The courage and conduct of the provincials that opposed the light infantry, saved their co-patriots, who were overpowered and obliged to retreat from the fort; and who must otherwise have been cut off, as the enemy, but for such opposition, would have been instantly upon the back of the redoubt. While these brave men were retreating, general Warren was shot in the back part of his head, on the right side:[125] having mechanically clapt his hand to the wound, he dropt down dead.
The retreat of the Americans lay over the Neck, which joined the peninsula of Charlestown to the main land; and the Glasgow man of war and two floating batteries were so stationed as to rake every part of it with her shot, it was feared that they would be cut off after all, but they retired with very little loss. The incessant fire kept up by the ship and batteries across the Neck from the beginning of the engagement, prevented any considerable reinforcements getting to the hill; but this was owing more to the cowardice of some provincial officers than to the execution of the shot.
The number of Americans engaged, including those who dared to cross the Neck and join them, amounted only to fifteen hundred; but the unengaged, who appeared in various parts, did, by their different movements, lead many of the Boston spectators to apprehend, at that distance, that they consisted of some thousands.
It was feared by the Americans, that the British troops would push the advantage they had gained, and march immediately to head-quarters at Cambridge, about two miles distant, and in no state of defence. But they advanced no further than to Bunker’s Hill, of which they possessed themselves the night of their retreat from Lexington; and here they threw up works for their own security. The provincials did the same upon Prospect Hill in front of them, about half way to Cambridge. The apprehensions of each side in regard to the other appeared to be similar. Both were guarding against an attack, in hopes of preventing it. Had the resolution of either led on immediately to a fresh engagement, the day would probably have been far more decisive. But the loss of the peninsula damped the courage of the Americans, and the loss of men depressed the spirits of the British. A veteran officer, who was at the battles of Dittengen and Minden, and at several others in Germany, has said, that for the time the engagement lasted, and the number of men in it, he never knew any thing equal it. There was a continued sheet of fire from the provincials for near half an hour, and the action was hot for about double that period. In this short space, the loss of the British, according to general Gage, amounted to 1054, of whom 226 were killed, of these 19 were commissioned officers, including a lieutenant-colonel, 2 majors, and 7 captains; 70 other officers were wounded. Among those more generally regretted, were lieutenant-colonel Abercrombie and major Pitcairn, who occasioned the first shedding of blood at Lexington. The battle of Quebec, in the late war, with all its glory, and the vastness of the consequences it produced, was not so destructive to the British officers as this affair of an American entrenchment, the work of only a few hours. Even at the battle of Minden, where the British regiments sustained the force of the whole French army for a considerable time, the number of officers killed, including two who soon died of their wounds, was only 13, and the wounded remaining 66; their whole loss in killed, was 291, in wounded 1037, together 1328.[126] That the officers suffered so, must be imputed partly to their being aimed at by the Americans; and this may account for most of those who were near the person of general Howe being slain or disabled. It was a wonder that the general himself escaped. The men, habituated to take sight, would naturally aim at the officers, without expecting or waiting for orders, from an apprehension that much confusion would follow upon their dropping. Gage’s account of the killed and wounded is large, but does not equal by much, what has been given to one of the select men of Boston, remaining in the town, by a sergeant who declared he had seen the returns from the proper persons, the total of which was 1325. The light infantry and grenadiers, the moment they presented themselves, lost three-fourths of their men, and in a few instances more. Of one company only three or five, and of another only fourteen escaped. A number of tories served as volunteers, several of whom were killed. The unexpected resistance of the Americans called forth all the courage and exertions of the British officers, which did not fail upon the occasion; but whatever commendations they are entitled to upon that account, the Americans are certainly entitled to a proper portion of the like, for having made the same necessary. These have now wiped away the reproaches unjustly cast upon them by their enemies in Britain. Let such praise the spirited conduct of general Howe and of general Clinton, and attribute in a great measure the success of the day to the firmness and gallantry of general Pigot; but let them no more pronounce the colonists cowards, who will fly at the very sight of a grenadier’s cap. The British, beside gaining the peninsula, took thirty wounded prisoners, and five pieces of cannon out of six.
The loss of the provincials has been trifling. The killed and dead of their wounds, are 139; the wounded living, 278; and the missing 36, in all 453. They deeply regret the deaths of major general Warren, of colonel Gardner of Cambridge, of lieutenent-colonel Parker, of Clemsford, who was wounded taken prisoner, and perished in Boston jail; of major Moore and major M‘Clany, who were the only officers of distinction that they lost. But the death of general Warren will be most severely felt and occasions the greatest sorrow. His enemies bear testimony to his importance, by triumphing at his fall, and rating it as better to them than 500 men. Neither resentment nor interested views, but a regard to the liberties of his country induced him to oppose the measure of government. He stepped forward into public view, not that he might be noted and admired for a patriotic spirit, but because he was a patriot. He was a gentleman of integrity, in whom the friends of liberty could confide. The soundness of his judgment enabled him to give good advice in private consultations. His powers of speech and reasoning commanded respect and gained him influence in the provincial congress. He aimed not at a separation from, but a coalition with Britain, upon a full redress of grievances, and a reciprocal intercourse of interests and affection. He was valued in private life for his engaging manners, and as a physician for his professional abilities. The death of an amiable consort had made his life of the greatest importance to his children; he was willing however to risk it in the service of the public. His intrepidity and zeal for the cause he had espoused, together with the electing voice of the provincial congress, induced him to enter upon the military line. Within four days after his appointment to a a major-generalship, he fell a noble sacrifice to the natural rights of mankind. He was of a middling size, and, of a lowish stature. The ladies pronouced him handsome.
The tories exulted upon the acquisition of the peninsula of Charlestown; but the experienced officers in the British service thought the advantage too dearly purchased, and their countenances became gloomy upon the occasion. The reason for it has been increasing from the frequent and multiplied deaths of the wounded. These have suffered greatly for want of fresh provisions and other supplies, which the country alone could furnish: many would have survived, had they been as well nursed as the wounded Americans out of Boston, of whom but few have died; with regard to the wounded prisoners in town, there are complaints of their having been ill-treated.
The burning of Charlestown, now a heap of ruins, though before the present troubles, a place of great trade, has not had the least tendency toward discouraging the provincials from prosecuting their opposition to ministerial measures, whatever might have been the intention of general Gage. It has not excited fear, but resentment, wrath and execration. Such military executions may distress and impoverish, but will not subdue the colonists. They might answer for the old world, but are not calculated for the new.
In the opinion of many, general Howe was chargeable with a capital error for landing and attacking as he did. It might originate from too great a confidence in the forces he commanded, and in too contemptuous an opinion of the enemy he had to encounter. He certainly might have entrapped the provincials by landing on the narrrowest part of Charlestown Neck, under the fire of the floating batteries and ships of war. Here he might have stationed and fortified his army, and kept up an open communication with Boston by a water carriage, which he would have commanded through the aid of the navy, on each side of the peninsula. Had he attempted this manœuvre, the provincials on observing it must have made a rapid retreat from Breed’s Hill, to have escaped having his troops in their rear, and being inclosed. It is said that general Clinton proposed it. The rejection of the proposal, if really made, has greatly weakened the British army, and probably prevented the ruin of the American.
The colonists may regret, that general Howe conquered at Breed’s Hill; but had the provincials driven him back into Boston it might have been of far greater detriment to the common cause, than the present situation of affairs. The Massachusetts colony would scarce have been easy under the appointment of general Washington to the chief command, had general Ward been crowned with the laurels of victory. The victory, as it stands, will make the appointment go down easily, and prevent objections. Not only so, but it has occasioned Gage’s dividing his army to secure the conquest he has made. He has another post to maintain which will employ so great a force, as to cramp his future operations. Besides, had the British been driven back into Boston, they might have removed to New-York, which would have answered their general design better than remaining cooped up in their present position. In that city and colony they would have had many more friends. There it is that the ministry have their greatest influence. That would have been the securest place for the troops, and where they might have procured those supplies from the country which they are now deprived of. By early reinforcements from Great-Britain, it might have been made so strong a post, as to have commanded the North-river, and cut of the communication between the colonies which that separates.
The provincials have been indefatigable in throwing up works and securing the most exposed parts of their lines, with strong redoubts, covered with artillery. They had strangely neglected fortifying the passage from the Neck to the post of Roxbury, and even the post itself: but since the Breed’s Hill battle they have compensated for the defect; and to make their defence the more perfect have pulled down a very good house (on a point where the road coming from Boston divides) which was built by governor Dudley, and to whose false politics many are ready to ascribe the early origin of those designs which the ministry are now endeavoring to accomplish. The ministerial army abound in military stores and artillery, and are not sparing in throwing shells and supporting a great cannonade upon the provincial works, especially at Roxbury. It was terrifying at first to raw troops, who, not being accustomed to, expected to suffer greatly by it. Some damage has been done among the houses in the street, one or two have been burnt, and a man or two killed. But the provincials stationed there have found by experience, that tho’ the noise is great, the damage is trifling, and therefore despise it. They are so hardened by repeated firing, that a cannonading is no more minded than a common thunder shower.
Breed’s Hill engagement excited fresh desires in the inhabitants of Boston to leave the town. The select men had given repeated assurances to general Gage, that they had delivered up their arms according to agreement. In order to justify his detaining them [June 19.] he issued a proclamation, in which he declared, that he had full proof of the contrary, and that many had been perfidious in that respect, and had secreted great numbers. Some few might secrete their sporting guns, or curious arms. No doubt however is to be made, but that the greatest part, or nearly all the training arms were delivered up. The impartial world will scarcely acquit him of having been guilty of a notorious breach of faith, even admitting his own plea. If individuals had not complied with the proposal of delivering up their arms, yet as the community had done it, the innocent were entitled to all the benefits of the agreement. Numbers were afterward allowed to quit the town, but not to take their effects, tho’ that was stipulated in the beginning; the allowance, however, was thought to be owing to a desire of reducing the consumption of provisions, when a scarcity was approaching.
The day the proclamation appeared, the chiefs and warriors of the Oneida tribe of Indians, directed the following speech to governor Trumbull, to be communicated by him to the four New-England provinces:
“As my younger brothers of the New-England Indians, who have settled in the vicinity, are now going down to visit their friends, and to move up parts of their families that were left behind—with this belt, by them, I open the road wide, clearing it of all obstacles, that they may visit their friends and return to their settlements here in peace.
“We Oneidas are induced to this measure on account of the disagreeable situation of affairs that way; and we hope by the help of God, they may return in peace. We earnestly recommend them to your charity through their long journey.
“Now we more immediately address you our brother, the governor, and the chiefs of New-England.
“Brothers!—We have heard of the unhappy differences and great contention between you and Old England. We wonder greatly, and are troubled in our minds.
“Brothers! Possess your minds in peace respecting us Indians.—We cannot intermeddle in this dispute between two brothers.—The quarrel seems to be unnatural.—You are two brothers of one blood.—We are unwilling to join on either side in such a contest, for we bear an equal affection to both you Old and New-England.—Should the great king of England apply to us for aid—we shall deny him.—If the colonies apply—we will refuse.—The present situation of you two brothers, is new and strange to us.—We Indians cannot find, nor recollect in the traditions of our ancestors, the like case, or a similar instance.
“Brothers!—For these reasons possess your minds in peace, and take no umbrage that we Indians refuse joining in the contest.—We are for peace.
“Brothers!—Was it an alien, a foreign nation, who had struck you, we should look into the matter.—We hope through the wise government and good pleasure of God, your distresses may be soon removed, and the dark clouds be dispersed.
“Brothers!—As we have declared for peace, we desire you will not apply to our Indian brethren in New-England for assistance.—Let us Indians be all of one mind, and live with one another; and you white people settle your own disputes betwixt yourselves.
“Brothers!—We have now declared our minds—please to write to us, that we may know yours. We the sachems and warriors, and female governesses of Oneida, send our love to you, brother governor, and all the other chiefs in New-England.”
Signed by William Sunoghsis, Nicklasha Watshaleagh, William Kanaghquaesea, Peter Thayeheare, Jimmy Tekayaheare Nickhis Aghsenhare, i. e. garter; Thomas Yoghtanowea, i.e. spreading the dew; Adam Ohonwano, Quedellis Agwerondongwas, i. e. breaking of the twigs; Handereheks Tegahsweahdyen, i. e. a belt (of wampum) extended; Johnko Skeanendo, Thomas Teondeatha, i. e. a fallen tree. Above a hundred years back, a sachem of a family which was becoming extinct, adopted a numerous family, and to commemorate their own decay and extinction, called the adopted Teondeatha, which name is perpetuated, as are several of their family names.
The speech was dated from Kononwarohare, i. e. a head erected on a pole.
My friend the Rev. Mr. Samuel Kirkland, a missionary among the Oneidas, and who understands the language, interpreted and wrote the above. He tells me, that the Indian names of men, rivers and places, have often special meanings, alluding to events or qualities, as is much the case in the Hebrew language. The Indians are very deliberate in their speeches, often pausing, to engage a closer attention to what they deliver. They have a prevailing species of politeness, frequently wanting in the conversation of civilized Europeans, too apt to pronounce them savages and barbarians. They give close attention to the person addressing them. They do not interrupt him while speaking, but wait till he has finished; and consider it as great rudeness to be interrupted. In their councils every one is heard with patience in all that he has to say; profound silence reigns among the audience, to the exclusion o£ all disturbance, and there are no private confabulations
The above Indian speech seems to refer to one which had been delivered to the provincial congress eleven days before, by the Stockbridge delegate, being the answer of the Indians dwelling there, to a message of the former congress. This answer was—“Brothers! we have heard you speak by your letter—we thank you for it—we now make answer. Brothers! you remember when you first came over the great waters I was great and you was little, very small. I then took you in for a friend, and kept you under my arms, so that no one might injure you; since that time we have ever been true friends; there has never been any quarrel between us. But now our conditions are changed. You are become great and tall. You reach to the clouds. You are seen all round the world. I am become small, very little. I am not so high as your heel. Now you take care of me, and I look to you for protection. Brothers! I am sorry to hear of this great quarrel between you and Old England. It appears that blood soon must be shed to end this quarrel. We never till this day understood the foundation of this quarrel between you and the country you came from. Brothers! Whenever I see your blood running, you will soon find me about you to revenge my brother’s blood. Although I am low and very small, I will gripe hold of your enemy’s heel, that he cannot run so fast and so light as if he had nothing at his heels.
“Brothers! You know I am not so wise as you are, therefore I ask your advice in what I am now going to say—I have been thinking before you come to action, to take a run to the westward, and feel the mind of my Indian brethren the six nations, and know how they stand, whether they are on your side or for your enemies. If I find they are against you, I will try to turn their minds. I think they will listen to me, for they have always looked this way for advice concerning all important news that comes from the rising of the sun. If they hearken to me, you will not be afraid of any danger from behind you. However their minds are affected, you shall soon know by me.—Now I think I can do you more service in this way, than by marching off immediately to Boston, and staying there; it may be a great while before blood runs. Now as I said, you are wiser than I, I leave this for your consideration, whether I come down immediately or wait till I hear some blood is spilled.
“Brothers! I would not have you think by this that we are falling back from our engagements. We are ready to do any thing for your relief, and shall be guided by your counsel.
“Brothers! One thing I ask of you, if you send for me to fight, that you will let me fight in my own Indian way. I am not used to fight English fashion, therefore you must not expect I can train like your men. Only point out to me where your enemies keep, and that is all I shall want to know.”
This speech was delivered the eleventh of April, 1775, by the chief sachem of the Moheakounuck tribe of Indians, residing at Stockbridge, after sitting near two days in council. The provincial congress ordered the following reply on the eighth of June, viz.
“Brothers! We this day, by the delegate from Stockbridge, first heard of your friendly answer to our speech to you by captain William Goodrich, which answer we are told you made to us immediately by a letter, which we have not yet received. We now reply.
“Brothers! You say that you was once great, but that you are now little; and that we were once little, but are now great. The supreme spirit orders these things. Whether we are little or great, let us keep the path of friendship clear which our fathers made, and in which we have both travelled to this time. The friends of the wicked counsellors of our king, fell upon us, and shed some blood soon after we spake to you last by our letter. But we, with a small twig, killed so many, and frightened them so much, that they have shut themselves up in our great town called Boston, which they have made strong. We have now made our hatchets, and all our instruments of war sharp and bright. All the chief counsellors who live on this side the great water, are sitting in the grand council-house in Philadelphia; when they give the word, we shall all as one man fall on, and drive our enemies out of their strong fort, and follow them till they shall take their hand out of our pouches, and let us sit in our council-house, as we used to do, and as our father’s did in old times.
“Brothers! Though you are small, yet you are wise. Use your wisdom to help us. If you think it best, go and smoke your pipe with your Indian brothers toward the setting of the sun, and tell them of all you hear and all you see; and let us know what their wise men say. If some of your young men should have a mind to see what we are doing here, let them come down and tarry among our warriors. We will provide for them while they are here.
“Brothers! When you have any trouble, come and tell it to us, and we will help you.”
To captain Solomon Ahhaunnauwaumut, chief sachem of the Moheakounuck Indians.
[June 20.] the Massachusetts congress wrote to the several towns, that the continental congress resolved on the 9th instant, “that no obedience being due to the act of parliament for altering the charter of the colony, &c.” and directed them to elect one or more freeholders to represent them in a great and general court, to be held upon the 19th of July, at Watertown. They also chose colonel Heath major-general, in the place of the late general Warren.
[June 22.] Before general Washington left Philadelphia, the continental congress chose by ballot, eight brigadier-generals—Seth Pomeroy, esq. of the Massachusetts colony, the first; Richard Montgomery, esq. of New-York, the second; David Wooster, esq. of Connecticut, the third; William Heath, esq. of the Massachusetts, the fourth; Joseph Spencer, esq. of Connecticut, the fifth; John Thomas, esq. of the Massachusetts, the sixth; John Sullivan, esq. of Hampshire, the seventh; and Nathaniel Greene, esq. of Rhode-Island, the eighth; and resolved, that the officers in the army should receive their new commissions through the hands of the general.
The same day they resolved, “That a sum not exceeding 2,000,000 of Spanish milled dollars, be emitted by the congress, in bills of credit, for the defence of America; and that THE TWELVE CONFEDERATED COLONIES (thus they are termed) be pledged for the redemption of the bills.” This is an expedient, without which they are not able to prosecute the defence of America, as they have neither money nor revenues to recur to. Some few of the delegates know, from what has happened in the northern colonies, that the effects of a paper emission will be bad when it becomes plentiful; has no stable fund for the speedy redemption of it; and cannot be exchanged in the common intercourse of business for specie or specie value. But the risk of smaller and personal evils must take place rather than the total subversion of the rights of the united colonies be endangered. No one delegate therefore opposed the present expedient. As the news of Breed’s Hill battle had reached them by means of a quick conveyance, they resolved, “That Pennsylvania raise two more companies of riflemen, and that the whole eight be formed into a battalion, to be commanded by such officers as shall be recommended by the assembly or convention of said colony.”
Measures being pursued in North-Carolina to defeat the American association, they resolved [June 26.] “That it be recommended to all in that colony, who wish well to the liberties of America, to associate for the defence of American liberty, and to embody themselves as militia, under proper officers; and that in case the assembly or convention of that colony shall think it absolutely necessary for the support of the American association and safety of that colony to raise a thousand men, this congress will consider them as an American army, and provide for their pay.” They have gone too far to recede from the use of force, and so must employ it wherever wanted to secure their friends, till the point in dispute with Great-Britain is settled. The zeal, activity, and unanimity of those Pennsylvanians in general, whose principles admit of hostile resistance, have superceded the necessity of such like resolutions in respect to them. The Philadelphia militia have been formed into three battalions for some time; and in the beginning of the month these, consisting of 1500 men, an artillery company of 150, with two twelve and four six pound brass field pieces; a troop of light horse, several companies of light infantry, rangers, and riflemen, in the whole about two thousand, marched to the common, and having joined in brigade went through the manual exercise, firing and manœuvres (with a dexterity scarcely to be expected from so short a practice) in the presence of the members of the continental congress, and several thousand spectators. A considerable number even of the quakers, have joined in the military association of the city. There is one company composed entirely of gentlemen belonging to the religious denomination of people they are convinced that weapons of war may be lawfully employed in defending their national rights and liberties, though they are averse to all offensive operations to gratify ambition covetousness or revenge. The Pennsylvanians are careful to order the militia of the counties to be frequently exercised. The colony has put on the most martial appearance.
About the begining of June a committee of congress drew up a declaration containing an offer to Great-Britain, “That the colonies would not only continue to grant extraordinary aids in time of war, but also, if allowed a free commerce, pay into the sinking fund such a sum annually for one hundred years, as should be more than sufficient in that time, if faithfully applied, to extinguish all the present debts of Britain. Or, provided this was not accepted, that to remove the groundless jealousy of Britain, that the colonies aimed at independence, and an abolition of the navigation act which in truth they have never intended: and also, to avoid all future disputes about the right of making that and other acts for regulating their commerce for the general benefit they would enter in a covenent with Britain, that she should fully possess and exercise that right for one hundred years to come.” This declaration was never entered upon the minutes of congress, for before that could be done, they received the accout of the two restraining acts, which proved its ruin.[127]
They resolved, “That in case any agent of the ministry shall induce the Indian tribes, or any of them, to commit actual hostilities against these colonies, or enter into an offensive alliance with the British troops, thereupon the colonies ought to avail themselves of an allience with such Indian nations as will enter into the same, to oppose such British troops and their Indian allies.”
[July 2.] General Washington, accompanied by general Lee and other gentlemen, arrived at Cambridge. A committee from the Massachusetts congress repaired to Springfield, about a hundred miles from Boston, on the way to Connecticut, there to receive them, and provide proper escorts for them from thence to the army. They had been treated with the highest honors in every place through which they passed; and been escorted by large detachments of volunteers composed of gentlemen. The general was addressed by the provincial congress of New-York as he came along. They expressed their joy in his appointment; and toward the close said, “We have the fullest assurances, that whenever this important contest shall be decided by that fondest wish of each American soul, an accomodation with our mother country, you will cheerfully rasign the important deposit committed into your hands, and re-assume the character of our worthiest citizen.” The general, after declaring his gratitude for the regard shown him, added, “Be assured, that every exertion of my worthy colleagues and myself, will be extended to the re-establishment of peace and harmony, between the mother country and these colonies; as to the fatal but necessary operations of war, when we assumed the soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen and we shall most sincerely rejoice with you, in that happy hour, when the establishment of American liberty, on the most firm and solid foundations, shall enable us to return to our private stations, in the bosom of a free, peaceful and happy country.” Since his arrival he has been addressed in the most affectionate and respectful manner by the Massachusetts congress. You must have a recourse to the public prints for his whole answer, but take the beginning for a specimen, “Gentlemen, your kind congratulations on my appointment and arrival, demand my warmest acknowledgments and will be ever retained in grateful remembrance. In exchanging the enjoyments of domestic life for the duties of my present honorable but arduous station, I only emulate the virtue and public spirit of the whole province of Massachusetts Bay, which, with a firmness, and patriotism without example in modern history, has sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in support of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. My highest ambition is, to be the happy instrument of vindicating those rights, and to see this devoted province again restored to peace, liberty, and safety.” This paragraph was extremely gratifying to the persons to whom it was directed.
The general began to give out the congressional commissions, but suspended all further delivery when general Putnam had received his, upon learning that the appointments so degraded general Thomas by ranking him far below is juniors in office, that he could not with any propriety continue in the army on that footing, but must decline serving the country in a military capacity. The several generals regretted the mistake, and wished to have the difficulty removed. Washington acquainted the congress with it, upon which they appointed him first brigadier-general, in the room of Seth Pomeroy, who had never acted under his commission, and was too far advanced in life.
General Green testified his regard for the commander in chief, by addressing him on his appointment and arrival, and by declaring the satisfaction he should feel in serving under his command. He was joined in the address by the officers of his brigade. If other generals and officers have done the like, it has not come to my knowledge. This singular instance of respect must make a favorable and lasting impression on the mind of general Washington. The general, after a careful inspection, could not estimate the continental army at more than 14,500 men capable of duly, who had to defend an extent of at least twelve miles. But such has been the precaution and guard exercised on every side of Boston, that the regiment of light cavalry arrived there, has not set foot beyond the garrison, and serves only to create new wants, and to increase the inconveniencies of the people as well as of the British army. The hay growing upon the islands, together with the sheep and cattle remaining upon them, proved an object of necessary attention:—but the continentals possessing a number of whale boats, and being masters of the shores and inlets, were successful in burning, destroying, or carrying off those essential articles of supply, notwithstanding the number of British ships of war and armed vessels.
[July 11.] A party of 500 continentals went at night from the Roxbury camp, and getting into 65 whale boats, proceeded to Long-Island, and brought off 15 of the enemy, about 20 head of cattle, and 100 sheep. The next day [July 12.] they went again and burnt the hay, &c., when there was considerable fighting between them and the British boats and schooners. About six days after, a number burnt the light-house on an island, nine miles below Boston, at the entrance of the harbour, though a man of war lay within a mile of the place.
Since the arrival of the continental generals, the regulations of the camp have been greatly for the better. Before, there was little emulation among the officers: and the soldiers were lazy, disorderly and dirty. The freedom of which the New-Englanders have alway been accustomed, makes them impatient of controul, and renders it extremely difficult to establish that discipline so essential to troops, in order to success. Discipline will not inspire cowards with courage, but it will make them fight. The army has been thrown into three grand divisions: general Ward commands the right wing at Roxbury; general Lee the left at Prospect Hill; and the centre, in which is included a corps de reserve, is commanded by general Washington. Adjutant-general Gates has been of special service in arranging the army. His military skill in those matters has supplied the want of it in others. The public cannot be too thankful for this benefit. Every officer and private begins to know his place and duty. Method and punctuality are growing into use, and becoming habitual. The troops will shortly have the mechanism and movements, as well as the name of an army.
The continental lines are so strengthened, the number of redoubts and mounted cannon so many, as to make an attack upon Cambridge, or a penetration into the country that way impracticable. The British according to the intelligence obtained from Boston, have lost by death, including the slain, and those who died of their wounds near upon 2500, since the nineteenth of April.
General Washington acquainted congress, that the allowance of provisions to the troops and the mode of delivering out, are different from what has fallen within his experience, and must prove very wasteful and expensive. The high pay of the soldiers,[128] which greatly exceeds that of the British will make a more œconomical plan necessary. But the most painful information he had to communicate, was that of the want of powder. [August 13.] He discovered, that the whole stock of the army at Roxbury, Cambridge, and the adjacent places, consisted but of ninety barrels or thereabouts: that there were no more than 36 in the Massachusetts magazine, which with the stock of New-Hampshire, Rhode-Island and Connecticut, made but 9937lb. not more than nine rounds a man. The continentals remained in this destitute condition for about a fortnight or more, till the Jersey committee of Elizabeth-Town, upon receiving the alarming news, sent on a few tons, which they were obliged to do with the greatest privacy, lest the fears of their own people, had it been known, should have stopt it for their own use, in case of an emergency. During this interval, the scarcity of powder became a camp talk; and a deserter carried the account of it to Boston. The British dared not to rely upon the intelligence, having been so often deceived. Beside, though they had met with unexpected proofs of American courage, yet they could not believe the colonists possessed of such consummate assurance, as to continue investing them, while so destitute of ammunition. They rather suspected a deep laid plot to ensnare them.
All the riflemen are arrived in camp. The congressional resolve, for raising eight hundred, passed on the fourteenth of June, and on the twenty second they agreed upon two additional companies of Pennsylvanians. No orders were dispatched before the fourteenth, and the expresses had to ride three or four hundred miles to the persons directed to raise them. The men to the amount of 1430, were raised, completely armed, most with their own rifles, and accoutred for the field with such expedition as to join the army at Cambridge, one company on the 25th of July, the rest on the 5th and 7th of August; all had marched from four to seven hundred miles. The whole business was performed in less than two months, without a farthing advanced from the continental treasury.
The present is a good time for relating what the congress have been doing.
[July 6.] They agreed to a Declaration in behalf of the colonies, setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms. After enumerating the injuries they had suffered, they reprobated the principles of lord North’s conciliatory plan, without naming it, and said, “Parliament adopted an insidious manœuver, calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations, where colony should bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives.” They went on to mention the perfidy of general Gage in breaking his agreement with the inhabitants of Boston—the wanton burning of Charlestown, and a considerable number of houses in other places—the seizure of their ships and vessels—the instigation of the Canadians and Indians to fall upon them. They then said, “We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honor, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.”
“Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great; and if necessary foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable.” This intimation of foreign assistance, was not founded upon any private information, but flowed solely from the persuasion that one or more foreign powers will readily embrace the opportunity of a fixed breach between Great-Britain and the colonies, to weaken the power of the first by assisting the last. But that they might not by their declaration, disquiet the minds of their friends and fellow-subjects, congress assured them, that they meant not to dissolve that union which had so long and so happily subsisted between them and Britain. They concluded thus, “With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war.”
The declaration of congress has been read with religious solemnity by the chaplains, to the different bodies of the American army about Boston, and received with loud acclamations by the troops, and the numerous spectators who were present upon the occasion. The same day that congress agreed upon the declaration, they resolved upon a letter of thanks to the lord mayor, aldermen, and livery of the city of London, for their virtuous and spirited opposition to the oppressive and ruinous system of colony administration adopted by the British ministry.
[July 8.] The petition to the king being ready, it was signed by the members present. It is a decent, dutiful, and truly filial petition, and deserves to be written in letters of gold, for the sentiments it breathes toward the parent state. Had money been wanting to have purchased it, it would have been wisdom to have bought it at any price. If properly received, it may be made the basis of an internal compact between Great-Britain and her American colonies, which may to all ages bid defiance to the intrigues of France, and the murmurs of rotten hearted men, either in Britain or America. The sincerity of it may be called into question by the ministry. Let them put the sincerity of it to the test, by promoting a compliance with the contents, and so over-reach those individual delegates who may wish a continuance of the present quarrel. The colonies, as yet, desire no more than a redress of grievances, and security against a repetition of them. They most ardently long for a firm and indissoluble union with the parent state, upon these grounds. Thus it is with the army. It is the wish of general Washington particularly, and such is its reasonableness, that he hopes and expects that the contest will be shortly terminated, so as to admit of his eating his next Christmas dinner at his own delightful residence on Mount Vernon.
The same day the congress agreed to an Address to the inhabitants of Great-Britain—In it they said, “We have again presented an humble and dutiful petition to our sovereign; and to remove every imputation of obstinacy, have requested his majesty to direct some mode by which the united applications of his faithful colonists may be improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation. We are willing to treat on such terms as can alone render an accommodation lasting; and we flatter ourselves that our pacific endeavors will be attended with a removal of ministerial troops, and a repeal of those laws, of the operation of which we complain, on the one part, and a disbanding of our army, and a dissolution of our commercial associations, on the other.” They, after that, insinuated the danger the inhabitants of Britain would be in of losing their freedom, in case their American brethren were subdued. The address is intended to conciliate the minds of the inhabitants of Britain to the measures that the colonists have already taken, or may be obliged further to take, and to obtain the countenance of the former.
The petition to the king, the address to the inhabitants of Great-Britain, and the letter to the lord mayor, &c. were ordered to be sent under cover to Richard Penn, esq. whom the president was to request, in behalf of the congress, to join with the colony agents in presenting the petition to the king. Mr. Penn sailed four days after this order, for England.
[July 12.] The congress agreed upon appointing commissioners to superintend Indian affairs in behalf of the colonies.—Proper talks to the Indians were ordered to be prepared, which were reported the next day [July 13.] and accepted.
[July 18.] The congress resolved to recommend to all able-bodied effective men in each colony, between sixteen and fifty, immediately to form themselves into regular companies of militia; to acquire military skill, and to be well prepared for defence; and that a fourth part of the militia in every colony be selected for minute-men, and be ready to march wherever their assistance may be required. It was earnestly recommended to those who could not conscientiously bear arms in any case to contribute liberally to the relief of their distressed brethren, and to do all other services to their oppressed country, which they could consistently with their religious principles. They also proposed that each colony should appoint a committee of safety, to direct all matters necessary for the security of their respective colonies, in the recess of their assemblies and conventions; and should make such provision, by armed vessels or otherwise, as might be judged expedient for the protection of their harbours and navigation on their sea-coasts, against all hostile cutters and ships of war.
[July 20.] This being the day appointed for the continental fast, congress agreed to meet, and go in a body to divine service both parts of the day. They requested Mr. Duche to preach before them in the morning, and Dr. Allison in the afternoon. But before the service, they met time enough to read some dispatches brought by express from general Schuyler, and a letter from the convention of Georgia, setting forth that the colony had acceded to the general association, and appointed delegates to attend the congress.
The day was kept at Philadelphia as the most solemn fast ever held in that city. It was religiously observed throughout the united colonies. The united synod of New-York and Philadelphia had published a pastoral letter some time before; it was read on that day in the churches under their care, which are very numerous. They said in it, “As the whole continent, with hardly any exception, seem determined to defend their rights by force of arms, it becomes the peculiar duty of those who profess a willingness to hazard their lives in the cause of liberty, to be prepared for death, which to many must be a certain, and to every one is a possible or probable event. It is well known to you (otherwise it would be impudent thus publicly to profess) that we have not been instrumental in inflaming the minds of the people, or urging them to acts of violence and disorder. Perhaps no instance can be given, on so interesting a subject, in which political sentiments have been so long and so fully kept from the pulpit, and even malice itself has not charged us with laboring from the press; but things are now come to such a height, that we do not wish to conceal our opinions as men. Suffer us therefore to exhort you, by assuring you, that there is no army so formidable as those who are superior to the fear of death. Let, therefore, every one who, from generosity of spirit, or benevolence of heart, offers himself as a champion in his country’s cause, be persuaded to reverence the Lord of Hosts, and walk in the fear of the Prince of the kings of the earth, and then he may, with the most unshaken firmness, expect the issue either in death or victory.”
After several other exhortations, they offered six advices, in substance as follows: 1st, Let every opportunity be taken to express your attachment to king George and the revolution principles. We recommend esteem and reverence for the person of the prince, who has probably been misled into the late and present measures by those about him; neither have we any doubt, that they themselves have been in a great degree deceived by false information from interested persons residing in America.—2dly, Be careful to maintain the union which at present subsists in all the colonies, on which the success of every measure depends.—3dly, We earnestly beseech all societies to watch over their members, and discourage luxury of living, public diversions, and gaming of all kinds.—4thly, We recommend a regard to public order and peace; that all persons conscientiously pay their debts, and to the utmost of their power serve one another, so that the evils inseparable from a civil war may not be augmented by wantonness and irregularity.—5thly, We recommend to all ranks, but particularly to those who may be called to action, a spirit of humanity and mercy. We recommend that meekness and gentleness of spirit which is the noblest attendant on true valor. That man will fight most bravely, who never fights but when it is necessary, and who ceases to fight as soon as the necessity is over.—Lastly, We would recommend to all societies, not to content themselves with attending devoutly on fasts, but to continue habitually in prayer, and to have frequent voluntary meetings for solemn intercession with God on the important trial.”
The accession of Georgia, was owing much to the exertions of the reverend Dr. Zubly; who roused the attention of many in the province to the alarming situation of American affairs; so that at length a general election was held for delegates to set in provincial congress. They met on the fourth of July in Savannah: and requested the governor to appoint a day of fasting and prayer throughout the province, that a happy reconciliation might soon take place between America and the parent state, and that, under the auspicious reign of his majesty and his descendants, both countries might remain united, virtuous, free and happy, till time should be no more. His excellency James Wright consented, as the request was expressed in such loyal and dutiful terms, and the ends proposed such as every good man most ardently wished. They chose the reverend Dr. Zubly, and four others, delegates to represent the province in the continental congress; and at once entered into all the spirit of the resolutions formed by the other colonies, and adopted similar. They declared, that, though their province was not included in the late restraining bill, they considered that circumstance rather as an insult than a favor, as being meant to break the union of the provinces, as being grounded on the supposition, that the inhabitants of the excepted province could be base enough to turn the oppression of America into a mean advantage. They also agreed upon an humble address and representation to his majesty, which as it was not deficient in a certain freshness of colouring, had the appearance of novelty.
[July 25.] The congress agreed in an address to the assembly of Jamaica: and in it said, “We receive uncommon pleasure from observing the principles of our righteous opposition distinguished by your approbation. We feel the warmest gratitude for your pathetic mediation in our behalf with the crown. The peculiar situation of your island forbids your assistance. But we having your good wishes to the friends of liberty and mankind, shall always derive consolation.”
They also resolved, That a body of forces, not exceeding five thousand, be kept up in the New-York department:—and that a further sum of one million Spanish milled dollars, be struck in bills of thirty dollars each.
[July 26.] They established a post-office, to reach from Falmouth, in New-England, to Savannah, in Georgia; and then unanimously elected Benjamin Franklin, esq. post-master general.
[July 27.] They proceeded to the establishment of an hospital for an army of 20,000 men; and elected Benjamin Church, to be director of and physician in it.
[July 28.] They agreed to an address to the people of Ireland, and in it furnished them with a true state of the colonial motives and objects, the better to enable them to judge of the conduct of the colonists with accuracy, and to determine the merits of the controversy with impartiality and precision. They then anticipated the golden period, when liberty, with all the gentle arts of peace and humanity, should establish her mild dominion in the western world, and erect eternal monuments to the memory of those virtuous patriots and martyrs, who shall have fought and bled, and suffered in her cause. Toward the close the language is, “Accept our most greatful acknowledgments for the friendly disposition you have always shown toward us.—We know that you are not without your grievances—We sympathize with you in your distress, and are pleased to find that the design of subjugating us, has persuaded administration to dispense to Ireland some vagrant rays of ministerial sunshine.—Even the tender mercies of government have long been cruel toward you.—In the rich pastures of Ireland, many hungry parricides have fed, and grown strong to labour in its destruction.” In the body of it, a shaft is elegantly pointed at one of the British generals.—“America is amazed to find the name of Howe in the catalogue of her enemies:—she loved his brother.” The former lord Howe fell by the shot of a French Indian, after landing on the left toward the bottom of Lake George, and while heading his corps and marching under the command of general Abercrombie, to attack Tyconderoga. The Massachusetts assembly, to express their affection and strong sense of his worthy character, had a monument erected to his memory in Westminster-abby.
[July 29.] The quotas of the several colonies toward the common expence was settled, for the present, subject to a future revision and correction.
[July 31.] The assemblies of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania and Virginia, having referred to the congress the resolution of the house of commons, comprehending lord North’s conciliatory plan, they expressed their opinion upon it, to the following purpose, viz. “The colonies are entitled to the sole and exclusive privilege of giving and granting their own money. As they possess a right of appropriating their gifts, so are they entitled at all times to inquire into their application. This privilege of giving or withholding their monies, is an important barrier against the undue exertion of prerogative.
“The proposition contained in the resolution is unreasonable and insidious: unreasonable, because, if we declare we accede to it, we declare without reservation, we will purchase the favor of parliament, not knowing at the same time at what price they will please to estimate their favor; it is insidious, because individual colonies, having bid and bidden again, till they find the avidity of the seller too great for all their powers to satisfy, are then to return into opposition, divided from their sister colonies, whom the minister will have previously detached by a grant of easier terms, or by an artful procrastination of a definitive answer. The suspension of the exercise of their pretended power of taxation being expressly made commensurate with the continuance of our gifts, these must be perpetual to make that so. The proposition is altogether unsatisfactory, because it imports only a suspension of the mode, not a renunciation of the pretended right to tax us; because too, it does not propose to repeal the several acts of parliament complained of as grievances.
“Upon the whole, this proposition seems to have been held up to the world, to deceive it into a belief that there was nothing in dispute between us, but the mode of levying taxes; and that the parliament having now been so good as to give up this, the colonies are unreasonable if not perfectly satisfied: whereas, in truth, our adversaries still claim a right of demanding ad libitum, and of taxing us themselves to the full amount of their demand, if we do not comply with it. This leaves us without any thing we can call property.”
Congress had reprobated the conciliatory plan in their address to the British inhabitants; but now they discussed it fully, and exposed its futility. The next day, August the first, they adjourned to Tuesday the fifth of September.
The declaration of congress, their petition to the king, their address to the inhabitants of Great-Britain, the other to the people of Ireland, and their opinion upon the resolution of the house of commons, must evidence to the world, that they have men of the first abilities among them, whose writings will vie with the public declarations and acts of any powers, on the greatest occasions, in respect to art, address and execution.
When you consider the variety of climates, soils, religions, civil governments, commercial interests, &c. which were represented in the former congress, and the late session of the present; and the various occupations, educations and characters of the gentleman who composed them; you will judge, that the general harmony and unanimity which prevailed in them, is scarcely to be paralleled. At the revolution, such mighty questions as, “Whether is the throne vacant or not? Whether shall the prince of Orange be king or not?” were determined in the convention parliament, by small majorities—the last question by two only. The great majorities, the almost unanimity, with which most capital questions have been decided in the continental congress, will be considered by numbers in no other light than as the happiest omens; or rather as providential dispensations in favor of the colonies; as well as the clearest demonstrations of their cordial, firm, radical, and indissoluble union.
The adjournment of congress affords the delegates the best means of consulting with their constituents, as to what further measures it may be necessary to adopt: as also certain individuals who may look forward to independency, a much more favorable opportunity of ripening their designs by private, personal intercourse with special confidents, than can be enjoyed by an epistolary correspondence. By well-timed hints, they may scatter those sentimental seeds, which shall at length produce events not at present suspected even by the persons attending to such hints.
The Georgia delegates did not come on, and join the congress before the session was closed.
The inhabitants of South-Carolina were so zealous, and the alarm spread by the Lexington engagement so extensive through the colony, that 172 members met in provincial congress, [June 1.] agreeable to the summons issued three and twenty days before by the general committee.
[June 2.] They unanimously resolved, that an association was necessary, which was drawn up and signed by their president Henry Laurens, esq. and all the members present. In it they declared—“Thoroughly convinced that, under our present distressed circumstances, we shall be justified before God and man, in resisting force by force, we do unite ourselves under every tie of religion and honor, and associate as a band in the defence of an injured country against every foe—hereby solemnly engaging, that, whenever our continental or provincial councils shall decree it necessary, we will go fourth, and be ready to sacrifice our lives and fortunes to secure her freedom and safety. This obligation to continue in full force until a reconciliation shall take place between Great-Britain and America, upon constitutional principles—an event which we most heartily desire. And we will hold all those persons inimical to the liberty of the colonies who shall refuse to subscribe this association.” This was afterward prettly generally subscribed by the inhabitants.
[June 5.] It was resolved to raise two regiments of foot, and a regiment of rangers; and to put the town and province in a respectable posture of defence. The provincial congress were sensible that the expences would be great. But it was the language there, as well as in the other colonies, among the friends to freedom, “We will freely give up half, or even the whole of our fortunes to secure our liberties.” Bills of credit were struck, which, through the consent and enthusiasm of the people, supplied the present emergency.
So great was the military order among the gentlemen, that candidates for commissions were four times more than could be employed; and in the number were many of the first families and fortunes. The militia officers resigned their commissions under the governor, and by their own consent were subjected to the orders of the provincial congress.
Thus the popular leaders, in a few weeks, had an army and treasury at their command. Thirteen gentlemen were chosen a council of safety.
While this congress was setting, lord William Campbell, governor of the province, arrived, and was received with all the demonstrations of joy usual on similar occasions.
[June 12.] The congress waited on him with an address, in which they disclosed to him the true causes of their present proceedings; and declared, that no love of innovation, no desire of altering the constitution of government, no lust of independence, had the least influence upon their councils; but that they had been impelled to associate and take up arms, solely for the preservation, and in defence of their lives, liberties and properties. They entreated his excellency to make such a representation of the state of the colony, and of their true motives, as to assure his majesty, that he had no subjects who more sincerely desired to testify their loyalty and affection, or would be more willing to devote their lives and fortunes in his real service. His lordship returned a very mild and prudent answer.
[June 22.] They adjourned, having first delegated a great part of their authority to the council of safety and the general committee; the former of which is in the nature of an executive, and the latter of a legislative authority. It was particularly recommended to the general committee, to take effectual methods to have the association signed through the province, and to demand from the non-subscribers the reasons of their refusal.
The non-subscribers have been advertised as inimical to the liberties of America, and all intercourse between them and the associators interdicted. An oath of neutrality has been required of all, to which some have agreed; others refusing have been disarmed; and a few, who would not enter into any engagements for the public security, have been confined to their houses and plantations.
In these kinds of interesting civil broils, matters are generally carried to an excess, and policy often tramples upon truth and justice. Among the non-subsribers, there may have been several real friends to the liberties of America, who could not in conscience subscribe the association.
The South-Carolinians, having agreed upon a military opposition, were resolved to defend Charlestown to the last extremity; and yet the whole quantity of powder in the colony did not exceed three thousand pounds. A military opposition, not being originally designed or expected by them any more than by the people of the other colonies, there was the like inattention as elsewhere, in regard to the providing of stores. Reduced now to the alternative of fighting or submitting, they took extraordinary methods to obtain a supply. The inhabitants of East-Florida, having never joined in measures of opposition to Britain, the ports of that province were open for the purposes of trade.
Twelve persons, therefore, authorised by the council of safety, sailed from Charlestown for that coast; and by surprise, boarded a vessel near the bar of St. Augustine, though twelve British grenadiers, of the 14th regiment, were on board. They took out fifteen thousand pounds of powder, for which they gave a bill of exchange to the captain; and having secured a safe retreat to themselves, steered for Beaufort, and from thence by an inland navigation escaped their pursuers, and got safe to Charlestown.
North-Carolina was no less spirited than South. The militia were arrayed and exercised, and other measures taken to support whatever opposition they might be called to make against the British adherents. Governor Martin was equally vigorous, though not equally successful. He expected, by means of the back settlers, Scotch inhabitants, and Highland emigrants, to have made a stand against the patriotic party, and therefore took pains to fortify his palace at Newbern; but before it could be effected, his attempting to move the palace guns, alarmed the committee of the place; who, at the head of a body of armed men, interposed, seized and carried off six pieces of artillery, which lay behind the palace. This occasioned the governor’s making a precipitate flight to Fort Johnson on Cape-Fear river. The people, apprehensive that he would strengthen, and prepare it for the reception of a force to be employed in reducing the colony, and concluding, that he would encourage the slaves to revolt, in case of the failure of all other means to maintain the king’s government; collected at Wilmington under colonel Ashe, who had resigned his governmental commission, [July 17.] and accepted one from popular authority. The colonel designed removing the king’s artillery from the fort; but the cannon and stores were secured in time, by order of the governor, who retired on board the king’s sloop the Cruiser.
[July 18.] Colonel Ashe, in the dead of the night, entered the fort, fired it, and reduced the houses and buildings to ashes. The next day he compleated the destruction of its wooden defences, to which the fire had not extended; and burnt the houses, and desolated every thing in the neighborhood of the place, that so they might prove of no benefit to the governor.
The Newbern committee apprehending he means to erect the king’s standard, and to commence hostilities, have resolved “That no person or persons whatsoever have any correspondence with him, on pain of peing deemed enemies to the liberties of America, and dealt with accordingly.” Persons, throughout the united colonies, dread being advertised for enemies to the liberties of America.
In treating of Virginia, we must go back to captain Henry’s advancing with his volunteers toward Williamsburgh. The alarm it occasioned, put lord Dunmore upon converting his palace into a garrison, fortifying it in the best manner he could, and surrounding it with artillery. From thence he issued a proclamation, charging Mr. Henry and his followers with rebellious practices, and attributing the present commotions to disaffection in the people, and a desire of changing the established form of government; which served only to increase the discontent. On the other hand, the Virginians, in their county meetings, applauded Mr. Henry’s conduct; and insisted, that they wanted nothing but to preserve their ancient constitution, and only opposed innovations. The disturbances they charged to the governor’s late conduct. The discontents of the people were increased by some procured copies of letters from his lordship to the minister of the American department, and which were severely censured as containing not only unfavorable, but unfair and unjust representations, as well of facts, as of the temper and disposition of the colony.
In this state of disorder, on the arrival of dispatches from Great-Britain, the house of burgesses was suddenly and unexpectedly convened by the governor, [June 1.] The grand motive for it was to procure their approbation of lord North’s concilitary plan; accordingly in his speech he used the utmost address to carry this point.
The first act however of the house, was the appointment of a committee to inquire into the causes of the late disturbances, and particularly to examine the state of the magazine, that measures might be taken for its replenishment. Means having been contrived by his lordship’s order for securing the magazine, and notice having been given of spring guns being prepared, some inconsiderate young men attempted to furnish themselves with arms out of it, and one of them was wounded. The mode of defending the magazine by spring guns, and the unfortunate accident, irritated the minds of many, who were joined by others. A great concourse of people, from different parts, assembled, and though the house was sitting, broke open the magazine, and took away many of the arms. Some of the members, hearing what was going forward, repaired to the magazine, and though not in time to prevent its being forced open, by remonstrating with all the people they met against such proceedings, prevailed with them to return the arms. The keys of the magazine were afterwards delivered to the committee of the house, by his lordship’s order; who, upon examination, found most of the remaining powder buried in the magazine yard, where it suffered considerable damage by the rain; the muskets were deprived of their locks; and the magazine was naked and insufficient in all respects.
[June 7.] An account was brought into Williamsburgh, that captain Collins of the Magdalen, had slipped his cables, and was come up the river with a number of boats, containing a hundred men at least, intended to be marched into the city. Upon this report a number of people assembled under arms, that they might defend the city and its inhabitants, in case any thing hostile should be attempted. Upon hearing what his lordship had said to the council, they retired peaceably and quietly, without any disturbance. However, their readiness to assemble under arms upon reports, without waiting to know whether they were true or false, made such an impression upon the governor’s mind that he with his lady and family quitted the place, early in the morning of July 8, proceeded to York-town, and went on board the Fowey man of war. He had the honor of being the first governor,[129] who thinks it necessary to quit his government, and take refuge on board his majesty’s fleet: though in his letter of May the first, he held out to ministry his hope, that with a supply of arms and ammunition, he should be able to collect from among Indians, negroes, and other persons, a sufficient force to defend government. He left a message for the house of burgesses, acquainting them, that both himself and family were in constant danger through the fury of the people; that he hoped they would proceed in the business before them; and that he should attend as usual to the duties of his office, and was disposed to restore the harmony, which had been so unhappily interrupted.
[June 9.] The message produced a joint address from the council and house, declaring that they would cheerfully concur in any measure he should propose for the security of himself and family; observing how impracticable it would be to carry on business at such a distance, and intreating his return with his lady and family to the palace, as what would also afford great public satisfaction, and be the likeliest means of quieting the minds of the people.
[June 10.] His lordship returned a written answer, in which he justified his apprehensions of danger, and specified several charges against the house of burgesses. It contained many other matters tending to irritate; but concluded with mollifying terms, by no means equal, however, to the removal of the acrimony excited by the preceding severe charges and implications. It soon produced a reply, of an uncommon length, under the form of an address. The address comprehended the substance of the report of the committee, appointed by the house of burgesses when they first met; and was fraught with all the bitterness of recrimination, as well as with defensive arguments, and an examination of facts. And yet the terms in which it was expressed, were as respectful as possible, and of a nature suited to the representative of their sovereign, and to their own dignity. When upon his lordship’s letter to the earl of Dartmouth, they replied to his assertion, “not a few did join (in what he was pleased to call an opprobrious measure) to avoid paying their debts, in which many of the principal people here are much involved.” “We can only answer for ourselves in the negative; and must consider so indiscriminate a charge as extremely injurious.” It is well known, that many not only in Virginia, but in every other colony, were deeply indebted to British creditors; and it many be admitted, that several of the number became professedly zealous patriots for American liberty, with a view either of escaping or of delaying the payment of their just debts. However to infer from thence that the great body of popular leaders in the present dispute, were or are actuated by such a motive, would be highly culpable. All the supporters of a good cause should be influenced by principles that are unexceptionable; but the state of mankind forbids the expectation of so desirable an event.
The report of the committee asserted, that a general tranquility prevailed previous to the affair of the powder, and the governor’s declaration about freeing the slaves; that the people had no design or wish after an independency of Great-Britain; that they had a most eager desire for such a connection as existed before the late acts of parliament; and that a redress of grievances would immediately establish tranquility, and be productive of a reconciliation with the parent state.
[July 14.] The house of burgesses presented their address in answer to the governor’s speech; in which they said of lord North’s conciliatory motion, “We examined it minutely; we viewed it in every point of light in which we were able to place it, and, with pain and disappointment, we must ultimately declare, it only changes the form of oppression, without lightening its burden.” They close with these expressive words—“We have decently remonstrated with parliament; they have added new injuries to the old. We have wearied our king with supplications; he has not deigned to answer us. We have appealed to the native honor and justice of the British nation: their efforts in our favor have beer hitherto ineffectual. What then remains to be done? That we commit our injuries to the even-handed justice of that Being who doth no wrong; earnestly beseeching him to illuminate the councils, and prosper the endeavors of those to whom America hath confided her hopes, that, through their wise direction, we may again see re-united, the blessings of liberty and property, and the most permanent harmony with Great-Britain.” The body of the address contains this remark, “Lord Chatham’s bill on the one hand, and the terms of the congress on the other, would have formed a basis for negociation, which a spirit of accommodation, on both sides, might herhaps have reconciled.”