The restraining and fishery bill did not pass through the house of lords with less opposition than what it had met with in the house of commons. Upon the motion for committing it after the second reading, the marquis of Rockingham opposed it with great ability, and in the course of his speech showed, that in 1704, the whole amount of the exports to the New-England colonies was only about £.70,000 annually; that in 1754, it had arisen to £.180,000, in the succeeding ten years to £.400,000, and in the last ten years, had nearly doubled that sum.

The bill was carried by a majority of more than three to one; but was productive of a protest, signed by sixteen lords. It is particularly distinguished, by the severe censure passed upon a lord high in office, who in the late debates, most unadvisedly threw out a charge of general cowardice against the Americans.

The fishery bill had scarce cleared the house of commons, when lord North brought in another, [March 9.] “To restrain the trade and commerce of the colonies of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South-Carolina, to Great-Britain, Ireland, and the British islands in the West-Indies, under certain conditions and limitation.” While this bill was in agitation, a long series of evidence, in behalf of the West-India merchants and planters, was laid before the house. It appeared, that upon a very moderate computation, the capital in the West-India islands, consisting of lands, buildings, negroes and stock of all kinds, did not amount to less than £.60,000,000. sterling; that their exports of late years to Britain, ran to about 190,000 hogheads and puncheons of sugar and rum annually; amounting in weight to 95,000 tons, and in value about £.4,000,000 exclusive of a great number of smaller articles, and of their very great export to North-America; that their growth was so rapid and improvement so great, that within a few years, their export of sugar to this kingdom was increased 40,000 hogsheads annually, amounting to about £.800,000 in value. The probability, was apparent, that more than half of the capital of £.60,000,000 was either the immediate property of persons resident in this country, or owing to them; and also that the revenue gained above £.700,000 a year upon the direct West-India trade, exclusive of its eventual and circuitous products, and of the African trade.

[March 20.] Mr. Burke made a number of conciliatory propositions with respect to the colonies, contained in a set of resolutions, which he accompanied and elucidated by a celebrated speech. He traced that unconquerable spirit of freedom, that violent passion for liberty, by which the colonists are distinguished from all other people of the world, from the sources of their descent, education, manners, religious principles, forms of government, and distance from the head of the empire. He made it appear, that the whole exports to North-America, the West-Indies, and Africa, in 1704 (from England it must be, for the union of the two kingdoms had not then taken place) amounted only in value to £.569,930 but the comparative value of money at that period, was much greater than at present. In 1772, the exports from Great-Britain to the same places, amounted at a medium, to no less than £.6,024,171. He also shewed that the whole export trade of England, including that to the colonies, amounted in 1704, only to £.6,509,000. Thus the trade to the colonies alone was in 1772, within less than half a million of being equal to what was carried on by England with the whole world, at the beginning of the present century. However astonishing this general increase of the whole colonies may appear, the growth of the province of Pennsylvania is still more extraordinary. In 1704, the whole exports to that colony, amounted to no more than £.11,459 and in 1772, they were risen to £.507,909 being nearly fifty times the original demand, and almost equal to the whole colony export at the first period.—This astonishing growth of the colonies, within little more than half a century, and the prodigious share they contribute to our greatness, makes them a matter of the first importance to ourselves, and must excite the admiration of future ages.

The previous question was moved on the first proposition, and carried by 270 to 78; and thus ended the business.

But the ill success which has attended all conciliatory propositions hitherto, excepting those which have originated from government, did not deter Mr. Hartley from making a similar attempt. [April 27.] The motion, however, was rejected without a division.

During the progress of the second restraining bill, an additional clause was moved for by the minister; whereby the counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex, on the Delaware, were included in the prohibitions of that bill, and carried without a division.

While these matters were transacting, several petitions were received from manufacturing towns in Britain and Ireland, against the coercive acts. Some counter petitions were also received, calling for an enforcement of the laws of Britain, as the only means of preserving a trade with the colonies. Much altercation arose on the truth of the facts alledged on both sides, as well as on the manner of obtaining the signatures, and the quality o£ those who signed. The minority insisted, that the most who signed the war petitions, as they called them, were persons who had little or no interest in the American trade, but of that description of warm and active party men, commonly called tories. And they entered into several examinations to prove the truth of the former part of their assertion. This produced many long and hot debates. Other petitions were presented to the crown, and equally disregarded; one from the British settlers in Canada, against the Quebec bill; one from the quakers, in which besides endeavoring to diffuse the influence of that spirit of peace which is the predominant principle in their religious system, they declared themselves persuaded, that there are not in his majesty’s extensive dominions, subjects more loyal, and more zealously attached to his royal person, his family and government, than in the provinces of America, among all religious denominations. His majesty, however, went in person to the house, and gave the royal assent to the restraining and fishery bill, in the usual form. In this season of public discontent, when the minds of all were agitated on one side or other, the city of London, not discouraged by the fate of all its applications for a number of years past, once more approached the throne with an address, remonstrance, and petition [April 10.] upon a subject, and in a manner as little calculated to obtain a favorable reception, as any of the preceding. In this remonstrance they recapitluated the whole catalogue of American grievances; declared their abhorrence of the measures which had been pursued, and were then pursuing; and justified the resistance to which the Americans had been driven, upon the great principles of the constitution; “actuated by which,” they said, “at the glorious period of the revolution, our ancestors transferred the imperial crown of these realms to the illustrious house of Brunswick.” They beseeched his majesty immediately and for ever to dismiss from his councils, those ministers and advisers who had been at the bottom of the preceding measures. His majesty delivered the following answer: “It is with the utmost astonishment, that I find any of my subjects capable of encouraging the rebellious disposition which unhappily exists in my colonies in North-America. Having entire confidence in the wisdom of my parliament, the great council of the nation, I will steadily pursue those measures which they have recommended for the support of the constitutional rights of Great-Britain, and the protection of the commercial rights of my kingdom.”

The earl of Effingham has uniformly opposed the whole system of measures pursued against the Americans, and finding that the regiment in which he served was at length destined for America, and thinking it inconsistent with his character, and beneath his dignity to enforce measures with his sword, which he had so utterly condemned in his legislative capacity [Mar. 12.] he wrote a letter of resignation to the secretary of war. In it he deeply regretted his being necessitated to quit the military profession; but said, “I cannot, without reproach from my own conscience, consent to bear arms against my fellow-subjects in America, in what, to my discernment, is not a clear cause.” Pity that it is not a point of honor with all military officers, to consider the merits of the cause wherein their swords are to be employed, and when they are not satisfied in their own judgments, to practise as the noble earl has done. Such a point of honor might hinder many a war.

The British ambassador at the Hague, applied to the States to forbid their subjects supplying the Americans with arms, ammunition, gun-powder &c. and they by proclamation prohibited the exportation of all such articles, in Dutch or foreign ships, from any of their dominions, without licence, on penalty of forfeiting about £.90 sterling. Judge whether the profits of the voyage will not be so great as to make it worth the merchants while to run the risk of that sum. Let the American vessels repair to Holland, and the Dutch will furnish them with gun-powder in large glass bottles of several gallons dimensions, under the notion of spirits, or liquor of one kind or other.^[117] France was also applied to, and could have crushed all assistance, by express prohibition; but only told her subjects, that if they afforded any, it was at their own risk; tantamount to—if you will venture, you may. Spain roundly refused giving the least hindrance to her subjects.

[March 13.] His majesty went to the house of peers, and gave the royal assent to the bill for restraining the trade of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, &c. Thus the probability of the colonies dividing from each other is lessened, and their union becomes more established. Some future proceedings in the provinces of New-York and North-Carolina will be likely to consolidate the whole continent.

The American fisheries being now abolished, measures were necessary to supply their place, and to guard against the consequences of the foreign markets either changing the course of consumption, or falling into the hands of strangers. It was also expedient to pay a greater attention to the interests of Ireland, than what had been practised for many years. The minister therefore moved for a committee of the whole house [Mar. 27.] to consider of the encouragement proper to be given to the fisheries of Britain and Ireland. The committee, in its progress, granted several bounties to the ships of Britain and Ireland, for their encouragement in prosecuting the Newfoundland fishery; and two resolutions were introduced and passed, in favor of the latter kingdom. Complaints, however, were made, that clauses were insidiously stolen into the act, to prevent its operating in any considerable extent. The committee agreed also to the granting of bounties for encouraging the whale fishery, and to take off the duties payable upon the importation of oil, blubber, and bone, from Newfoundland, &c. and on the importation of seal skins.

Ministry have not confined themselves to the making of laws; they have also sent out against the Americans, generals Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne, in the Cerberus [Mar. 28.] The transports with troops to reinforce governor Gage, sailed a week after from Cork.

[May 15.] Toward the close of the session, Mr. Burke acquainted the house with his having received a paper of great importance from the general assembly at New-York. He observed that it was a complaint, in the form of a remonstrance, of several acts of parliament, some of which they affirmed had established principles, and others had made regulations subversive of the rights of English subjects. He afterward moved that it might be brought up. The minister immediately moved an amendment, which proved an indirect but effectual negative upon Mr. Burke’s motion. The amendment was carried by a majority of 186 to 67; the question being then put on the amended motion, it was rejected without a division. The New-York memorial to the lords was brought in by the duke of Manchester, who moved for its being read. After some altercation the question was called for, and upon a division, the motion was rejected by a majority of 45 against 25. The petition to the king was received, but the prayer of the petition was not granted. Such is the fate of the applications made by the general assembly of New-York, for a redress of their supposed grievances. It must tend to widen the breach between Britain and the colonies.

[May 17.] Lord Camden presented a petition to the house of lords, from the British inhabitants of the province of Quebec, in which they stated their grievances, and implored their lordships favorable interposition that the Quebec act might be repealed or amended, and that they might enjoy their constitutional rights, privileges, and franchises. His lordship, after expatiating on the evils of the act, proposed a bill, which was read, for the repeal of the late act. This measure was strongly opposed by administration, and a motion was made by lord Dartmouth, that the bill be rejected, which was carried by a majority of 60 out of 88, there being only twenty-eight lords who supported the bill. Much censure having been expressed or implied, both within doors and without, relative to the whole conduct of the bishops in the Canada transactions, the reverend father of that bench, stood up during the debate to justify the Quebec act, so far as it related to religious matters, which he did upon the principles of toleration, the faith of the capitulation, and the terms of the definitive treaty of peace, but many were far from being convinced, that these principles required such a full and perfect establishment of the popish religion, as is granted by the act itself.

[May 18.] Sir George Saville presented to the house of commons, another petition from the same inhabitants of Quebec, in which, among other things, they represented with too much truth, that the petition to his majesty, in the name of all the French inhabitatnts of that province, and upon which the late law had been avowedly founded, was not fairly obtained, and had neither received the concurrence of the people in general, nor even been communicated to them, but had been carried about in a secret manner, and signed by a few of the noblesse, advocates, and others, who were in their confidence. They affirmed that the inhabitants in general were as much alarmed as themselves, at the introduction of the Canadian laws. They concluded by praying, that the said act might be repealed or amended. Sir George examined and laid open the week or obnoxious parts of the act, and threw new light even upon those which had already undergone the highest degree of colouring, and then concluded his speech with moving for a repeal of the late act for the better government of the province of Quebec. Considerable debates ensued, in the course of which the minister avowed his intention, if it should become necessary, of arming the Canadians against the other colonies. But he declared his firm persuasion, that the troubles in America, would be speedily and happily settled without blood-shed. Notwithstanding this declaration it was whispered, that he was uneasy and from what general Gage wrote last, dreaded the news by the April packet. For some, who professed to have the best information, asserted that orders were sent to apprehend Messrs. Cushing, Samuel Adams, Hancock and others, and to transport them to Great-Britain; and that the receipt of these orders had been acknowledged; but that second orders had been dispatched to hang them at Boston. Sir George Saville’s motion was rejected by a majority of more than two to one, the numbers being 174 to 86.

[May 26.] The speaker, when he presented the money bills for the royal assent, gave an assurance in his speech to his majesty, that if the Americans persisted in their resolutions, and the sword must be drawn, the commons would do every thing in their power to maintain and support the supremacy of this legislature.

The king gave his royal assent to the several bills, both public and private, which remained to be passed into acts; and closed the session by a speech from the throne, in which he expressed the most perfect satisfaction in the conduct of the parliament, during the course of their session; and his persuasion, that the most salutry effects must, in the end, result from measures formed and conducted on such principles, as those on which they had acted. A favorable representation was made of the pacific disposition of other powers, and the usual assurence given of endeavoring to secure the public tranquility.

[May 28.] Captain Derby arrived with his dispatches for Dr. Franklin got to London in the evening, and delivered them to Dr. Lee, as the other agent had left the country. The circulated accounts of the action were vague; is was plain however, that the troops had been worsted; and that government feared it, though they disclaimed all knowledge of what had happened.

The Sukey, captain Brown, though she sailed four days before captain Derby’s vessel, did not arrive till the ninth of June with general Gage’s dispatches. The Gazette has given us the govermental account of the Lexington engagement. From the praises bestowed upon officers and men for their activity and bravery, it is evident, that the Americans made the business of the day a hard, difficult and dangerous service to them. The nation in general is not so shocked with this transaction as the importance of it requires. It was a fatal mistake to send soldiers instead of shipping; and no less so to order them to Boston, instead of planting them in New-York (where government has a strong interest) and securing a fortified line of communication from thence to Canada, with which to divide he southern from the New-England colonies.

Six more regiments of foot have received orders to hold themselves in readiness to embark for America. They are encouraged by an expectation, into which they are drawn by the informations given them, of possessing farms and other confiscated property.