry of Condé in 1572.

[465] Capefigue.

[466] He is reported to have spent several hours at his forge on the very eve of the massacre.

[467] Under date 22d March, 1751, Smith writes to Burghley from Blois: “Inordinate hunting, so early in the morning and so late at night, without sparing frost, snow, or rain, and in so despotic a manner as makes her (Catherine) and those that love him to be often in great fear.”

[468] “Sanguineum reddebat in feras, non in homines.” Raumer (i. p. 271) suggests the omission of non, as being at variance with history.

[469] The Archives curieuses (viii.) contain a statement of the sums paid by the king for the animals thus slain.

[470] Recueil de ce qui a été faict à l’entrée, etc., in the Library of Ste. Geneviève.

[471] Hist. de France (by Le Fère de Laval and Piguerre), fol. 1581. Mém. État de France, i. 40.

[472] Charronet, p. 65.

[473] A “chanson” of this period strikingly prefigures the massacre of 1572. Here is one verse:

In another chanson (No. xvii.) Coligny is threatened:

[474] “There were men near to his sovereign (Charles IX.) who wished to bring him up in the Reformed religion; but he (Philip) would anticipate them, and embroil all the world beforehand.” Letter in Le Plat: Mon. Hist. Concil. Trident. Collect. v. p. 571 (4to. Lovain, 1781–1787).

[475] Walsingham, 25th June, 1571.

[476] “Che ’l Francese sia quasi necessitato desiderare la guerra con Spagnuoli.” Tommaseo: Relations Vénitiennes, ii. p. 171.

[477] Walsingham to Leicester, 5th March, 1572; Digges, p. 49.

[478] Alberi: Vita di Caterina de’ Medici.

[479] Walsingham (6th August, 1571) gives an account of this interview from the report of the prince himself. Digges, p. 174. The État de France (i. 44.) says Catherine was present, which is a mistake.

[480] Walsingham to Burleigh, 12th August, 1571. “Galli apud Hispanos in tantum suspicionem vivere.” Schardius Rediv. iv. p. 177.

[481] Walsingham to Leicester (22d April, 1571) shows Teligny’s footing with the king. The embassador hints at opposition to the war against Spain lest it should give the management to other hands and parties.

[482] After Teligny’s murder she married William of Orange. The present Count of Paris is descended from Louisa of Coligny, through his mother Helena of Mecklenburg.

[483] She admired in Coligny “un assortiment rare de vertus et de talens qui lui rendaient la haute idée de l’ancien héroïsme.” Arcère: Hist. Rochelle (4to. 1756), i. p. 392. In order to prevent the marriage, the nuncio Salviati proposed her assassination: “Le remède serait de se débarrasser, par tous les moyens possibles, de cette méchante fiancée.” Coquerel: La Sainte-Barthélemy (Paris, 1859), p. 27, note.

[484] Digges, p. 122. Walsingham to Burghley, 12th August, 1571.

[485] About this time Catherine wrote to La Mothe-Fénelon: “L’amiral est ici avec nous, qui ne désire rien plus que d’aider en tout ce qu’il peut ... comme aussi à s’employer en toutes choses concernant le bien du service du roi comme son fidèle sujet.” 27th September, 1571.

[486] Fénelon to the king, 30th September, 1571, repeating Walsingham’s dispatch to his own government.

[487] Mém. of Coligny. Translated by D. D. Scott (12mo. Edinburgh, 1844).

[488] Fénelon’s Dispatches, October, 1571.

[489] “La maison de Montmorency étaient ceux qui en avaient porté les premières paroles.” Mém. de Marguerite.

[490] Chantonnay’s letter of 23d May, 1562; also hinted at in Aubespine, p. 844.

[491] Walsingham to Leicester, 17th February, 1571.

[492] He was married 17th September, 1570.

[493] Popelinière, ii. fol. 44 b.

[494] Charles to De Ferrals, 5th October, 1571. “The most eminent and faithful of my servants agree with me that, in the present condition of my kingdom, this marriage is the best means of ending all troubles.” Raumer, i. 277. The correspondence in Digges is to the same effect.

[495] Walsingham writes 16th August: “The queen-mother had provided both jewels and wedding.” Digges, p. 135.

[496] Le Tocsain (ed. 1579), p. 77.

[497] “Linerolles, who by the house of Guise and the rest of the Spanish faction was made an instrument to dissuade his master....” (8th December, 1571.) “Linerolles, the chief dissuader of the marriage.” 31st December, 1571, in Digges. For another account see Freer’s Henry III. i. p. 72. Sorbin (Le vray Resveille-Matin) says he was killed at Bourgueil, not at Blois.

[498] “Toutes marques, vestiges, et monumens des dites exécutions, etc. ... ordonnons le tout estre osté et effacé.”

[499] Felibien, ii. p. 1112.

[500] There is a letter from Charles to Marshal Cossé (6th November, 1571): “Je veux que vous fassiez ôter la pyramide, et que vous me fassiez obéir, car le temps est venu qu’il le faut faire.” Soldan, ii. p. 423.

[501] It stood here until destroyed in the Revolution.

[502] Anquetil, Peyrat, and others say May, but Sir Thomas Smith, writing from Blois, 3d March, 1572, says: “This day the Queen of Navarre is looked for;” and Walsingham (29th March) reports an interview with her at Blois. Charles writes to Fénelon (8th March) that the Queen of Navarre arrived eight or nine days ago.

[503] L’Estoile (Journ. Henri III.) and Sully both give the same story, evidently from common gossip.

[504] The whole tenor of Charles’s letter to Fénelon (8th March, 1572) is in contradiction to the story given in the text. He says: “My aunt shows a good disposition to conclude the marriage.... There is a very good appearance of it.”

[505] Lettres du Card. d’Ossat (fol. Paris, 1641), Lettre 185, p. 426. The Edinburgh reviewer (June, 1826) pressed this very unfairly against Dr. Lingard. The “enemies” might have been Spain. Catena, who had been secretary to the cardinal, speaks out more distinctly, but his report will not bear examination: “Io voglio punir questi malvaggi e felloni, facendogli tagliar tutti a pezzi, o non esser re, perdendo affatto la corona.” Vita del Papa Pio V. p. 196 (Roma, 1647).

[506] Davila, liv. v.; Capilupi: Lo Stratagema; and De Thou give this story, but the latter does not believe it. Ant. Gabut (Vita Pii V.) gives the inscription on the ring which Charles sent to Alessandrino after the death of Pius V.: “Non minus hæc solida est pietas, ne solvi.” In the Mém. Etat de France, the legate “s’en allait bien content.” I. 150.

[507] Digges, 3d March, 1572, p. 193.

[508] “Il est du tout impossible de l’y disposer si chaudement.” L. Paris: Cab. Hist. ii. p. 231.

[509] Soldan treats it as a fable, note 142.

[510] Mackintosh: Hist. England, iii. Appendix D. Raumer, i. p. 281. After a description of the admiral’s murder and the massacre, the king “hopes that now the holy father will make no more difficulties about the dispensation.”

[511] “Con alcuni particolari che io porto, de’ quali ragguaglierò N. S^ne a bocca, posso dire di non partirmi affatto male expedito.” Letter to Rusticucci (6th March, 1572), in Lettere del Sr. Ch. Alessandrino, quoted by Ranke, Franz. Gesch. bk. iv. ch. 3.

[512] Her description of Catherine’s facility of lying is short and graphic: “Elle me le renie comme beau meurtre et me rit au nez.”

[513] Baschet, p. 488.

[514] Walsingham to Burghley, 29th March, 1572; Digges.

[515] “Capitis sui jacturam facturum esse” Gabut: Vita Pii V. in Acta Sanctorum (Maii), I. cap. v. § 240 (fol. Antverp. 1580).

[516] Journal de L’Estoile, p. 73. The words are rather different in the Reveille-Matin, but the sense is the same.

[517] Grabut, Vita Pii V. cap. v. § 244. If Charles was not misleading the pope, these “designs” may have been the Flemish war.

[518] Bouillé: Hist. Guise, ii. 492.

[519] Claude Haton: Mém. ii. p. 663.

[520] This is clear from her despairing language to Fénelon: “Vous êtes sur le point de perdre un tel royaume et grandeur pour mes enfans ... nous pourrions avoir ce royaume entre les mains d’un de nos enfans.” 2d February, 1571, Corresp. diplom. Paris, 1840–41, ed. by Teulet.

[521] The nuncio promised him 100,000 crowns. Walsingham to Cecil, 8th February, 1572, in Wright’s Elizabeth, p. 386. See also letter of 17th February, in Digges, p. 43.

[522] Charles, writing to Fénelon (19th Jan. 1572), mentions a discussion about inserting the words “of attacks under pretext of religion,” and what Walsingham had said on the matter about a general Protestant Confederation. See Digges, pp. 169–173.

[523] There is abundant evidence in the Fénelon correspondence. On the 20th March, 1572, Charles writes that Queen Mary “had exhorted the Duke of Alva to hasten to send ships to Scotland to seize her son,” and that “she would commit herself to the King of Spain.” He bids Fénelon tell her to write no more such ciphers, and “de se départir de telles pratiques et menées.” Walsingham’s correspondence shows that Spain, Guise, the pope, and others were conspiring to prevent Elizabeth from helping Flanders by an invasion of Ireland, “to which the king was not privy.” Digges, p. 36 (Letter of 8th February), p. 38.

[524] Charles to Fénelon, 20th March, 1572: “We are in great hope of the marriage (of Alençon).... If it be accomplished, I shall not be ungrateful.”

[525] Raumer, i. 196.

[526] Simancas Archives. Paris: Cab. Hist. iii. 67.

[527] Gachard: Bull. Acad. Brux. xvi. 1849 (pte. 1).

[528] Simancas Archives. Paris: Cab. Hist. iii. 67.

[529] “Quelque bon jeu.” Bouillé.

[530] Gachard: Corresp. de Philippe II. 4to. Bruxelles, 1848, t. ii. p. 269.

[531] Ellis’s Letters, p. 10; see also pp. 16 and 18.

[532] Mém. de Duplessis-Mornay, Paris, 1824.