The appointment of general Gage to the government was not thought of by Mr. Hutchinson. He expected to have been entrusted with the execution of the ministerial plan; and was rather disconcerted when he found it to be otherwise. Before he left the colony, he was presented with a few addresses; one by a number of gentlemen, conceived in very respectful terms, but against which many others entered a protest. Had he applied himself vigorously and steadily to the healing of the breach between the colonies and the parent state, instead of calling upon ministry to force submission, he would have been a blessing, and had the love of all; but now it will be well if he does not prove a curse to both countries, and make himself odious to the latest posterity.

[May 13.] When general Gage landed on the long wharf, it was thought from appearances, that he had apprehensions of being ill treated by the inhabitants; but though they were highly incensed at the port-bill, which they had just received, they behaved toward him with the greatest decency. He was complimented by the council, the gentlemen in the commission of the peace, and others, and afterward sumptuously entertained.

The next day there was a numerous town-meeting to consider the port-bill; when they resolved, “That it is the opinion of this town, that if the other colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all importation from and exportation to Great-Britain, and every part of the West-Indies, till the act be repealed, the same will prove the salvation of North-America and her liberties; and that the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of the act, exceed all our powers of expression: We therefore leave it to the just censure of others, and appeal to God and the world.” Copies of the act arrived in different parts; were multiplied with incredible expedition; and circulated through the colonies, by which the whole country was inflamed. In some places they were printed upon mourning paper, with a black border, and cried about the streets under the title of a barbarous, cruel, bloody and inhuman murder; in others, great bodies of the people were called together by advertisement, and the obnoxious law burned with great solemnity, similar to what was done in the time of the stamp act.

When the Boston port-bill arrived at New-York, captain Sears and M‘Dougall wrote to the committee at Boston, assuring them of the support of the New-Yorkers. The letter was published without their names. The Yorkers would have fixed a censure upon them, but could get no proof of their being the writers. Captain Sears and M‘Dougall called the people together by a publication. They collected, and after a violent opposition from the tories, who had brought their whole strength upon the occasion, a vote was obtained for appointing a committee on account of the port-bill, which was to consist of fifty-one. The tories fearing the worst, had provided a list; but all lists were taken off the table at Mr. Sears’s motion, when nominations took place, and the number of whigs and tories was nearly equal. Mr. Sears got another added, which made the committee fifty-two. The whigs in it insisted that there must be a congress. The violence of captain Sears’s temper, and his influence over the populace, induced the tories to fall in with the proposal of one, rather than be exposed to the dangers of a mob; but they expected that they should prevent it. A letter was sent to the Boston committee, with a recommendation to them to appoint time and place. They approved of a congress, but declined making the appointments. The York committee considered the answer; and it was carried to write to them afresh upon the subject. The tories were caught; for having agreed to the motion for a congress, they could not hinder it by all their contrivances. You must admit of my using, for brevity sake, the term whig and tory for the pro’s and con’s on the subject of full redress to American grievances. When better can be met with, they shall be adopted; but they are universally applied in this manner by the liberty party.

The Boston committee of correspondence were sensible that the utmost delicacy and precaution in the use of words and expressions, were requisite in the present state of affairs; that so their enemies might not disappoint them of that support for which they were to make a general application to all the colonists, and whom they addressed on the head of the port-bill, and the distresses coming upon the inhabitants, with the utmost respect; they were careful to insert in all their letters, “It is hoped that Boston will be considered as suffering in the common cause.”

While these letters were circulating, the period arrived for the meeting of a new general court, which assembled at Boston, [May 25.] when the services of the election day were carried on as usual; but the hearts of many felt sad with the apprehension that it would be the last of the kind. Their forebodings were increased, by the number and characters of the elected counsellors whom governor Gage negatived, not less than thirteen. He laid nothing before the court more than the ordinary besiness of the province; but gave them notice of their removal to Salem on the first of June in pursuance of the act. Learning that the house of assembly, to avoid removing were hastening through the necessary business, with the greatest expedition, he adjourned the general court to the seventh of June, then to meet at Salem. Before that day the inhabitants of several towns and cities, in different parts of the continent, concurred in expressing the greatest disapprobation of the measures pursued against Boston, an abhorrence of the new act, and a condemnation of the principles on which it was founded, with a resolution to oppose its effects in every manner, and to support their distressed brethren, who were to be the immediate victims. At Philadelphia a subscription was set on foot for the support of such poor inhabitants of Boston, as should be deprived of the means of subsistence by the operation of the act. The Virginia house of burgesses appointed the first of June to be set apart as a day of fasting and humiliation, devoutly to implore the divine interposition, for averting the heavy calamity which threatened destruction to their civil rights, and the evils of a civil war; and for giving one heart and one mind to the people, firmly to oppose every injury to the American rights. This occasioned their dissolution; but before they separated, eighty nine of the members entered into an association, in which they declared, “That an attack made on one of our sister colonies, to compel submission to arbritrary taxes, is an attack made on all British America, and threatens ruin to the rights of all, unless the united wisdom of the whole be applied.” They recommended to the committee of correspondence, to communicate with the several committees of the other provinces, on the expediency of appointing deputies from the different colonies, to meet annually in general congress, to deliberate on those measures, which the united interests of America might from time to time require.

[June 1.] Business was finished at the custom-house in Boston at twelve o’clock at noon, and the harbour shut up against all vessels bound thither; and after the fourteenth none were to be allowed to depart. The day was devoutly kept at Williamsburgh in Virginia, as a day of fasting and humiliation. There was a solemn pause in the business of Philadelphia. If we except the Quakers, near nine-tenths of the citizens shut up their houses; and the bells were rung, muffled, all the day. It was observed in other places as a day of mourning.

[June 7.] The Massachusetts general court met at Salem according to adjournment, and a committee was appointed to consider and report the state of the province. Mr. Samuel Adams observed, that some of the committee were for mild measures, which he judged no way suited to the present emergency. He conferred with Mr. Warren of Plymouth upon the necessity of giving into spirited measures, and then said, “Do you keep the committee in play, and I will go and make a caucus^[109] against the evening; and do you meet me.” Mr. Samuel Adams secured a meeting of about five principal members of the house, at the time specified; and repeated his endeavours against the next night; and so as to the third, when they were more than thirty: the friends of administration knew nothing of the matter. The popular leaders took the sense of the members in a private way, and found that they should be able to carry their scheme by a sufficient majority. They had their whole plan compleated, prepared their resolves, and then determined upon bringing the business forward. But before they went upon it, the door-keeper was ordered to let no one whatsoever in, and no one was to go out: however, when the business opened, a ministerial member pleaded a call of nature, which is always regarded, and was allowed to go out. He then ran to give information of what was doing, and a messenger was dispatched to general Gage, who lived at some distance. The secretary was sent off to dissolve the general court; found the door fastened; knocked for entrance, but was answered, that the house was upon very important business, which when they had finished they would let him in. As he could obtain no entrance, he read the proclamation upon the steps leading to the representatives’ chamber, in the hearing of several members and others on the out-side with him, and immediately after in the council, thus dissolving the general court. The house, while sitting with their doors shut, appointed Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, Robert Treat Pain, James Bowdoin and John Adams, esqrs. as their committee to meet other committees, that might be convened the first of September at Philadelphia, voted them five hundred pounds lawful (seventy-five pounds sterling) each, and chose a treasurer. They recommended also to the several towns and districts, the raising the said sum, by equitable proportions, according to the last provincial tax—a recommendation which had all the force of a law. It was a triumph to many of the sons of liberty to think that the house had out-generalled the governor.

Sometime before the dissolution of the general court, near upon three hundred citizens of Philadelphia met and appointed a committee to write to Boston. Their letter was temperate and firm. They acknowledged the difficulty of offering the inhabitants advice upon the sad occasion that existed; wished first to have the sense of the province in general; and observed that all lenient applications for obtaining redress should be tried, before recourse was had to extremities. They remarked that it might perhaps be right to take the sense of a general congress, before the desperate measure of putting an entire stop to commerce was adopted; and that it might be right at any rate, to reserve that measure as the last resource when all other means had failed. They mentioned, that if the making of restitution to the East-India Company for their teas would put an end to the unhappy controversy, and leave the people of Boston upon their ancient footing of constitutional liberty, it could not admit of a moment’s doubt what part they should take; but they added, it was not the value of the tea, it was the indefeasible right of giving and granting their own money, a right from which they could never recede, that was now the matter of consideration.

The importance and necessity of a general congress was soon felt by every colony, so that the measure taken by the Massachusetts was gradually adopted by the others.

Maryland, whose zeal in the cause of liberty was ardent, had a meeting of the committees appointed by the several counties, at the city of Annopolis, who elected five deputies for that province [June 25.] “to attend a general congress, at such time and place as may be agreed on, to effect one general plan of conduct, operating on the commercial connection of the colonies with the mother country, for the relief of Boston and preservation of American liberty.”

This meeting commenced three days before the election of deputies; and considering the distance of Salem from Annopolis, cannot be ascribed to the transaction of the Massachusetts assembly on the seventeenth; beside it appears from the words at such time and place as may be agreed on, that the committees did not know that the Massachusetts assembly had mentioned the convening of a general congress on the first of September at Philadelphia.

When the opinion of the Boston town-meeting respecting a joint resolution of the colonies to stop all importation and exportation till the port-bill was repealed, arrived in South-Carolina, it was represented to a number of the principal gentlemen in Charlestown. The mode proposed was thought to be of too much consequence to be adopted without the universal consent of the people. It was therefore determined to request a meeting of the inhabitants. That this might be as general as possible, circular letters were sent by express to every parish and district within the colony.

[July 6.] A great number from almost every part of South-Carolina met at Charlestown. The proceedings of parliament against Boston and the Massachusetts Bay were distinctly related to this convention of the people; on which, without one dissenting voice, they came into various resolutions. Among others they resolved, “That five gentlemen be appointed deputies on the behalf of this colony, to meet the deputies of the several colonies in North-America in general congress, to consider the act lately passed, and bills depending in parliament, with regard to the port of Boston and province of Massachusetts, also the grievances under which America labors, with full power and authority, in behalf of us and our constituents, to concert, and effectually to prosecute, such legal measures (by which we for ourselves and them most solemnly engage to abide) as in the opinion of the said deputies, and of the deputies so to be assembled, shall be most likely to obtain a repeal of the said acts, and a redress of these grievances.”—That, while the oppressive acts relative to Boston are enforced, we will cheerfully, from time to time, contribute toward the relief of such persons there, whose unfortunate circumstances may be thought to stand in need of most assistance:”—“That a committee of ninety-nine persons be now appointed, to act as a general committee, to correspond with the committees of the other colonies, and to do all matters and things necessary to carry the resolutions into execution; and that any twenty-one of them met together, may proceed on business—their power to continue till the next general meeting.”

The appointment of the above-mentioned deputies was recognized, ratified and confirmed by the house of assembly, at their next session, on the second of August.

The Connecticut house of representatives, in expectation of the event during their recess, empowered a committee of nine, in case a congress of commissioners from the several colonies should be convened, to meet and choose delegates to serve for that colony, and to correspond with other committees. Mr. Silas Deane was of the committee, and being ambitious of going to congress, schemed their meeting at New-London, (instead of Hartford) where through the influence of a most worthy father-in-law, his own policy, and his own vote, he obtained a majority of one, and became one of the four Connecticut delegates, though not viewed by those who know him most, as a person of the greatest integrity, or the truest patriotism.

At Philadelphia, a petition signed by near nine hundred freeholders was presented to Mr. Penn, the governor, entreating him to call a general assembly as soon as possible. This request being refused, the province proceeded to the election of deputies, who soon after met at Philadelphia. The resolutions passed at this meeting, carry the marks of cool and temperate deliberation, as well as affection to the mother country, more than those of any others; and are at the same time equally firm in the determination of supporting the colonial rights.

In them the deputies set out with the strongest professions of duty and allegiance, and express their abhorence of every idea of an unconstitutial dependence on the parent state, and the most ardent wishes for a restoration of the former harmony. They reprobate in the strongest terms the act and bills relative to the Massachusetts-Bay, and declare that they consider their brethren at Boston, as suffering in the common cause. They insist upon the absolute necessity of a congress to consult together and form a general plan of conduct for all the colonies. They acknowledge, that a suspension of the commerce of that large trading province with Great-Britain, will greatly distress multitudes of their industrious inhabitants, but pronounce themselves ready to offer that sacrifice, and much greater, for the preservation of their liberties; however, they express their desire, that congress will first try the gentle mode of stating their grievances, and making a firm and decent claim of redress. They conclude with declaring, that that province will break off all commercial intercourse whatever, with any town, city or colony, and individuals in them who shall refuse, or neglect to adopt and carry into execution, such general plan as shall be agreed upon in the congress.

They did not undertake to appoint the delegates, but left it to the Pennsylvania assembly, [July 22.] who soon after fixed upon seven gentlemen.

At a meeting of delegates, from the different counties in Virginia at Williamsburgh, beside the warmest professions of allegiance and loyalty, and several resolutions in common with the other colonies, they passed others, which considering the circumstances of the colony, with its immediate dependence on the mother country for the disposal of its only staple commodity, must be considered as very deserving of attention, because strongly indicating the true spirit of that people. They resolved not to purchase any more slaves from Africa, the West-Indies, or any other place; that their non-importation agreement should take place on the first of the following November, and that if the American grievances were not redressed by the tenth of August 1775, they would export after that time, no tobacco, nor any other goods whatever to Great-Britain. They recommended the cultivation of such articles of husbandry, instead of tobacco, as might form a proper basis for manufactures of all sorts; and particularly, the improvement of the breed of sheep, the multiplying of them, and the killing as few as possible. [Aug. 5.] They chose as delegates to a general congress, Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benj. Harrison and Edmund Pendleton, esqrs.

At Newport, in Rhode-Island, an animated paper was circulated, with the motto JOIN or DIE. The state of Boston was represented as a siege, and as a direct hostile invasion of all the colonies. “The generals of despotism (it says) are now drawing the lines of circumvallation around our bulwarks of liberty, and nothing but unity, resolution and perseverance, can save ourselves and posterity from what is worse than death—Slavery.” The general assembly of the colony chose two deputies to represent the colony in a general congress; who were legally authorised for that service, [Aug. 10.] under the hand and seal of the governor.

All the other colonies, from New-Hampshire to South-Carolina inclusively, adopted the measure of electing representatives to meet in general congress.

To judge aright of the present alarming state of affairs, you must observe, that it does not arise from the discontent of a turbulent or oppressed nobility or gentry, so that by bringing over a few of the leaders, the rest will follow of course, or persist only to their own ruin; nor does it depend upon the resolution or perseverance of a body of merchants and dealers, so that every man, habitually studious of his immediate interest, will tremble at the thought of those consequences which may essentially affect it: nor will a few lucrative jobs or contracts split the colonists into numberless factions. On the contrary, the great force of the opposition consists in the landholders throughout America. The British lands in this continent, are, in general, and more especially in the New-England colonies, the Jerseys, and in part of New-York and Pennsylvania, portioned out in such freeholds as afford that mediocrity of condition to the possessors, which is sufficient to raise strong bodies and vigorous minds; but seldom that superabundance which proves so fatal to both, in old and refined countries. The American freeholders, from many circumstances, are more enthusiastic lovers of liberty, than ever were the English yeomanry. The body of them are too bold to be despised without danger, and now that they are united, too numerous to be bribed. Human nature being the same in every quarter of the globe, had moderation instead of compulsion been employed, several who are at present zealous leaders, might have been secured, and ministry (in colonies of such different manners, interests, and principles, and on these accounts strongly inclined to variance with each other) might have carried many points which they will now find it difficult or impossible to do, since they have united them, by evidencing a design of subjugating each to a mode of government to which all, without exception, are averse in the highest degree.

The Boston committee of correspondence received the most encouraging answers to their letters; and were assured that the town of Boston was considered as suffering in the common cause. They had more than the strongest expressions to console them, they had the substantial evidence of facts. Ministry promised themselves mighty advantages from making Salem the seat of government, with the privilege of an open port, while the neighboring one, in itself of much greater consequence, was shut. But the merchants and freeholders of the town discovered a most noble spirit, which will prove a sore disappointment to them. If it was expected that incurable envy, jealousy, or animosity, would be excited between the two towns, and that the refractory capital being abandoned and left alone to ruminate upon her forlorn situation, would soon be reclaimed and brought to a full sense of her duty; the very reverse will mortify.

[June 18.] The day after the dissolution of the general court, the merchants and freeholders of Salem presented an address to the governor, and in it expressed the most generous sentiments. They said, “We are most deeply afflicted with a sense of our public calamities; but the miseries that are now rapidly hastening on our brethren in the capital of this province, greatly excite our commiseration, and we hope your excellency will use your endeavors to prevent a further accumulation of evils on that already sorely distressed people.”—“By shutting up the port of Boston, some imagine that the course of trade might be turned hither and to our benefit; but nature, in the formation of our harbor, forbids our becoming rivals in commerce with that convenient mart. And were it otherwise, we must be dead to every idea of justice, and lost to all feelings of humanity, could we indulge one thought to seize on wealth, and raise our fortunes on the ruin of our suffering neighbors.” The governor was treated with the highest respect, and mention was made of their hoping much from his general character, as well as from his wisdom and mildness in another command. They expressed the stronges attachment to the mother country, the deepest concern for the present unhappy troubles, and the most fervent wishes for a speedy and happy reconciliation, to obtain which they were willing to sacrifice every thing compatible with the safety and dignity of British subjects.

Marblehead, a sea-port, about three miles from Salem, and equally far with the last from Boston, but a town of no great trade, being engaged chiefly in the cod fishery, testified its regard and compassion for the capital, by letting the suffering merchants have the free use of its wharfs and stores. Its inhabitants offered also to attend the lading and unlading of their goods, and transact for them all the business to be done at their port, without putting them to the smallest expence.

The pity and resentment of the country at large, were excited by observations published on the Boston port-bill. Those of Mr. Josiah Quincy, jun. were most generally read and admired. He observed—“The Boston port-bill condemns a whole town unheard, nay, uncited to answer; involves thousands in ruin and misery, without suggestion of any crime by them committed; and is so constituted that enormous pains and penalties must ensue, notwithstanding the most perfect obedience to its injunctions. The destruction of the tea, which took place without any illegal procedure of the town, is the only alledged ground of consigning thousands of its inhabitants to ruin, misery and despair. Those charged with the most aggravated crimes, are not punishable till arraigned before disinterested judges, heard in their own defence, and found guilty of the charge. But here a whole people are accused, prosecuted by they know not whom, tried they know not when, proved guilty they know not how, and sentenced to suffer inevitable ruin. Their hard fate cannot be averted by the most servile submission, the most implicit obedience to this statute. Their first intimation of it was on the tenth of May, and it took place the first of June, thence to continue in full force, till it shall sufficiently appear to his majesty, that full satisfaction hath been made by, or in behalf of the inhabitants of Boston, to the East-India Company, for the damage sustained by the destruction of their tea; and until it shall be certified to his majesty, by the governor or lieutenant governor of the province, that reasonable satisfaction has been made to the officers of the revenue and others, for the riots and insurrection mentioned in it. So short a space is given for staying the torrent of threatened evils, that the subject, though exerting his utmost energy, must be overwhelmed and driven to madness by terms of deliverance which deny relief till his ruin is inevitable.”

Others said, “Had punishment been only threatened, had it been in our option whether we would submit or suffer, the reason for complaint would have been less. But without previous warning in the proposal of any terms that might have prevented the coming of evil upon us, it is inflicted with ineffable vengeance; so that should we servilely submit to all required, we must notwithstanding suffer almost total ruin. The conditions upon which alone our sufferings are to be removed, far from being fixed with precision, are so loose and indeterminate, that a governor may perpetuate them during his political existence, the king in council not being enabled to open the port without his certificate. The wharfs and landing places at Boston, which are the property of numerous individuals, are, as to the use of them, wherein only their value consists, wrested out of their hands and put into the king’s, to be disposed of at his pleasure. Two wharfs indeed are to be opened again, when his majesty shall think proper; but the residue are for ever interdicted the exercise of commerce.”

The rough drafts of the bills, “for the better regulating of the government of the Massachusetts-Bay;” and “for the impartial administration of justice in it,” as well as of that “for quartering the troops in America,” upon their arrival at Boston, were instantly circulated through the continent, and filled up whatever was before wanting, of violence and indignation in most of the colonies. Even those who were moderate, or seemed wavering, now became resolute and resentful. Nothing was to be heard of but meetings and resolutions. Liberal contributions for the relief of the distressed Bostonions were every where recommended, and soon practised. Numberless letters were written from districts, towns, and provinces, to the people of Boston, in which, besides every expression of sympathy and tenderness, they were commended for their past conduct, and strongly exhorted to a perseverance in that virtue which had brought on their sufferings. It was in vain that the friends of government attended a town-meeting, and attempted to pass resolutions for the payment of the tea, and for dissolving the committee of correspondence; they found themselves lost in a prodigious majority, and had no other resource than drawing up a protest against the proceedings of that body. The Boston committee of correspondence apprehended themselves so fixed in the good opinion of the public, that they ventured to frame and publish an agreement, entitled, A solemn league and covenant.

[June 29.] General Gage was so alarmed at the idea of a solemn league and covenant, that he issued a strong proclamation against it, stiling it an unlawful, hostile, and traiterous combination. He charged all magistrates to apprehend and secure for trial, such as should have any share in aiding or abetting the foregoing or any similar covenant. The charge was needless; for the engagement was so unguardedly expressed, and so extremely ensnaring, that it was severely censured by many of the best and warmest sons of liberty in and about Boston, who refused to give it support; so that however it might be venerated out of the colony, it sunk into obscurity at home; and changed its form into one that was less exceptionable, and yet equally well calculated to stop the trade with Great-Britain, and that accorded with those entered into about the same time, in various parts of the continent, without any previous concert with each other, any more than with Boston. The coincidence of sentiments and measures given into by individuals and assemblies, larger and smaller, in the several and more distant colonies, without any previous contrivance, has been so remarkable, that persons the furthest removed from superstition, have inclined to ascribe it to a special providence of God. They have been seemingly actuated by one and the same spirit, nearly at the same instant. When letters have been dispatched from Boston to fellow-patriots afar, asking or giving advice; letters from these have been upon the road, giving or asking the very advice which was wanted—the like in other matters. Not that there is a uniformity in all points through the continent. The people may be divided into two great classes. One is for rushing headlong into the greatest extremities, without waiting till other measures are tried, or receiving the general sense of the colonies; and though eager for holding a congress, would leave it nothing to do but to prosecute the violence which they have began. The other is averse to violent measures, till all other means are ineffectually tried. They wish further applications to be made to Britain, and the grievances they complain of, with the rights which they claim, to be clearly stated and properly presented. This, they say, can be effectually done only by a general congress. There is a third party, who are friends to the British administration, or rather who do not totally disapprove of its measures; but their voice is so low, that except in a few particular places, it can scarcely be distinguished. The friends to colonial rights have a great advantage over them, not only from the goodness of their cause, but their possessing most of the presses on the continent. These are chiefly in the hands of the whigs, and news-papers publishing essays and other compositions against the prevailing opinions of the people, have not a universal spread, and cannot prove so profitable to the proprietors, as those on the other side of the question. The command which the sons of liberty have of the press, gives them the superiority in point of influence, over their antagonists in the periodical publications of the day.

As the Boston port bill prohibits all water carriage, beside shutting up the port, the merchants are under the necessity of adopting the expensive mode of bringing their goods from Salem or Marblehead, all the way round, through Cambridge and Roxbury, to Boston. Had they been allowed to bring them to Charlestown by land, and thence to cross them over by water, they would have saved a fourth of the way. But it is pleasing to observe what trade is going forward, notwithstanding the embarrassments with which it is clogged. Boston is exhibiting a scene of patience, fortitude, and perseverance, which will make them renowned in history. Though liberal contributions have been made, are raising, and will be raised, for the succour of sufferers; yet it may be easily conceived, that in a town containing several thousand inhabitants, who have subsisted chiefly by commerce and the various kinds of business subservient to it, and where the maintenance of many families depends merely upon the locality, the cutting off of that grand source of their employment and subsistence, must occasion great distresses notwithstanding every relief. Even the rich are not exempt from the general calamity, as a very considerable part of their property consists in wharfs, warehouses, stores, and those numerous erections which are destined to the purposes of commerce, but are now no longer profitable.

The people at large have been for some time preparing to defend their rights with the point of the sword. They see that they are either to be terrified or driven into submission, by an armed force; and are for providing against both. The countrymen, in returning from Boston, are daily bringing out guns, knapsacks, &c. Every one appears desirous of being well accoutred. They have arms in general, the militia law requiring it of all within a certain age. Note—They are fond of shooting, are accustomed to it from early life, and are special marksmen. They are perfecting themselves in their exercise. Handling the musket and training, are the fashionable amusements of the male inhabitants, while the females encourage them to proceed. The sound of drums and fifes is constantly saluting your ears. Husbands and wives, parents and children, brothers and sisters, lovers, the young and the old, seem possessed of, or rather to be possessed by a martial spirit, and are fired with an enthusiastic zeal for liberty. In most places, but particularly in Berkshire and Worcester counties, where the influence of government was supposed to prevail most, nothing is to be seen or heard of, except the purchasing of arms and ammunition, the casting of balls, and the making of all those preparations which testify the most immediate danger, and determined resistance.

The high military tone of the country people, is to be placed chiefly to the account of the two bills “for regulating the government of the Massachusetts,” and “the impartial administration of justice in it.” These bills have proposed so thorough a change in the civil and religious liberties of towns and individuals, that they view themselves as intentionally deprived of every privilege, and reduced to the necessity of fighting for all they hold dear to them. It is of the utmost consequence that juries should not be packed. The accustomed mode of electing them is excellent, but liable to abuse, and there “may have been instances wherein persons who have no regard to religion and to divine revelation, have been really picked up to serve a turn.”^[110] But this will not justify that most execrable alteration of leaving it in the power of the governor and council, through the aid of the sheriff, to obtain such a jury in each cause, as may best suit their passions and interests, whereby the lives and properties of the subjects are put into their hands without controul.^[111]

It is also to be enacted, by the regulating bill, that after the first of August, 1774, there shall be no town-meetings, without the leave of the governor or lieutenant governor, in writing, expressing the special business of such meetings, first obtained, except the annual meetings in March, for the choice of select men, constables, and other officers; and in May, for the election of representatives, and meetings to fill up the offices aforesaid, on death or removal; and that no other matter shall be treated of at such meetings except the election of aforesaid officers or representatives, nor at any other meeting, except the business expressed in the leave given. A more obnoxious alteration could scarce have been invented.

Every town is an incorporated republic. The select men, by their own authority, or upon the application of a certain number of townsmen, issue a warrant for the calling of a town-meeting. The warrant mentions the business to be engaged in, and no other can be legally executed. The inhabitants are warned to attend; and they that are present, though not a quarter, or tenth of the whole, have a right to proceed. They choose a president by the name of moderator, who regulates the proceedings of the meeting. Each individual has an equal liberty of delivering his opinion, and is not liable to be silenced or browbeaten by a greater or richer townsman than himself. Every freeman or freeholder, as the business regards either the freeholders in particular or the freemen at large, gives his vote or not, and for or against, as he pleases; and each vote weighs equally, whether that of the highest or lowest inhabitant. At these town-meetings the people are used to debate and conclude upon instructions to their representatives respecting matters before, or likely to come before the general court—freely to express their sentiments regarding public transactions—to agree upon the choice of a minister, and the salary they shall give him—upon building or repairing the meeting-house, and upon a variety of other interesting matters, which concern the exercise of their civil or sacred privileges. All the New-England towns are upon the same plan in general, though different in certain particulars. In the colony of Rhode-Island they have no minister paid by the town, as a town, nor is it allowed by the government; the salary is not a town charge, but is made up out of the voluntary contributions of the denomination to which he is joined.

From the free exercise of all the above cited rights, the Massachusetts inhabitants are to be suspended by the aforesaid enacting clause. When they wish, or have occasion to hold meetings for any of the above purposes, they will be obliged to apply to the governor, who may put a negative upon every application, and who will have it in his power to prevent their settling a minister when the pulpit is become vacant, till he can be well assured that the person on whom the choice will fall, either does or will incline to support governmental measures.

The bill for the impartial administration of justice, the people consider as threatening them with military execution, if they comply not with that for the better regulating of the government. The English blood which they have derived from their forefathers, without corrupting it by foreign mixtures, for they have been too national to encourage, like some colonies, the settlement of foreigners among them—that blood boils in their veins at those two bills, and fires them to a military opposition. The inhabitants of Connecticut mean not to be idle spectators of the fate of their sister colony, which can only be a prelude to their own, and are therefore giving in to equal exertions for stemming the approaching torrent.

Soon after general Gage’s arrival, two regiments of foot, with a small detachment of the artillery, and some cannon, were landed at Boston, and encamped on the common. These troops were by degrees reinforced by the arrival of several regiments from Ireland, New-York, Halifax, and at length from Quebec. The arrival and station of these troops, was far from being agreeable to the inhabitants; nor was the jealousy in any degree less in the minds of their neighbors of the surrounding counties. The dissatisfaction was increased by placing a guard upon Boston Neck, the narrow isthmus which joins the peninsula to the continent; for which measure the frequent desertion of the soldiers was the assigned reason. Individuals have encouraged such desertion; and the Boston committee have not failed to contribute to the temptation, by making the situation of the soldiery as disagreeable as they could, and by counteracting all endeavors to render it comfortable. They act systematically for the prevention of all supplies for the British troops. Through their connection with the neighboring committees, the farmers and others are prevented from selling them straw, timber, slitwork, boards, in short every article excepting provisions necessary for their subsistence. The straw which is purchased for their service is daily burnt. Vessels with brick intended for the army are sunk, and carts with wood are overturned. Thus, by some contrivance or other, purchases are either prevented, or when made, the king’s property is destroyed in every manner in which it can be effected. While these things are doing, a trifling circumstance gives the inhabitants of Boston a full earnest of the support they may expect from the country in case of extremity, and an opportunity of knowing the general temper of the people. A report spreads, that a regiment posted on the Neck, has cut off all communication with the country, in oder to starve the town into a compliance with any measures which may be proposed to it. Upon this vague report, a large body of the inhabitants of Worcester county assemble, and dispatch two messengers express to Boston, to discover the truth of the information. These envoys acquaint the townsmen, that if the report had been true, there were several thousand armed men ready to have marched to their assistance. They tell them further, that they are commissioned to acquaint them, that even though they should be disposed to a surrender of their liberties, the people of the country will not think themselves at all included in their act; that by the late act and the bills pending in the British parliament when the last intelligence was received, their charter was utterly vacated; and that the compact between Britain and the colonies being thus dissolved, they are at full liberty to combine together, in what manner and form they think best, for mutual security.

[August 4.] The governor, by a proclamation for the encouragement of piety and virtue, the prevention and punishment of vice, profaneness and immorility, has exasperated the minds of the people, owing to the insertion of hypocrisy among the immoralities. They have been scoffed at and reproached by enemies, and those of looser manners, for a pharisaical attention to outward forms and the appearances of religion; and therefore view this insertion as an intended insult. With the new acts, the governor received a list of thirty-six new counsellors, who agreeable to the new regulations, have been appointed by the crown, contrary to the method prescribed by the charter.—About twenty-four of the gentlemen have accepted, so that there is a sufficient number to attempt carrying on the business of government. But the courts of judicature at Boston are suspended, for the grand jurors refuse to take the oaths, and to act under new judges and laws. The petit jurors decline serving, on account of Peter Oliver, esq. standing impeached by a late honorable house of commons of the province, and of the judges of the superior court being made to depend upon the crown. Not only so, but the great and petty juries through the colony, unanimously refure to act in any manner under the new regulations; and the clerks of the court have found it necessary to acknowledge their contrition in the public papers, for issuing the warrants by which the juries were summoned, and not only to declare that they will not act so again, but to apologize for what they have done. At Great Barrington and some other places, the people assembled in large bodies, and filled the court-house and avenues in such a manner, that neither judge nor officer could obtain entrance; and upon the sheriff’s commanding them to make way for the court, they answered, “We know no court, nor any other establishment, independent of the ancient laws and usages of our country, and to none other will we submit, or give way upon any account.”

At Salem the merchants, freeholders and other inhabitants, were by hand-bills summoned to meet on Wednesday the twenty-fourth, to consider on measures for opposing the execution of divers late acts of parliament. The day preceding the intended meeting, [August 23.] the governor, who resides within a few miles of the place, published a proclamation prohibiting all persons from attending. The proclamation being disregarded, a company of soldiers were ordered into town to disperse the meeting; but before they got to it, the business was finished, and the inhabitants withdrawn. Three of the gentlemen were apprehended, but gave bonds to appear in court, and so were discharged.

The proceedings of the people, and their manifest dispositions, have alarmed the general, who has thought it necessary for the safety of the troops, as well as to secure the important post of Boston, to fortify the entrance at the Neck, which affords the only communication, except by water, between the town and the continent. His own personal safety, while at his country residence in Danvers, would have been endangered, had not the prudence of Samuel Holten, esq. M. D. a genuine, determined, but considerate son of liberty, cooled and moderated the temper of his neighbors.

William Brattle, esq. frequently an elected counsellor under the charter, having given a hint to the governor to secure the provincial ammunition, he sent two companies of soldiers across the river long before day-break, [Sept. 1.] who possessed themselves of the powder in the arsenal at Charlestown. The news circulated apace, and in the morning the inhabitants of the neighboring towns, to the amount of several thousands, assembled at Cambridge, mostly in arms. They proceeded to the lieutenant governor Oliver’s house, and to the house of several of the new counsellors, and of others who they thought had shewn themselves unfriendly to the province. Some of the consellors were obliged to resign, and to declare they would no more act under what are pronounced the arbitrary laws lately enacted—It was with difficulty that the multitude was restrained from marching to Boston, there to demand a delivery of the powder, and, in case of refusal, to attack the troops. This collection of people, and the confusion necessarily attending their transactions, gave rise to a rumor, that the fleet and troops were firing upon the town of Boston, which flew with amazing rapidity through New-England; and in less than 24 hours after, there were between 30 and 40,000 men in arms, some of whom marched from 20 to 30 miles toward Boston before they were undeceived. This report, and the seizure of the powder, roused the inhabitants in the other colonies beyond New-England, so that they immediately began learning the military exercise. The transaction at Cambridge produced such other risings in the colony, as obliged more of the new council to resign or to flee to Boston; whither, by the close of the month, the commissioners, the custom-house officers, and all who have made themselves particularly obnoxious, by taking an active and decided part against the country, repaired for protection. Thus is the seat of government at Salem abandoned, and the apparatus of a custom-house removed to a place, which an act of parliament has proscribed from all trade.

About this time the governor’s company of cadets, consisting of Boston gentlemen, disbanded themselves, and returned him the standard he presented them upon his arrival. This slight was owing to his taking away the commission from Mr. Hancock, who was colonel of the corps. But Mr. John Murray, a colonel of the militia, having accepted a seat in the new council, twenty-four officers of his regiment resigned their commissions in one day. Such is the prevailing spirit, that all persons accepting offices under the new laws, or preparing to act in conformity to them, are declared enemies to their country, and threatened accordingly.

The seizing of the powder, and the withholding from the legal proprietors what is lodged in the magazine of Boston, and the design carrying into execution of repairing and manning the fortifications at the entrance of the town, have occasioned the holding an assembly of delegates from the several towns and districts in the county of Suffolk, of which Boston is the county town. After a most spirited preamble, they resolved, among other things [Sept. 9.] “That no obedience is due from this province to either or any part of the late acts, but that they be rejected as the attempts of a wicked administration to enslave America—that so long as the justices are appointed or hold their places by any other tenure than that which the charter and the laws of the province direct, they must be considered as unconstitutional officers, and as such no regard ought to be paid to them by the people of this country—that if the justices shall sit and act during their present disqualified state, this county will bear harmless all sheriffs, jurors, and other officers, who shall refuse to carry into execution the orders of said courts—that it be recommended to the collectors of taxes and all other officers who have public monies in their hands, to retain the same, and not to make any payment thereof to the provincial county treasurer, until the civil government of the province is placed upon a constitutional foundation, or it shall be otherwise ordered, by the proposed provincial congress—that the persons who have accepted seats at the council board, by virtue of a mandamus from the king, have acted in a direct violation of the duty they owe to their country; this county do recommend it to all who have so highly offended, and have not already resigned, to make public resignation on or before the 20th of this instant, September; all refusing so to do, shall, after said day, be considered by this county, as obstinate and incorrigible enemies to this country—that the fortifications begun and now carrying on upon Boston Neck, gives us reason to apprehend some hostile intention against that town—that the late act establishing the Roman Catholic religion in Quebec, is dangerous in an extreme degree to the Protestant religion, and to the civil rights and liberties of all America—that whereas our enemies have flattered themselves that they shall make an easy prey of this numerous brave people, from an apprehension that they are unacquainted with military discipline; we therefore, for the honor and security of this county and province, advise, that such persons be elected in each town as officers in the militia, as shall be judged of sufficient capacity, and who have evidenced themselves the invincible friends to the rights of the people, and that the inhabitants do use their utmost diligence to acquaint themselves with the art of war, and do for that purpose appear under arms at least once every week—that during the present hostile appearances on the part of Britain, we are determined to act merely upon the defensive so long as such conduct may be vindicated by reason and the principles of self-preservation, but no longer—that as we understand it has been in contemplation to apprehend sundry persons of this county, we do recommend, should such measure be put in practice, to seize and keep every servant of the present government throughout the province, until the persons so apprehended be restored uninjured—that we recommend to all persons, not to engage in any routs, riots, or licentious attacks upon the properties of any person whatsoever, as being subversive of all order and government; but by a steady, manly, uniform, and persevering opposition, to convince our enemies, that in a contest so important, in a cause so solemn, our conduct shall be such as to merit the approbation of the wise, and the admiration of the brave and free of every age and of every country.” They then drew up an address to the governor, and voted that doctor Joseph Warren (a physician, an amiable gentleman, who wishes for a reconciliation between the colonies and the parent state, upon a redress of grievances, and aims not at independency) with others, be a committee to wait on his excellency, to inform him how the country is alarmed, and to remonstrate against the fortifications making on the Neck, and the repeated insults offered by the soldiery to persons passing and re-passing into Boston, and to confer with him on those subjects. The governor was waited upon to know if he would receive the committee with the address; but desiring a private copy of it, that when he received them he might be ready with a prepared answer, he was furnished with it, and afterwards fixed on Monday the 12th for receiving the committee. The doings of the county delegates, and a copy of the address to the governor have been sent off by express to the general congress, now met at Philadelphia. On the Monday, when the committee had delivered the address of the county, he answered to it, “I have no intention to prevent the free egress and regress of any person to and from the town of Boston. I shall suffer none under my command to injure the person or property of any of his majesty’s subjects; but it is my duty to preserve the peace, and to prevent surprise; and no use will be made of the cannon, unless the hostile proceedings of the people shall render it necessary.” The patriots are waiting earnestly for the opinion of congress on the Suffolk resolves, in hopes that they will be approved of; and if so, they will go on with greater resolution and courage; for they will consider such approbation as a declaration that the colony will be supported by congress, in case hostilities are necessary for the preservation of its liberties, and is also justifiable in arming and training the militia.

Mr. Quincy is upon the point of sailing for Britain, at the request of several co-patriots. Be so obliging as to pay a proper attention to him; you will be pleased at finding him so intelligent a gentleman, and may rely upon his information. Shall keep the letter open, that if the sense of congress is received time enough, it may be forwarded.

P. S. The sons of liberty are in high spirits. The Suffolk resolves were before congress on Saturday morning, the 17th, and were considered; after which it was resolved unanimously, “That this assembly deeply feels the suffering of their countrymen in the Massachusetts Bay, under the operation of the late unjust, cruel, and oppressive acts of the British parliament—that they most thoroughly approve the wisdom and fortitude with which opposition to these wicked ministerial measures has hitherto been conducted, and they earnestly recommend to their brethren, a perseverance in the same firm and temperate conduct, as expressed in the resolutions determined upon at a meeting of the delegates for the county of Suffolk, on Tuesday the 6th instant (that was the day of their first meeting, but they did not finish till the 9th) trusting that the effect of the united efforts of North-America in their behalf, will carry such conviction to the British nation, of the unwise, unjust, and ruinous policy of the present administration, as quickly to introduce better men and wiser measures.—“Resolved unanimously, That contributions from all the colonies, for supplying the necessities and alleviating the distresses of our brethren at Boston, ought to be continued, in such manner, and so long as their occasions may require.” Mr. Quincy sails to-day.