[1772.] The annual elections of the Massachusetts were in favor of the friends to colonial liberty; but the state of Mr. Otis’s mind necessarily occasioned his being left out of the list of the Boston representatives.

[May 28.] The general court still met at Cambridge, but the governor adopted a conciliating measure, in declining to negative Mr. Hancock, who was again chosen one of the council.—He had been repeatedly chosen, and till now as repeatedly negatived; he declined, however, taking his seat at the board, choosing to remain in the assembly as one of the Boston members.

[June 13.] Mr. Hutchinson acquainted the house, in answer to a message, that his majesty had made provision for his support; and then, after requiring the opinion and advice of the council, upon their oaths, whether he might now remove the general court to Boston, consistent with the signification of his majesty’s pleasure to him, and receiving their unanimous opinion and advice in the affirmative, adjourned them to meet at Boston. He might have asked and received that very advice long before.

A committee having been appointed to consider the matter of the governor’s support being provided for by the king, reported and observed [July 10.] “That the king’s providing for the support of the governor is a most dangerous innovation. It is a measure, whereby not only the right of the general assembly of this province is rescinded, but the highest indignity is thrown upon it. It is an infraction of the charter in a material point, whereby a most important trust is wrested out of the hands of the general assembly.” And the house, the same day, declared by a message to the governor, “That the making provision for his excellency’s support, independent of the grants and acts of the general assembly, and his excellency’s receiving the same, is an infraction upon the rights of the inhabitants granted by the royal charter.”

The payment of the governors by the crown, is not relished by the colonies, as it makes them entirely dependent upon that, and wholly independent of the people and provincial assemblies; and as it destroys the mutual check which each branch of the legislature ought to have upon the others, and that balance of power which is essential to all free governments. It will be a new source of complaint. On the other hand, the affair which has happened in Rhode-Island government will prove a fresh provocation to ministry, and tend to fix them in their plans respecting the colonies.

Lieutenant Duddington, the commander of the late armed schooner the Gaspee, had been remarkably assiduous in supporting the laws against smuggling, and in searching after contraband goods, by which he had given great offence. He had also brought upon himself the resentment of many, by firing at the Providence packets (employed in transporting goods and passengers from thence to Newport, and vice versa) in order to oblige the masters to take down their colours, and by chacing them even into the docks when it had been refused. The Providence packet coming up as usual with colours flying and company on board, probably a party of pleasure, as is frequent in the summer season, and refusing to take them down, the lieutenant fired a shot, which being disregarded, he chaced. [June 9.] It was near upon, or quite high water. The packet stood in with the land as close as consisted with safety, designing that the Gaspee should be run a-ground in the chace. The design succeeded. The Gaspee was soon fast, and could not stir, the tide having done flowing. The packet proceeded to town. The situation of the Gaspee, and resentment against the commander, excited the thought of attacking and destroying her. Mr. John Brown, a considerable merchant of Providence, was the principal in the business. Captain Whipple was immediately employed to beat up for volunteers, and a number offered and engaged to go upon any service for which they were wanted. Several whale boats were procured and filled with armed men. Mr. Brown accompanied them in the expedition. Captain Whipple, as they proceeded, observed to Mr. Brown, that he might lose his life, and that he had a family, and therefore he required that care should be taken of them in case of his death. Mr. Brown engaged to do it should that happen. [June 10.] About two o’clock in the morning, they boarded and carried the schooner, as she lay a-ground about seven miles below Providence. Mr. Brown himself was the first on board. The lieutenant was wounded. He and the crew were put on shore, and every thing valuable belonging to him was taken out and saved for him; after which the Gaspee, with all her stores, was burned.

Though a reward of five hundred pounds, together with a pardon, if claimed by an accomplice, has been offered by proclamation for discovering and apprehending any of the persons concerned: yet the commissioners appointed to try the matter, have transmitted accounts to ministry, that they can obtain no evidence. If any one had wished to give evidence, that he might get the reward, yet the thought that he should risk his life, or be obliged to fly the country and become a perpetual exile, would naturally have overcome such propensity. It was too hazardous to turn informer. Some who were secured, in expectation that they would give intelligence, were assisted by the populace in making their escape, before any thing material could be learnt from them by the commissioners.

Governor Hutchinson and his adherents having been used to represent the party in opposition, as only an uneasy factious few in Boston, while the body of the people were quite contented; Mr. Samuel Adams was thereby induced to visit Mr. James Warren of Plymouth. After conversing upon the subject, the latter proposed to originate and establish committees of correspondence in the several towns of the colony, in order to learn the strength of the friends to the rights of the continent, and to unite and increase their force. Mr. Samuel Adams returned to Boston, pleased with the proposal, and communicated the same to his confidents. Some doubted whether the measure would prosper, and dreaded a disappointment, which might injure the cause of liberty. But it was concluded to proceed. The prime managers were about six in number; each of whom when separate, headed a division; the several individuals of which, collected and led distinct subdivisions. In this manner the political engine has been constructed. The different parts are not equally good and operative. Like other bodies, its composition includes numbers who act mechanically, as they are pressed this or that way by those who judge for them; and divers of the wicked, fitted for evil practices when the adoption of them is thought necessary to particular purposes, and a part of whose creed it is, that in political matters the public good is above every other consideration, and that all rules of morality when in competition with it, may be safely dispensed with. When any important transaction is to be brought forward, it is thoroughly considered by the prime managers. If they approve, each communicates it to his own division; from thence, if adopted, it passes to the several subdivisions, which form a general meeting in order to canvass the business. The prime managers being known only by a few to be the promoters of it, are desired to be present at the debate, that they may give their opinion when it closes. If they observe that the collected body is in general strongly agains the measure they wish to have carried, they declare it to be improper; is it opposed by great numbers, but not warmly, they advise to a re-consideration at another meeting, and prepare for its being then adopted; if the opposition is not considerable, either in number or weight of persons, they give their reasons, and then recommend the adoption of the measure. The principal actors are determined upon securing the liberties of their country, or perishing in the attempt.

The news of his majesty’s granting salaries to the justices of the superior court, afforded them a fair opportunity for executing the plan of establishing committees of correspondence through the colony. The most spirited pieces were published, and an alarm spread, that the granting such salaries tended rapidly to complete the system of their slavery.

[Nov. 2.] A town meeting was called, and a committee of correspondence appointed, to write circular letters to all the towns in the province, and to induce them to unite in measures. [Nov. 19.] The committee made a report, containing several resolutions contradictory to the supremacy of the British legislature. After setting forth, that all men have a right to remain in a state of nature as long as they please, they proceed to a report upon the natural rights of the colonists as men, christians and subjects; and then form a list of infringements and violations of their rights. They enumerate and dwell upon the British parliament’s having assumed the power of legislation for the colonies in all cases whatever—the appointment of a number of new officers to superintend the revenues—the granting of salaries out of the American revenue, to the governor, the judges of the superior court, the king’s attorney and solicitor general. The report was accepted; copies printed, and six hundred circulated through the towns and districts of the province, with a pathetic letter addressed to the inhabitants, who were called upon not to doze any longer, or sit supinely in indifference, while the iron hand of oppression was daily tearing the choicest fruits from the fair tree of liberty. The circular letter requested of each town a free communication of sentiments on the subjects of the report, and was directed to the select men, who were desired to lay the same before a town meeting, which has been generally practised, and the proceedings of the town upon the business have been transmitted to the committee at Boston. This committee have their particular correspondents in the several towns, who upon receiving any special information, are ready to spread it with dispatch among the inhabitants. It consists of twenty-one persons, of heterogeneous qualities and professions. The governor, in expectation of exciting prejudice, and fixing a stigma upon them, their connections and proceedings, has written to a gentleman in power, “Strange that a government, which within a century would suffer no person to be free of the commonwealth who was not one of their church members, should now take for their leaders, men who openly contemn all religion, and should join deacons and atheists in one trust; and that they should be instigated to this by some of the clergy, who make the highest pretences to devotion; and yet the spirit of political party produces all this.” He would gladly receive them all into his own arms, and be devoutly thankful for them, were they to change sides and join in supporting his administration. But he has unwarily acknowledged, that the government, or the great body of the people in their legislative and ruling capacity are in the opposition, which therefore cannot consist merely of a few factious leaders; and he appears not to have recollected, that men of opposite principles and characters will unite heart and hand, in keeping off a general calamity, which will involve them all in one and the same ruin. The towns in general have chosen committees of correspondence, and resolved in a stile agreeable to the wishes of the Bostonians. But the resolutions have not been alway drawn up by the townsmen. An inhabitant of Petersham applied to that worthy and disinterested son of liberty, Mr. Quincy, whom you will recollect to have been of the counsel for captain Preston and the soldiers, for his assistance, and was furnished with the following draft, intended for Boston, excepting the introduction and the paragraphs marked with a star, which were added by some other person.

[Jan. 4, 1773.] At a meeting of the freeholders and other inhabitants of the town of Petersham in the county of Worcester, duly assembled according to law, held by adjournment on the 4th of January, 1773, the committee chosen on the 30th ult. made the following report, viz. “The town having received a circular letter from the town of Boston, respecting the present grievances and abominable oppressions under which this country groans, have thereupon taken into their most serious consideration the present policy of the British government and administration, with regard to Great-Britain and these colonies; have carefully reviewed the mode of election, and the quality of the electors of the commons of that island; and have also attentively reflected upon the enormous and growing influence of the crown, and that bane of all free states, a standing army in the time of peace; and in consequence thereof are fully confirmed in opinion, that the ancient rights of the nation are capitally invaded, and the greatest part of the most precious and established liberties of Englishmen utterly destroyed: And whereas the parliament of Great-Britain, by various statutes and acts, have unrighteously distressed our trade, denied and precluded us from setting up and carrying on manufactures highly beneficial to the inhabitants of these territories; restricted and prevented our lawful intercourse and commerce with other states and kingdoms; have also made laws and institutions touching life and limb, in disherison of the ancient common law of the land; and moreover have in these latter times, robbed and plundered the honest and laborious inhabitants of this extensive continent of their property, by mere force and power; and are now draining this people of the fruits of their toil, by thus raising a revenue from them, against the natural rights of man, and in open violation of the laws of God.

This town, in union with the worthy inhabitants of Boston, now think it their indispensable duty to consider of the premises and the present aspect of the times, and to take such steps as upon mature deliberation are judged right and expedient; and hereupon this town

Resolved, That with a governor appointed from Great-Britain (especially at this day) during pleasure, with a large stipend, dependant upon the will of the crown, and controuled by instructions from a British minister of state, with a council subject to the negative of such a governor, and with all officers, civil and military, subject to his appointment or consent, with a castle in the hands of a standing army, stationed in the very bowels of the land; and that amazing number of placemen and dependants with which every maritime town already swarms, no people can ever be truly virtuous, free, or brave:

Resolved, That the parliament of Great-Britain, usurping and exercising a legislative authority over, and extorting an unrighteous revenue from these colonies, is against all divine and human laws. The late appointment of salaries to be paid to our superior court judges, whose creation, pay, and commission depend on mere will and pleasure, completes a system of bondage equal to any ever fabricated by the combined efforts of the ingenuity, malice, fraud, and wickedness of man:

* Resolved, That it is the opinion of this town, that a despotic, arbitrary government, is the kingdom of this world, as set forth in the New-Testament, and is diametrically opposite to the establishment of christianity in a society, and has a direct tendency to sink a people into a profound state of ignorance and irreligion; and that, if we have an eye to our own and posterity’s happiness (not only in this world, but the world to come) it is our duty to oppose such a government:

* And further resolved, That the depriving the colonies of their constitutional rights, may be fitly compared to the dismembering the natural body, which will soon affect the heart; and it would be nothing unexpected for us to hear, that those very persons who have been so active in robbing the colonies of their constitutional rights, have also delivered up the constitution of our mother country into the hands of our king:

Therefore resolved, That it is the first and highest social duty of this people, to consider of, and seek ways and means, for a speedy redress of these mighty grievances and intolerable wrongs; and that for the obtaining of this end, this people are warranted, by the laws of God and nature, in the use of every rightful art and energy of policy, stratagem and force.

* And while we are thus under these awful frowns of divine Providence and involved as this people are in heavy calamities, which daily increase in number and severity, it is highly becoming towns and individuals to humble themselves before Almighty God, seriously to commune with their own hearts, and seek carefully with tears, for the causes of the prevailing distresses of the land; and while it is apparent, that pristine piety and purity of morals, have given place to infidelity, dissipation, luxury, and gross corruption of mind and morals, there is a loud call for humility, lamentings and reformation; and it is at this time eminently incumbent on one and all, to seek at the throne of the great God for those special and remarkable interpositions of divine Providence, grace and mercy, which have so ofter saved New-England from both public and private distress and misery: and as there is great reason to believe, that in past times we have too much depended upon the exertions of worldly wisdom and political devices, it becomes us in our present melancholy situation to rely no longer on an arm of flesh, but on the arms of that all-powerful God, who is able to unite the numerous inhabitants of this extensive territory, as a band of brothers in one common cause—who can easily give that true religion, which shall make us his people indeed; that spirit, which shall fit us to endure temporal hardships for the procurement of future happiness; that spirit of valor and irresistable courage, which shall occasion our aged and our youth to jeopard their lives with joy, in the high places of the field, for his name and service sake, for the preservation also of this goodly heritage of our fathers, for the sake of the living children of our loins, and the unborn millions of posterity.

* We believe that there are very many, who in these days have kept their integrity and garments unspotted, and hope that God will deliver them and our nation for their sake. God will not suffer this land where the gospel hath flourished, to become a slave of the world; he will stir up witnesses of the truth; and in his own time, spirit his people to stand up for his cause, and deliver them. In a similar belief, that patriot of patriots, the great Algernon Sidney, lived and died, and dying breathed a like sentiment and prophecy, touching his own and the then approaching times, a prophecy, however, not accomplished until a glorious revolution.

Approved of by vote of the town, without contradiction.

The govornor, instead of overlooking in his speech, the proceedings of the towns, has been induced by them to broach the dispute about the supremacy of the parliament; and has fallen into the snare which probably some of the politicians had laid for him, expecting to get the majority of the general court to declare against it. He designed to recommend himself to the ministry by obtaining a victory: but they will not thank him for increasing their embarrassments.

[Jan. 25.] The council in their answer, said “The stamp act, with some preceding and succeeding acts of parliament, subjecting the colonies to taxes without their consent, was the original cause of all the uneasiness that has happened since, and has occasioned also an inquiry into the nature and extent of the authority by which they were made.”

This was the truth. When the stamp act took place, “some people, under the notion of zeal for liberty, ran into the most excessive licentiousness, and were guilty in one place and another of the most lawless, unjust, and tyrannical proceedings; such as pulling down and destroying houses, abusing persons, endangering men’s lives, destroying their property, breaking windows, delivering prisoners out of the hands of justice, putting many into great fear, all contrary to the laws of the province: but there was nothing of this kind before.”^[107] Let me add, that in all my researches not an instance has occurred to me of the mob’s having been the death of a single individual, though they might have proceeded to the most criminal lengths also, had they not been gratified or diverted from their pursuits. But before that fatal act, there was not a more loyal, orderly, and peaceable people than the Americans in general through the whole British empire. All ranks and conditions gloried in their connection with Great-Britain; rejoiced in her friendship and protection; and triumphed in her prosperity.

Toward the close of their answer, the house of assembly expressed a concern at their having been reduced by the speech to the unhappy alternative, either of appearing by their silence to acquiesce in the governor’s sentiments as to the supremacy of parliament, or of freely discussing the point. The house might be concerned, but the leaders were pleased with the opportunity. The governor replied; and the house in their rejoinder told him “Although the colony may have submitted sub silentio to some acts of parliament, that they conceived might operate for their benefit, they did not conceive themselves bound by any of its acts which they judged would operate to the injury of individuals.” The people at large believe, that the house has the best of the argument, and are confirmed in their opposition to the claims of parliament.

The house voted the usual salaries to the judges of the superior court early in the session. The governor delayed giving his assent to the grants; which produced a message to him, requesting his making known the difficulty that prevented his assenting; to this it was answered, that he had received information, that his majesty had been pleased to order salaries to be allowed to the justices of the superior courts, &c. By this answer the house gained the opportunity of sending a second message, [Feb.] in which they expressed their resentment at the many attempts made, effectually to render null and void those clauses in their charter upon which the freedom of their constitution depends; and said that they were more and more convinced, that it had been the design of administration to introduce an arbitrary government into the province. They declared at the close, their impatience to know, “that the justices will utterly refuse ever to accept of support in a manner so justly obnoxious to the people of the province, it being repugnant to the charter, and utterly inconsistent with the safety of the rights, liberties, and properties of the people.” To add the greater weight to their sentiments, and make them the more regarded by all persons, they come to several resolves [March 3.] respecting the salaries and the judges; among the rest, “that their dependence on the crown, especially while they held their commissions during pleasure, tends to the subversion of justice and equity, and to introduce oppression and despotic power; and that while they hold during pleasure, any who shall accept of and depend upon the pleasure of the crown for his support, independent of the grants of the general court, will discover that he is an enemy to the constitution, and has it in his heart to promote the establishment of an arbitrary government in the province.”

The measures pursued on each side the Atlantic are not calculated to promote harmony.