The accession of Georgia to the colonies, will occasion their being called henceforward THE THIRTEEN UNITED COLONIES. To aid in the defence of that colony, congress resolved early in November, to keep up a battalion there at the continental expence. Toward the close of the year, Dr. Zubly, perceiving that there was an apparent propensity to independency in several of the delegates, withdrew and returned to Georgia. His opposition to it being well known, and his influence upon the Georgia inhabitants being feared, it was contrived that one of his brother delegates, Mr. John Houston, should likewise return, with a design of counteracting him, in case he soould set himself to oppose independency.

The first hostilities which happened in this colony between the opposite parties, commenced about the middle of November, when a number of royalists attacked the American whigs, and by their superiority obliged the latter, after three days, to surrender the fort, in which they expected to make an effectual resistance.

The governor of South-Carolina, lord William Campbell, after the provincial congress had raised troops, gave commissions to the officers of the volunteer companies of militia, that were formed and trained on the recommendation of the popular leaders. His lordship also convened an assembly, of which several officers in the provincial regiments were members; but finding them and their colleagues inflexibly set against his schemes, he dissolved them [Sept. 15.] and never afterward issued writs for a new election. He was indefatigable in secretly promoting opposition to the popular measures, and kept up a constant correspondence with the back country royalists. These people were told, that it would be impossible to resist the power of Britain; that the whole dispute was about a trifling tax on tea; and that the expences of the new raised provincial regiments would be infinitely more than the insignificant taxes imposed by the British parliament. They were therefore much disaffected with the proceedings of the provincial congress. It being suspected in Charleston that their disaffection was greatly owing to the governor, in order to ascertain, if possible, the connection between them, captain Adam M‘Donald, of a new raised provincial regiment, introduced himself to his lordship about the middle of September, under the feigned name of Dick Williams, a supposed confidential messenger from these royalists. In this assumed character he had a long conversation with his lordship, and was informed, that a letter received the day before, set forth, “That his majesty was determined speedily to send out troops to execute his schemes from one end of the continent to the other.” The conversation being reported to the general committee, they sent a deputation, of which captain M‘Donald was one, to demand a communication of his lordship’s late dispatches from England, and a perusal of his correspondence with the back country. These requisitions being refused, it was moved to take the governor into custody, but the motion was rejected by a great majority. His lordship, mortified at the deception which had been passed upon him, and distrustful of his personal safety in Charleston, took the provincial seal with him, and retired on board the Tamar sloop of war.

[Nov. 1.] When the new provincial congress met, it was thought by the royalists, that the determinations of the former would have been reversed; but they were disappointed.

In order to obstruct the passage of the king’s ships to Charleston through Hog-Island channel, a number of hulks were ordered to be sunk, and captain Tufts had the charge of covering the workmen, on board a schooner, armed for the security of the town, and called the Defence. [Nov. 12.] The Tamar and Cherokee warped in the night, within gun-shot of him, and began a heavy cannonade; but at sun-rise dropped down to their moorings, without having done any material injury. This was the commencement of open hostilities in South-Carolina.

[Nov. 13.] The provincial congress impressed the ship Prosper, and ordered her to be fitted as a frigate of war. They voted to raise a regiment of artillery, [Nov. 14.] to consist of three companies of a hundred men each; and that bills of credit, amounting to £.17,000 sterling should be struck for their support. About the same time a new council of safety was appointed, and authorised “to do all such matters and things relative to the strengthening and defending the colony, as should by them be judged expedient and necessary.”

That you may comprehend the nature of the opposition to popular measures in this colony, you must be informed of various events relative to the back country. About 1770, the extreme difficulty of bringing criminals from remote settlements to a legal condemnation, induced numbers, stiled regulators, to take the law into their own hands. They inflicted corporal punishment on persons without a regular condemnation. Lord Charles Greville Montague, the governor, to correct these abuses, advanced one Scovil, a man of low character, to the rank of colonel, and employed him to enforce settled law among these regulators. He adopted severe measures, which involved multitudes in great distress, who having suffered so for opposing regular government, could not be persuaded to co-operate with their countrymen in the support of congresses and committees, whom they conceived to be similar to their own regulating assemblies.

A number of Dutch inhabitants had settled in the same part of the country, on lands granted by the government. They brought from Europe the monarchical ideas of the holding their possessions at the king’s pleasure. They were therefore easily made to believe, that the loss of their freeholds would be the consequence of their acceding to American measures. After the peace of Paris, lands were offered upon easy terms, to induce foreign Protestants to exchange their native country for a settlement in South-Carolina. The Irish, who accepted these offers, owed all their indulgences to the bounty of the king, and so took part with his friends. Their countrymen, who had emigrated from the northern provinces, commonly entered with zeal into the new measures.

The violence of some over-zealous friends, who insisted upon their neighbors signing the association, produced in several a determined spirit of opposition.

At an election for representatives in the first popular assemblies, Moses Kirkland was an unsuccessful candidate. In wrath he exclaimed, “If this dispute becomes serious, the people of South-Carolina shall feel the weight of my influence.” The provincial congress, to gain him, gave him the rank of captain in one of the provincial regiments; but he was disgusted that his rival was promoted to the higher rank of major. He accepted his commission, and inlisted men; but soon resigned, and to the utmost encouraged opposition to the measures of congress.

The people in general felt themselves secure in their persons and property. It was therefore easy to offer arguments against renouncing present comforts, to ward off future evils. It was insinuated to them, that the gentlemen on the sea-cost, in order to obtain their tea free from tax, were adopting measures which would involve the back country in the want of salt, osnaburgs, and imported necessaries. The popular leaders could not urge the inhabitants to the dangers and expences of war, otherwise than on speculation, to prevent the more alarming consequences which would probably take place in future, if the proceedings of the British parliament, against Boston and the Massachusetts, were suffered to pass into precedent.

Though there were many royalists in most parts of the colony, the principal settlement, in which they out-numbered the friends of congress, was in the country between the Broad and Saluda rivers. When it was determined to raise troops, the inhabitants of that part could not be persuaded that the measure was necessary. They were happy, and free from present oppression, and averse to believing that any designs, inimical to American liberty, had been adopted by the British government. The council of safety sent the honorable William Henry Drayton, and the reverend William Tennent, to explain to them the nature of the dispute. They had several meetings, and much eloquence was exerted to induce them to sign the association. Some subscribed; but the greater part could not be persuaded that there was any necessity for congresses, committees, or military establishments. Suspicions prevailed. The friends of the royal government doubted the authenticity of all pamphlets and news-papers, which ascribed to the British troops in Boston, or to the British government, CCCLXXXVIIIany designs injurious to the rights of the colonists. They viewed the whole as an imposition by artful men. The friends of congress suspected the leading men of the loyalists to be in the pay of lord William Campbell. Reports were circulated by one party, that a plan was laid to seize the commissioners sent by the council of safety: by the other, that the third provincial regiment was brought up to compel the inhabitants to sign the association. Motives and designs were reciprocally attributed to each other of the most mischievous tendency. The royalists imbodied for reasons similar to those which had induced the other inhabitants to arm themselves against Britain. They suspected their adversaries of an intention to dragoon them into a compliance with the measures of congress; and they in their turn, were suspected of a design to commence hostilities against the associators, for disturbing the established royal government. Camps were formed in opposition to each other, and great pains taken to increase their respective numbers. Moderate men employed their good offices; and after some days, the leaders on both sides met in conference. Several explications having taken place, a treaty was reciprocally agreed to, [Sept. 16.] by which it was stipulated, that the royalists should remain in a state of neutrality. Both parties retired to their homes, and a temporary calm succeeded.

But Mr. Robert Cunningham, a principal leader among the royalists, continued to encourage opposition to popular measures, and declared that he did not consider himself as bound by the treaty. This declaration was construed as an evidence of a fixed intention again to disturb the peace. To prevent his attempting it, he was apprehended, brought to Charleston, and committed to jail. His brother Mr. Patrick Cunningham, instantly armed a party of friends and pursued, in expectation of rescuing him. The party collected on this occasion seized a thousand pounds of power, and a quantity of lead, which was passing through their settlement, as a present to the Cherokee Indians; and was intended to confirm them in their pacific disposition. Some persons among the royalists propagated a report, that it was accompanied with instructions to them, to kill every man who should refuse to sign the association. This answered the purpose of inflaming the minds of several. It was also confidently asserted that private marks had been agreed on by the popular leaders and Indian chiefs, to distinguish the associators from the non-associators; the former of whom were to be spared, and the latter sacrificed. Great pains were moreover taken, to exasperate the inhabitants against the council of safety, for furnishing the Indians with powder, at a time when the white people could not be supplied with that article.

Lord William Campbell had uniformly recommended to the royalists to remain quiet till the arrival of a British force. This advice had been providentially frustrated. Similar reasons of policy to those which induced the royal governor to recommend inaction to the royalists, operated with the council of safety to crush their intestine foes before that force should arrive. The rising occasioned by the seizing of Mr. Cunningham, was construed into a violation of the treaty, and gave ground to doubt the sincerity of their engagements to continue in a state of neutrality. It was feared, that as soon as a proper opportunity offered, they would throw their weight into the royal scale. It was therefore judged necessary, to march an army into their settlements before that event should exist. But to remove prejudices, the provincial congress, first of all circulated through their settlements, [Nov. 19.] a declaration assigning the reasons for the present to the Cherokees, and detesting the invidious misrepresentations that had been put upon the measure. They solemnly declared before Almighty God, that they did not believe any order was ever issued, or any idea ever entertained by the late council of safety, or any member of it, or by any person under authority of congress, to cause the Indians to commence hostilities upon the frontiers or any part thereof. They then sent forward a large body of militia and new raised regulars who were joined by seven hundred militia from North-Carolina, and two hundred and twenty regulars. They soon had an army of seven thousand men under their direction, with instructions “to apprehend the leaders of the party which had seized the powder, and to do all other things necessary to suppress the present and prevent future insurrections.” Assurances were publicly given, that no injury should be done to inoffensive persons, remaining quietly on their plantations. The leaders of the royalists found great difficulty in persuading their followers to imbody; and they themselves were destitute of political knowledge and military experience. The unanimity of the whigs and the numbers, which from all sides invaded the settlements of the royalists, disheartened them from facing their adversaries in the field. The whigs acted by system, and in concert with their brethren of neighbouring colonies, and were directed by a council of safety, composed of the greatest and wisest men in the province. They easily carried every point, seized the leaders of the royalists, and dispersed their followers, without the loss of a single man; most of the royalists returned to their plantations, while several retired over the mountains.

In North-Carolina, the committees of the district of Wilmington alledged a number of charges against governor Martin, particularly those of fomenting a civil war, and of exciting an insurrection among the negroes; upon which they declared him an enemy to America in general, and to that province in particular, and forbad all persons holding any communication with him.

[Aug. 8.] When their proceedings appeared in print, the governor published his remarks upon them, in a proclamation of uncommon length; which the provincial congress, in their subsequent meeting at Hillsborough, [Aug. 25.] resolved unanimously, to be a false, scandalous, scurrilous, malicious and seditious libel, and ordered it to be burnt by the hands of the common hangman. Four days before, a plan of confederation was laid before them. Upon mature deliberation they resolved, that “They are of opinion, that the plan of general confederation between the united colonies is not at present eligible; and that the present association ought to be further relied on for bringing about a reconciliation with the parent state, and a further confederacy ought only to be adopted in case of the last extremity.” Afterward [Sept. 8.] Mr. Hooper submitted to them an address to the inhabitants of the British empire, which was unanimously received. In answer to the suggestion, that independence was their object, they say, “We again declare, that we invoke that Almighty Being who searches the recesses of the human heart, and knows our most secret intentions, that it is our most earnest wish and prayer to be restored, with the other united colonies, to the state in which we and they were placed before the year 1763, disposed to glance over any regulations which Britain had made previous to this, and which seems to be injurious and oppressive to these colonies, hoping that, at some future day, she will benignly interpose, and remove from us every cause of complaint.”

They broke up two days after, having sat three weeks. During the session, they agreed upon raising a 1000 men; upon striking a quantity of paper money, for the subsistence of the troops; upon inlisting a considerable body of minute-men; in a word, upon putting the colony immediately into a state of defence.

Within a fortnight after the session closed, the grand repository of the governor’s magazine was discovered. In the palace garden, under a bed of cabbages, was found a barrel, containing about three bushels of gun-powder. In the palace cellar were dug up two quarter casks of the same commodity; and in the garden about 1000lb. of musket-balls, about 500 weight of iron, swivel balls, a large quantity of small shot, lead, iron, worms for the cannon, and the whole apparatus for his park of artillery.

The Virginia convention continued to establish rules for the defence and regulation of the colony; and passed an ordinance for imbodying a sufficient force for its protection. It appearing to them, that only 15 half barrels of powder had been taken out of the magazine by lord Dunmore’s order, they valued it fairly, and then directed the surplus money received by Patrick Henry, esq. to be returned to the receiver general. [August 22.]

Upon a petition of sundry merchants and others, natives of Great-Britain, mostly from Scotland, praying to be exempted from bearing arms against the people among whom they were born, and promising to observe a strict neutrality in case the colony was attacked by the British troops, the convention unanimously recommended to the committees, [Aug. 25.] and others the good people of the colony, to treat all such resident natives as did not show themselves enemies to the common cause of America, with lenity and friendship; to protect all persons whatsoever in the just enjoyment of their civil rights and liberty; to discountenance all national reflections; and to promote union, harmony, and mutual good will, among all ranks of people.

Before the session ended, the delegates in a declaration set forth the cause of their meeting, and the necessity of immediately putting the country into a posture of defence, for the better protection of their lives, liberties and properties. In it they solemnly declare, “before God and the world, we do bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty; and will, so long as it may be in our power, defend him and his government, as founded on the laws and well-known principles of the constitution: we will, to the utmost of our power, endeavor by every honorable mean, to promote a restoration of that friendship and amity, which so long and happily subsisted between our fellow subjects in Great-Britain, and the inhabitants of America: and as, on the one hand, we are determined to defend our lives and properties, and maintain our just rights and privileges, at even the extremest hazard, so, on the other hand, it is our fixed and unalterable resolution to disband such forces as may be raised in this colony, whenever our dangers are removed, and America is restored to its former state of tranquility and happiness.”

Lord Dunmore, however, being joined by a number who had rendered themselves obnoxious to the country, as well as by a parcel of run-away negroes, and supported by the naval force upon the station, endeavored to establish such a marine, as might enable him, by means of the noble rivers with which the colony abounds, to be always at hand, and ready to profit by every favorable occasion which should offer. He by degrees fitted and armed several vessels, in one of which he constantly resided, never setting his foot on shore, but in an hostile manner. The force was calculated only for depredations; and while these were confined to the procuring of provisions or other necessaries, respect was shown to the rank and office of the governor: but being at length changed into open and avowed hostility, his lordship met with resistance. The Virginians could not brook his seizing persons, and conveying them on board the ships; destroying plantations, and carrying off the negroes, and burning houses. They therefore sent detachments of the new-raised forces to protect the coasts; and from thence ensued a small mischievous war, incapable of affording honor or benefit.

During this state of hostility, his lordship procured a few soldiers, with whose assistance an attempt was made to burn the port-town of Hampton. The inhabitants having a previous suspicion of the design, sunk a number of boats across the channel to prevent a landing. The ships, having surmounted all obstacles in the night, drew up close to the town, [October 27.] and began a furious cannonade in the morning. At this critical period, a detachment of riflemen from Williamsburgh, that had marched all night, arrived, and being joined by the minute-men and others, who had assembled the day before, took such a position as enabled them, with their small arms, to compel the enemy precipitately to quit their station, with the loss of some men and of a tender.

[Nov. 7.] In consequence of this repulse, the governor issued a proclamation, declaring that martial law should take place, and be executed through the colony; requiring all persons capable of bearing arms, to resort to his majesty’s standard, or to be looked upon as traitors; and further declaring all indented servants, negroes or others (appertaining to rebels) free, who were able and willing to bear arms, upon joining his majesty’s troops. The Virginians highly resented his lordship’s declaring martial law; and by his single fiat attempting to strip them of their property, and to arm their negroes and servants against them to effect their destruction. This measure occasioned to government the loss of many friends.

The proclamation, with his lordship’s presence and his marine, produced some effect in the town of Norfolk and the adjoining country, where many were well effected to the old government. He was accordingly joined by some hundreds of blacks and whites; but the pleasure it afforded, was soon interrupted by intelligence that a party of Virginians were marching toward them with great expedition. To obstruct their designs, and protect the well effected, he took possesion of the Great Bridge, near Norfolk, a pass of much consequence, being the only way by which the town could be approached He constructed a fort on the Norfolk side, and rendered it as defencible as time would admit. His force consisted of about 200 regulars, including the grenadiers of the 14th regiment, and a body of Norfolk volunteers; the rest was a motley mixture of blacks and whites. The Virginians, under colonel Woodford, fortified themselves within less than cannon shot of the royalists, having a narrow causeway in front, which was to be passed to come at their works.

In this state they continued quiet on both sides for some days. At length a servant belonging to major Marshall, being properly tutored, deserted to the royalists, and told them that colonel Woodford had not more than 300 shirtmen (as they called the riflemen, on account of their being dressed in their hunting shirts) badly provided with ammunition. The bait took, and a design was formed for surprising the Virginians in their entrenchments. Captain Leslie, with the regulars, arrived at the bridge about three in the morning; and being joined by about 300 white and black slaves, laid planks upon the bridge, and crossed just after the Virginians had beaten the reveille, a lucky time for the last, as their men were of course all under arms. Captain Fordyce, at the head of his grenadiers, amounting to about sixty, led the van, while lientenant Batut commanded the advanced party. They passed the causeway, which admitted only of a few men’s marching abreast, and approached the intrenchments with fixed bayonets, and a coolness and intrepidity which excited astonishment. They were not only exposed naked to the fire in front, but infiladed by another part of the provincial lines. The captain fell with several of his men, within a few yards of the breast work. The lieutenant with others were taken, and all the survivors of the grenadier company, whether prisoners or not, were wounded. The royalists were soon obliged to sound a retreat, having sixty-two men killed and wounded. The provincials, during the whole action, did not lose a single man, and had only one slightly wounded. The fire of the artillery from the fort covered the retreat of the royalists. None of the blacks, &c. in the rear, with captain Leslie, advanced further than the bridge. Captain Fordyce was buried with every military honor by the victors, who showed a due respect to his former merit, as well as to the gallantry which signalized his last moments. The British prisoners were treated with great kindness: the American royalists, who joined the king’s standard, with rigor. The king’s forces retired the ensuing night, without other loss than a few pieces of cannon. Captain Leslie, it is said, has absolutely refused to act any more on shore, till he can be better supported; on the other hand, the Norfolk volunteers, and the black battalions, have declined acting without the regulars; this has induced his lordship to abandon the entrenchments at Norfolk, and to go on board the ships. Most of the wretched negroes who had joined him, were now left to shift for themselves.

[Dec. 14.] Colonel Woodford, with the provincials, entered Norfolk; but almost all the inhabitants had fled on board the ships. At night he resigned the command to colonel Howe, designing to return to his family, and attend on his private affairs.

Many of the Scotch petitioners having, contrary to their faith, solemnly plighted, become strict adherents to lord Dunmore, and active promoters of his measures; and having excited their slaves to act against the colony, the convention has totally rescinded the former recommendation in their favor. But persons of ability, declining to act with the Virginians, and who have not taken up arms nor showed themselves against them, may be permitted to leave the country.

A scheme for raising a considerable force for the service of lord Dunmore, has been lately discovered in Maryland.

One John Connelly, a native of Pennsylvania, waited on his lordship with certain proposals, toward the latter end of July, which being approved of, he dispatched intelligence to the officers of the militia on the frontiers of Augusta county, with assurances from his lordship, that such of them as would hereafter evince their loyalty to his majesty, by putting themselves under his command, should be amply rewarded. He had before, by direction, prepared the Indians on the Ohio, to act in concert with him against his majesty’s enemies in that quarter. His lordship sent him to general Gage, at Boston, about the 15th of September; and about the middle of October he returned with instructions from the general to his lordship. A commission of lieutenant-colonel commandant of a regiment, to be raised in the back parts and in Canada, was to be granted to this adventurer; who was to be assisted by the garrisons at Detroit and Fort Gage, at the Illinois, with artillery and ammunition. He was to use means to urge the Indian chiefs to act with vigor in the execution of his orders; and to have the supreme direction of the new forces. When they were in sufficient condition, he was to penetrate through Virginia, so as to meet lord Dunmore at a set time in next April, at Alexandria, on the Potomak; his lordship was to bring such a naval strength and other assistance, as might be deemed necessary for the purpose. He had so far succeeded, that he was on his way, with two associates, to Detroit; where he was to meet his commission and instructions; but when they had reached about five miles beyond Hager’s-town, they were taken into custody and brought before the county committee, at Frederick-town, in Maryland [Nov. 23.] for examination, about ten days after parting with lord Dunmore. Their papers have betrayed every thing. Among them were the geneneral plan of the whole business, and a letter from lord Dunmore to one of the Indian chiefs, and other authentic vouchers, which leave nothing to be doubted. His lordship’s letter was accommodated, as is usual in all such cases, to the Indian taste, and addressed to Brother Captain White Eyes, who was to acquaint the Corn-Stalk, as well as the chiefs of the Mingoes, and the other six nations, with the sentiments contained in it.

The capture of Connelly and his associates, is ascribed to the seizure of an express passing between an Indian commissary and the governor; from whose papers such intelligence was gained as to put the provincial committee upon keeping a good look-out for the parties. The Indian commissary was known to be disaffected to the American cause, by a gentleman whose suspicions made him a principal in effecting the discovery.

The Pennsylvania general assembly, in their November session, instructed their delegates to exert their endeavors at the continental congress, for the adoption of such measures as might afford the best prospect of obtaining a redress of American grievances, and of restoring the union and harmony between Great-Britain and the colonies. They said, “Though the oppressive measures of the British parliament and administration have compelled us to resist their violence by force of arms, yet we strictly enjoin you, that you, in behalf of this colony, dissent from, and utterly reject any propositions, should such be made, that may cause or lead to a separation from the mother country, or a change in the form of this government.” The reason for mentioning a change in the form of this government, was, congress’s recommendation of a measure of that kind to the provincial convention of New-Hampshire, which will be properly noticed in its place.

[Nov. 16.] Governor Franklin met the general assembly of New-Jersey. In his speech he acquainted them, “That the commanders of his majesty’s squadrons in America, have orders to proceed as in the case of a town in actual rebellion, against such of the sea-port towns and places, being accessible to the king’s ships, as shall offer any violence to the king’s officers, or in which any troops shall be raised, or military works erected, or other than by his majesty’s authority, or any attempts made to seize or plunder any public magazine of arms or ammunition.” He said “Sentiments of independency, are by some men of present consequence, openly avowed, and essays are already appearing in the public papers, to redicule the people’s fears of that horrid measure.” The house of assembly in their answer declared, [Nov. 29.] “There is nothing we desire with greater anxiety, than a reconciliation with our parent state, on constitutional principles. We know of no sentiments of independency that are by men of any consequence openly avowed; nor do we approve of any essays tending to encourage such a measure. We have already expressed our detestation of such opinions; and we have so frequently and fully declared our sentiments on this subject, that we should have thought ourselves, as at present we really deserve to be, exempt from all suspicion of this nature.” The governor in his reply mentioned, that he had not the most distant thought while speaking of the sentiments of independency openly avowed by some that they would consider the remark as at all meant for, or applicable to their house. He concluded with pointedly saying, “I sincerely wish that both you and I may ere long have the happiness to see those who either openly or privately avow sentiments of independency, men of no consequence.”

The New-York convention having resolved upon the removal of the cannon from the battery in the city, captain Sears was appointed to the business. Captain Vandeput, of the Asia man of war, was privately informed of the design, and prepared to oppose its execution. Learning when it was to be attempted, he appointed a boat to watch the motion of the people assembled for that purpose about the dead of night. The sailors in the boat giving the signal, with a flach of powder, of what was going forward, the persons on shore mistook it for an attempt to fire a musket at them, and immediately aimed a volley of shot at the boat, by which a man was killed. Captain Vandeput soon after commenced a firing from the Asia with grape shot, swivel shot, 18 and 24 pounders, without killing a single person, and wounded only three, two slightly, the other lost the calf of his leg. He then ceased for a considerable time, supposing that the people had desisted from their purpose, while they were only changing their mode of operation. Captain Sears provided a deceiving party, intended to draw the Asia’s fire from the line of the working party. He sent the former behind a breast-work, by which they were secured on dodging down upon observing the flash of the Asia’s guns. When all was in readiness, they huzzaed, and sung out their notes, as though tugging in unison, and fired from the walls: while the working party silently got off twenty-one eighteen pounders, with carriages, empty cartridges, rammers, &c. Upon hearing the noise, and seeing the fire of the musketry, the captain ordered the Asia to fire a whole broad-side toward that part of the fort, where the deceiving party had secured themselves, without intending a particular injury to the city; however, some of the shot could not but fly into it and do damage. This affair happened at a very late hour, between twelve and two, [August 22.] and threw the citizens into the utmost consternation. Such was the stillness of the night, that the report of the cannon was heard at Philadelphia, ninety miles off. The distress of the Yorkers was much increased, by a painful apprehension, that captain Vandeput would renew the firing upon the city. A removal of men women, children and goods commenced and continued till Saturday. Matters were afterward so adjusted, as to quiet the apprehensions of the people, in reference to their suffering further from the Asia. To prevent it, the convention permitted Abraham Lott, esq. to supply all his majesty’s ships stationed at New-York, with all necessaries, as well fresh as salted, for the sole use of said ships.

The art and influence of governor Tryon alarmed the continental congress, some of the members especially, so that it was moved, that he should be seized. But Mr. Duane, one of the New-York delegates, speaking in behalf of, and answering for him, no resolution to that purpose was taken. Mr. Duane saying, in his eagerness to defend the governor, that he was as good a friend to the American cause as any one present, called up captain John Langdon from New-Hampshire, who resenting the assertion as an aspersion on the several members, answered with much acrimony, and was permitted to go on as long as he pleased, Mr. Duane’s conduct not having answered, in several instances, the warm wishes of the zealous delegates. Though nothing was resolved upon against governor Tryon, the matter only subsided for the present, under an apprehension that if the motion was made, it would not be carried, or when carried, would be conveyed to the governor time enough for him to secure himself. The affair was brought on again after a while in another form; and congress resolved, [October 6.] “That it be recommended to the several provincial assemblies or conventions, and councils or committees of safety, to arrest and secure every person in their respective colonies, whose going at large may in their opinion endanger the safety of the colony, or the liberties of America.”

An authentic copy of the resolve was to be transmitted by the delegates, to proper persons in the different colonies. The fathers of it aimed at governor Tryon; they had little or no expectation that the New-York convention would secure him; but they hoped that the sons liberty at large would effect the business. It has been asserted, that Mr. Duane was uneasy at the resolution, and withdrew from congress for near an hour before he returned to his seat. Be that as it may, it is certain that Mr. Duane’s footman went off to governor Tryon in season to give him information of what was resolved; which occasioned his writing to the mayor of New-York [Oct. 13.] acquainting him that he knew from undoubted authority, what was recommended to the provincial congress, and desiring to be informed whether he should be secure in the protection of the corporation and citizens. The provincial congress had not then received the recommendation. Several letters passed upon the occasion, but the governor not obtaining satisfaction as to his being secure, went on board the Halifax packet [Oct. 19.] of which he informed the mayor by letter; and in that expressed his readiness to do such business of the country, as the situation of the times would permit.

A correspondent residing at New-York complains, that the leaders of the people in that colony, are inconsistent and perfidious, and that their councils are stampt with folly, timidity, and treachery. Some days before the governor went on board, members of the provincial convention declared, even in the convention, that they would not receive the bills of credit to be emitted by themselves; that they would join the king’s standard if troops came, in order to save their estates, &c. These speeches were uttered without meeting with any censure.

The day the governor sent his letter from on board, Messrs. Low, De Lancey, Walton, Kissam, Verplank, &c. &c. labored hard in the provincial congress, to preclude the freemen of the city from voting for new members, and the mode of voting by ballot. They were for polling, as formerly, and expected, that if the freemen were excluded, the freeholders would return none but such as would be for preserving the city, though at the expence of the liberties of America.

The New-York troops are not to be depended upon in general. Persons who have been pretty hearty, are now afraid of falling a sacrifice. The defection becomes greater every day in both city and country. This may be owing to the arts of governor Tryon, whose exertions may be as strenuous and successful in the ship as in the city. He is not at a loss how to intrigue with the people of his government.

Such is the importance of securing the North River, that the continental congress have given direction for rendering it defensible, by erecting a fortification in the High-lands, and garrisoning the same. They have also directed Mr. Alexander, titular lord Sterling, to collect the troops in and for the defence of New-Jersey [Nov. 27.] (except six companies ordered to the forts on the North River) and to place them in barracks in the eastern division of the colony, as contiguous to New-York as can be, there to remain till further orders. The city abounds with persons opposed to congressional measures. This opposition was much strengthened by Mr. Rivington’s press, which was carried off four days before the above order. Captain Sears observing the mischievous effects of this press, determined upon a violent and effectual mode of silencing it. He procured seventy-five Connecticut horsemen, well armed, with muskets, &c. unexpectedly entered the city at the head of them; repaired immediately to Mr. Rivington’s, and seized all his types and printing materials, many of which were destroyed. While he was thus employed, people collected, and the street was thronged. To prevent interruption, he called out and told them, that if they attempted to oppose him, he would order his men to fire upon them; and preparation was made for doing it, in case it should be needful. This appearance instantly cleared the street, when captain Sears and his party rode off in triumph, with the booty they were pleased to take away.

[Sept. 30.] Captain Wallace, in the Rose man of war, and two tenders, began in the morning to fire upon Stonington, in Connecticut, close in with the Sound; and continued it the whole day, with very little intermission. They killed two men, much shattered the houses, stores, &c. and carried off a schooner loaded with molasses, and two small sloops. The firing was brought on by a vessel (which he was in chace of) escaping and securing itself in the harbour of the town. The men of war and transports at Newport, exciting a suspicion by their movements, that there was an intention of taking off live stock from the farms in the south part of Rhode-Island, a number of persons went down in the evening [Oct. 2.] and brought off about 1000 sheep and 50 head of cattle. The next day and the following one, the ships took off a quantity from the two farms, where it was thought they were collected for the purpose of supplying the British troops at Boston. Soon after 300 minute-men arrived, who marched to the spot [Oct 5.] and brought off the remaining cattle, sheep, hogs and poultry, though fired upon by the ships which lay within gun shot. The interposition of the minute-men subjected the town to threats of being cannonaded by the men of war; so that many of the inhabitants moved their effects, while others left the place. On Saturday afternoon [October 7.] the ships weighed anchor, went up the river to Bristol, and demanded 300 sheep, which not being complied with, between eight and nine o’clock, they began a heavy fire on the town, and continued it upward of an hour. The women and children, in great anxiety (dark and rainy as it was) were obliged to leave their habitations, and seek shelter in the adjacent country. Between nine and ten a committee went on board, and purchased peace and the safety of the town at the expence of forty sheep. The firing thus upon a defenceless town, greatly irritated the minds of the Americans in distant colonies, and they have censured it in their public transactions.

[Nov. 11.] The general assembly of Rhode-Island passed an act for the capital punishment of persons who should be found guilty of holding a traitorous correspondence with the ministry of Great-Britain, or any of their officers or agents, or of supplying the ministerial army or navy employed against the united colonies, with provisions, arms, &c. or of acting as pilots on board any vessels. They however excepted the negociation and treaty of the town council with captain Wallace, respecting the supplying the ships of war stationed in the harbour of Newport, and regulation thereof by the commanding officer, which they had before permitted. They also passed an act for sequestring the estates of several persons, whom they considered as avowed enemies to the liberties of America.

[Nov. 30.] Captain Wallace, about one in the morning, left the harbour of Newport, went to Conanicut with several vessels, and landed about 200 marines, sailors, and negroes, who were employed in burning the houses and barns upon the island. The men, while upon the service, were ordered to fire on one Mr. Martin, who gave no provocation, and was standing unarmed at his own door. He was shot in the belly, and died. He was an inoffensive person, and had treated captain Wallace with great civility and friendship.

General Lee was at length detached with a small corps, from the army in the Massachusetts, to the assistance of the Rhode-Islanders; on whom, upon his arrival, he imposed a most tremendous oath. This act of the general’s does not meet with the approbation of the congress.

The Massachusetts military and naval transactions will be related separate from the civil, as far as convenient.

The American prisoners taken on the 17th of June, were thrown indiscriminately into the jail at Boston, without any consideration being paid to those of rank, though languishing with wounds and sickness. The sick and wounded were put under the hands of a man who had never before been employed but in the diseases of horses.^[133] The inhabitants of the town who befriended the American cause, were not allowed to afford the prisoners all that relief they were entitled to upon the principles of humanity. The sufferers had even some of their books of devotion taken from them, and were reproached for their much reading, as leading them into rebellion. Being accounted rebels, no cruelty was thought more than they deserved, while their existence was not terminated by a halter.

The education and reading of the colonists have undoubtedly contributed to encourage and support their opposition to measures deemed destructive to the liberties of their country. Every town in the Massachusetts and Connecticut, has a public English school for the education of youth, supported by an annual tax upon the inhabitants; to which any one may send his children, while the expence of their education is nothing more than his proportion of the tax. The masters are often young men who have finished their college education; and who spend a year or more in this employ, till they take to a different one, which often leads to their becoming some of the first persons in the colony. The universal education promoted by these schools, spreads a general knowledge among the lowest orders of people; and gives them a taste for reading the interresting publications of the day; while able writers have been and are employing their pens in nourishing the spirit of resistance, by arguments, historical narrations, and all the various arts of animated persuasion.

[Aug, 11.] General Washington wrote to general Gage upon the subject of the ill treatment of the prisoners, and apprized him, that he should regulate his conduct toward those gentlemen who are or may be in his possession, exactly by the rule that the other should observe toward the Americans who may be in his custody. [Aug. 13.] General Gage in his answer asserted, that the prisoners had hitherto been treated with care and kindness, though indiscriminately, as he acknowledged no rank that was not derived from the king. He mentioned, “I understand there are of the king’s faithful subjects, taken by the rebels, laboring like negro slaves to gain their daily subsistence, or reduced to the wretched alternative to perish by famine, or take arms against their king and country.” He remarked upon the passage relating to retaliation, with an appeal to God; and closed with this charge, “unfortunately for both countries, those who long since projected the present crisis, and influence the councils of America, have views very distant from accommodation.” General Gage was mistaken, in charging the party alluded to, with projecting the present crisis, which is the casual and unexpected consequence of pernicious ministerial councils. He was no less far from the truth, while he intimated that the American leaders “have views very distant from accommodation.” Some few have such views, but the great body of them at present long for an accommodation.

[Aug. 19.] General Washington replied to general Gage, in a pointed manner, and told him, “I have taken time, Sir, to make a strict enquiry, and find the intelligence you have received, has not the least foundation in truth. Not only your officers and soldiers have been treated with a tenderness due to fellow citizens and brethren, but even those execrable parricides, whose councils and aid have deluged the country with blood, have been protected from the fury of a justly enraged people. You affect, Sir, to despise all rank, not derived from the same source with your own. I cannot conceive one more honorable than that which flows from the uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people, the purest source and original fountain of all power. May that God to whom you appeal, judge between America and you! Under his providence, those who influence the councils of America, and all the other inhabitants of the united colonies, at the hazard of their lives, are determined to hand down to posterity those just and invaluable privileges which they received from their ancestors.”

[Aug. 26.] At night about two thousand of the American troops intrenched on Plow’d Hill, within point blank shot of the British on Bunker’s Hill: notwithstanding a continual fire almost all the day following, they had only two killed and two wounded. While the intrenchments were carrying on, parties of riflemen were employed in firing upon the advanced guards on Charlestown Neck. One of the British officers and several men were seen to fall. Two of the British floating batteries attempting to annoy the Americans at work upon the hill, were silenced in Mystick river, and one partly sunk. More than 300 shells were thrown at the fortress on Plow’d Hill, without a single person’s being thereby hurt; and the consequent contempt they entertained of shells, induced them to omit providing a bomb-proof cover for the garrison. Bunker’s Hill, Plow’d Hill and Winter Hill, which last the Americans have possessed and fortified for some time, are situated in a range from east to west, each of them on or near Mystick river. Plow’d Hill is in the middle, and the lowest of the three, the summit is about half a mile from the works on Bunker’s Hill. The British finding that their firing did not answer, relaxed, and after a while desisted entirely, and the Americans remained quiet in their new post. General Washington received, in the beginning of September, a very acceptable remittance of ammunition from Rhode-Island, even 7000lb. of powder—a great quantity, compared with the late amazing scarcity. It is probably a part of what has been brought from Africa. The Americans practised a manœuvre, which credits their understanding. They sent out a quantity of New-England rum, which was exchanged for a fiery commodity of a different quality, so successfully as not to leave an ounce for sale in any of the British forts on the African coast.

The general having obtained pleasing accounts from Canada, being assured that neither Indians nor Canadians could be prevailed upon to act against the Americans, and knowing there was a design of penetrating into that province by Lake Champlain, concerted the plan of detaching a body of troops from head-quarters, through the province of Mein, across the country to Quebec. He communicated the same to general Schuyler, who approving it, all things were got in readiness. The corps was to be commanded by colonel Arnold, aided by colonels Christopher Green and Roger Enos, and majors Meigs and Bigelow; and was to consist of ten companies of musket men, and three companies of riflemen, amounting to eleven hundred.

[Sept. 13.] In the evening the detachment marched from Cambridge for Newbury-port, where, six days after, they embarked on board ten transports bound to Kennebec, fifty leagues distant. [Sept. 20.] They entered the mouth of the Kennebec in the morning, and favored with the wind and tide proceeded up to Gardner’s town. It was only fourteen days from first giving orders for building 200 batteaux, for collecting provisions, and for draughting the 1100 men, to their reaching this place. Such was the dispatch!

[Sept. 22.] The troops embarked on board the batteaux, and proceeded to Fort Western on the east side of the river. From thence, captain Morgan, with three companies of riflemen, was sent forward by water, [Sept. 25.] with orders to get on to the great carrying place in the most expeditious manner, and to clear the road, while the other divisions came up. The second division embarked the next day, and the third the day after. As they advanced up the river, the stream grew very rapid, and the bottom and shores were rocky. [Sept. 29.] By eleven in the morning, major Meigs with the third division, arrived at Fort Halifax, standing on a point of land between the rivers Kennebec and Sebasticook. In their progress up the river, they met with two carrying-places, over which they were obliged to carry their batteaux, baggage, and every other article, till they came again a part of the river which was navigable, and no longer obstructed by water-falls, rapids, rocks or other encumbrances, as was that which they avoided. [October 3.] They got to Norridgewalk, where the major’s curiosity was entertained by the sight of a child 14 months old, the first white one born in the place. After crossing over more carrying places, he and his men encamped at the great carrying place, [Oct. 10.] which was twelve miles and a half across, including three ponds that they were obliged to pass. These ponds had plenty of trout. Two days after colonel Enos arrived at the same place with the 4th division of the army consisting of three companies of musket men. [Oct. 13.] Colonel Arnold meeting with an Indian, wrote to general Schuyler, and inclosed his letter to a friend in Quebec. Though he had no knowledge of the Indian, he venturously intrusted the packet with him, to be carried and delivered according to order. This strange confidence may ruin his expedition, beside involving his friend in great trouble. [Oct. 15.] The provision was so reduced, that the men were put to allowance, 3–4lb. of pork and 3–4lb. of flour a day for each. The next day they reached Dead river. Colonel Enos having got up with his division in about three days, was ordered to send back the sick, and those that could not be furnished with provision; but, contrary to colonel Arnold’s expectation, returned to Cambridge with his whole division a few days after. Major Meigs received orders to push on with his division, [Oct. 19.] for Chaudiere head, with the greatest expedition. But they proceeded very slowly by reason of falls, carrying places and bad weather. Their course was only three miles. [Oct. 22.] The rains made the river raise the preceding night in some parts eight feet perpendicular: and in many places it overflowed its banks, and rendered it very difficult for the men on shore to march. The next day the stream was so rapid, that, in passing it, five or six batteaux filled and overset, by which they lost several barrels of provision, a number of guns, clothes, and other articles. Such was the rapidity of the stream, and interruptions by carrying places, that it was with much fatigue they got on one-and-twenty miles within the three following days. To their great satisfaction they reached the carrying place, [Oct. 27.] which lies across the height of land that runs through the colonies to Georgia, and on the further side of which the stream run the reverse of the river they had ascended. They crossed the heights to Chaudiere river, and continued their march by land to Quebec. [Nov. 1.] The marching through the woods was extremely bad. Major Meigs passed a number of soldiers who had no provisions, and some of whom were sick. It was not in his power to help or relieve them. But one or two dogs were killed, which the distressed soldiers eat with a relishing appetite, without sparing either feet or skin. A few eat their cartouch-boxes, breeches and shoes, being several days without provision. The major and his men marched on upon the banks of the Chaudiere, [Nov. 3.] and at twelve o’clock met with supplies, to the inexpressible joy of the soldiers, who were near starving. Colonel Arnold, with a small party, made a forced march, and returned with provisions purchased of the inhabitants; on which the hunger-bitten adventurers made a voracious meal. [Nov. 4.] The next day at eleven, major Meigs and his men arrived at a French house, and were hospitably treated. It was the first house he had seen for 31 days, having been all that time in a rough, barren, and uninhabited wilderness, where he never saw a human being except those belonging to the detachment. He and his party were immediately supplied with fresh beef, fowls, butter, pheasants and vegetables, at this settlement called Sertigan 25 leagues from Quebec. They were kindly entertained while marching down the country. When colonel Arnold got within two leagues and a half of Point Levi, [Nov. 8.] he wrote to general Montgomery, that as he had received no answer either from general Schuyler or his friend, he made no doubt but that the Indian had betrayed his trust: and that he was confirmed in it, upon finding that the inhabitants of Quebec had been some time apprised of his coming, and had destroyed all the canoes at Point Levi to prevent the detachments from passing over. The fact was, the Indian, instead of delivering the packet as directed, carried it to the lieutenant-governor, who on reading the letters, secured Mr. Mercier the merchant, and began immediately to put the city in the best state of defence he could; whereas before it was wholly defenceless, and might easily have been carried by surprise. [Nov. 9.] Colonel Arnold arrived at Point Levi, where we leave him to remove, if possble the embarrasments into which his own imprudence has brought him, by needlessly trusting an unknown Indian with dispatches of the utmost consequence. The detachment suffered hardships, beyond what can well be conceived of, in the course of the expedition. The men had to haul their batteaux up over falls, up rapid streams, over carrying places; and to march through morasses, thick woods and over mountains, for about 320 miles. In many places they had to pass over the ground and the mountains several times, as without it they must have left much of their baggage behind, and have failed in the enterprise. They lost all their powder, except what was in cartridges and horns, while penetrating through the woods. But what proved the greatest trial to them, was the starving condition to which they were reduced, when approaching the end of their tedious and distressing march. The pork being gone, they had for four days only half a pound of flour a day for each man. Their whole store was then divided, which yielded about four pints of flour per man—a small allowance for men near a hundred miles from any habitation or prospect of supply. It was used sparingly; but several when they had baked and eaten their last morsel, discovered, to their great confusion, that they had thirty miles to travel before they could expect the least mouthful more. But their dread of consequences was soon removed, by the unexpected return of colonel Arnold with cattle. The soldiers exercised the greatest fortitude and patience under the difficulties and sufferings that occurred; and when again in the midst of plenty and an easy situation, soon lost all painful remembrance of what had happened, and gloried in having accomplished, by their indefatigable zeal and industry, an undertaking above the common race of men in this debauched age. Let us attend to colonel Enos. His return to camp excited both astonishment and indignation. [Dec. 1.] A court martial was ordered to sit upon him; when it appeared, that he had but three days provisions, and was about one hundred miles from the English settlements; that a council of war was called, which agreed upon the return of the colonel’s whole division, and that he was for going on without, but that it was opposed. It was the unanimous opinion of the court, that colonel Enos was under a necessity of returning, and he has been acquitted with honor. A number of officers of the best character are fully satisfied, and persuaded that his conduct deserves applause rather than sensure. Had he not returned, his whole division must have been starved.

We must now resume the account of the military transactions in the Massachusetts, from the period of colonel Arnold’s leaving the camp.

The Americans, that they might equal in some measure the British, have built some floating batteries with a deck, to secure the people on board from suffering by musketry. General Washington perceiving that the expence of supporting the army will by far exceed any idea formed of it in congress, is alarmed at the apprehension of consequences, and most earnestly wishes for such a termination of the campaign, as may make the army no longer necessary. The want of powder has subsided in part. Salt-peter is made in every colony. Powder-mills have been erected at Philadelphia and New-York. Non only so, but upward of a hundred barrels of powder have been taken out of the magazine at Bermuda, as supposed by a sloop from Philadelphia, and a schooner from Carolina. It was easily accomplished from the magazine’s being situated far distant from the town, without any dwelling-house in the vicinity. Some of the inhabitants were probably concerned in the transaction. It might be connected with the address to the deputies from the different parishes of Bermuda presented to congress in July, and might influence the subsequent resolve of congress in November, “That the inhabitants of Bermuda appear friendly to the cause of America, and ought to be supplied with such a quantity of the produce of these colonies, as may be necessary for their subsistence and home consumption.”

[Oct.] The perfidy of Dr. Church has been at length detected, by the discovery of a traiterous correspondence with a British officer in Boston. He had intrusted a letter in cypher with his kept mistress to be forwarded, which being found upon her, she was taking and carried to head quarters. The Doctor not being suspected, had an opportunity of speaking to her, so that she would not discover the writer, till terrified into it by the severest threats. The general was shocked at the discovery, and talked with the doctor upon the baseness of his conduct. The marks of guilt were apparent. The doctor was confounded, and never attempted to vindicate himself. He was immediately secured. Since the letter has been decyphered, and the doctor has had opportunity of recollecting himself, he has pleaded that his intentions were not criminal; admitting his plea, so gross a piece of stupidity in so sensible a man is quite a prodigy. But this plea was invalidated, though not by the contents of the letter, which served mainly to point out the necessity of a speedy accommodation; yet by the marks of guilt he discovered in the presence of the general, and in his attempt to conceal the writer, instead of declaring at once who he was, what was his design, and what he had written. The doctor being a representative, was, on the 27th of October, examined at the bar of the house. He endeavored to evade the censure of the house, by insisting, that as the affair would be before another court where the matter must have a final issue, should the house proceed to expel him it would have a fatal effect whenever a final judgment was to be given on his conduct. He made the most solemn appeal to heaven, that the letter was written with the design of procuring some important intelligence. He observed, that there was not a single paragraph in it which contained information that could hurt the Americans; and that the exaggerated accounts of their force, strength and unanimity, tended to dishearten the enemy, and keep them quiet, at a time when the Americans were poorly able to have withstood a vigorous attack. It is impossible to write all he said; but if the force of rhetoric and the powers of language, if the most pathetic arts of persuasion, enforced by all the ingenuity, sense, and spirit of the doctor, could have made him innocent, he would have appeared spotless as an angel of light.—The house however expelled him as guilty; and congress afterward resolved, “That he be close confined in some secure jail in Connecticut, without the use of pen, ink and paper, and that no person be allowed to converse with him, except in the presence and hearing of a magistrate or the sheriff of the county.”

The time for which the continental soldiers were engaged to serve, was hastening to a close; the evil of a very short inlistment was felt; it was therefore unanimously agreed at a council of war, [Oct. 8.] that the men to be raised for the future army, should be engaged to the first of December 1776, but be discharged sooner if necessary. Hopes still remain, that an accommodation may possibly take place.

[October 10.] General Gage sailed for Great-Britain, leaving several thousand of the inhabitants of the town in want of bread and every necessary of life. Before his departure, he was addressed by his majesty’s mandamus council; by a number of gentlemen and principal inhabitants of the town; and by such as were driven from their habitations in the country to Boston, amounting to no more than seventy-six, a small number considering the extent and populousness of the colony, and that many of them would not pass for gentlemen in Great-Britain. The command of the army devolved of course upon general Howe, who issued one proclamation, condemning to military execution, such inhabitants as attempt to quit the town without a written licence, if detected and taken; if they escape, they are to be proceeded against as traitors, and their effects are to be forfeited: and another, declaring that if such as are permitted to depart, attempt carrying away more than five pounds in specie, to which sum they have been restrained for some time past, they shall forfeit the whole sum discovered, beside suffering fine and imprisonment.

Congress having intimated to general Washington, that an attack upon Boston was much desired, a council of war was called, [October 18.] but unanimously agreed that it was not expedient, at least, for the present. On the same day captain Mowat destroyed 139 houses, and 278 stores and other buildings, the far greatest and best part of the town of Falmouth in the northern part of the Massachusetts. The inhabitants, in compliance with a resolve of the provincial congress to prevent tories carrying out their effects, gave some violent obstruction to the loading of a mast ship, which drew upon them the indignation of the admiral. Captain Mowat was dispatched in the Canceaux, of sixteen guns, with an armed large ship, schooner and sloop. After anchoring toward the evening of the seventeenth, within gun-shot, he sent a letter on shore giving them two hours for the removal of their families, as he had orders to fire the town, they having been guilty of the most unpardonable rebellion. A committee of three gentlemen went on board, to learn the particular reasons for such orders. He answered, that his orders were to set on fire all the sea-ports between Boston and Halifax; but agreed to spare the town till nine o’clock the next morning, would they consent to send him off eight small arms, which was immediately done. The next morning the committee applied afresh; he concluded to spare the town till he could hear from the admiral, in case they would send him off four carriage guns, deliver up all their arms, ammunition, &c. and four gentlemen of the town as hostages. That not being complied with, about half past nine he began to fire from the four armed vessels, and continued it till after dark. With shells and carcases, and about thirty marines whom he landed, he set the town on fire in several places. About a hundred of the worst houses escaped destruction, but suffered damage. The inhabitants got out a very considerable part of their furniture, and had not a person killed or wounded, though the vessels fired into the town about three thousand shot, beside bombs and carcases. General Lee reprobates their cowardice, in admitting such a paltry party to land with impunity, an set their town in flames, when they had at least two hundred fighting men, and powder enough for a battle. In the private letter wherein he expressed these sentiments, he made no mention of the sailors being repulsed, with the loss of a few men; though this might happen in the close of the day, and give occasion for its being related by others. The burning of Falmouth spread an alarm upon the sea-coast, but produced no disposition to submit to the power and mercy of the armed British agents. The people in common, chose rather to abandon the sea-ports that could not be defended, than quit their country’s cause; and therefore removed back with their effects to a safe distance.

The congress, the latter end of September, concluded upon sending a committee of three members, to confer with general Washington and the governor of Connecticut, the lieutenant-governor of Rhode-Island, the council of Massachusetts, and the president of the convention of New-Hampshire, and others, touching the most effectual method of continuing, supporting, and regulating a continental army. They met and agreed on the measures to be pursued. Dr. Franklin being one of the committed, the Massachusetts general court embraced that opportunity [Oct. 23.] of ordering the treasurer to pay him £.1854 sterling, in full for his late services as agent, from October 31, 1770, to March 1, 1775. You may recollect that governor Hutchinson always refused signing the grants made him by the house of assembly. The doctor might lave liked specie at the time such grants were made, better than the present paper money; but his foresight will undoubtedly transform the latter into some solid substance. He had to pay £.100 of it back into the hands of a committee, appointed to wait upon him within a day or two, being the amount of a sum sent by several persons from England, for the relief of those Americans who were wounded in the battle of Lexington, and of the widows and children of those who were then slain.

[October 27.] The old south meeting-house, a large, handsome brick building, well fitted up without and within, was taken possession of, and destined for a horse riding-school and the service of the light dragoons. It is said and believed, that an offer was made of building a complete riding-school for less money than it would cost to remove the pews and the side galleries (the front remains for the accommodation of tea-company and others) and to make a proper flooring for the horse. In clearing every thing away, a beautiful carved pew, with silk furniture, formerly belonging to a deceased gentleman in high estimation, was taken down and carried to Mr. John Amory’s house, by the order of an officer, who applied the carved work to the erecting of a hogsty. Had the meeting-house and its contents been honored with episcopal consecration, these proceedings would be deemed by multitudes, profane and sacriligious. But they, who in the present day hold not with the holiness of any buildings, will censure the insults offered professors of whatever denomination, by needlessly demolishing their places of worship, or consigning them to despicable and filthy uses. When Roman virtue and patriotism were at their height, the Roman officers would not allow the religion or temples of the persons with whom they fought, to be insulted and profaned. They were more politic than to exasperate men into a ferocious courage for the defence of their altars. But too many of the present British officers act as though they owed a spite to all the meeting-houses of the presbyterians, by which common name they stigmatize those who dissent from the church of England, without reflecting that it is no stigma in Scotland, but the reverse.

The southern colonies, in consequence of accounts transmitted to them from the camp, begin to entertain prejudices with respect to the troops raised in the Massachusetts. They ought to allow for the precipitation with which the army was necessarily collected. General Thomas declared [Oct. 24.] that the regiments at Roxbury were equal, as to the privates, to any with whom he served the last war, and many of them have proved themselves brave. The greatest part of the officers are unexperienced, and in general unqualified, being strangers to subordination, which was not unexpected to the general, as they were chosen by their privates. He complained of many of the southern riflemen, that they often deserted to the enemy, were mutinous, repugnant to all kind of duty, and so exceedingly vicious that the army would be as well without them; but spake with satisfaction of their officers. It is a mortifying truth, that some of the Massachusetts officers disgrace the colony, by practising the meanest arts of peculation. Every subtilty that avarice can invent, or rascality carry on, are used to cheat the public, by men who procured commissions, not to fight for the liberty of their country, but to prey upon its distresses. The army about to be enlisted, will undoubtedly be better officered.

Gentlemen, ladies, and others, from neighboring and distant colonies, attracted by curiosity, have visited the American troops, and animated them by their presence. A number of Indian chiefs have also been down, that they might see and judge for themselves, how far the reports propagated among them, were true or false. They were treated at head-quarters, and by different officers, with much respect. One evening they entertained the general and others with a war dance, if that may be called an entertainment, wherein the motions and actions of the dancers were calculated to alarm and terrify those who were not acquainted with such sights. They were pleasant and agreeable company. Two of them had their squaws or wives with them; who were well looking women, allowing for their dark complexion; one of them was much dejected, having lately lost her papoos or child. When the Indians danced in company with the American gentlemen and ladies, both men and women kept time with far greater exactness than the others. They went off upon their return, fully satisfied with the treatment they had received; and it is hoped will carry back those accounts which will keep their tribes peaceable.

Many of the Americans have sickened and died of the dysentery, brought upon them, in a great measure, through an inattention to cleanliness. When at home, their female relations put them upon washing their hands and faces, and keeping themselves neat and clean; but being absent from such monitors, through an indolent heedless turn of mind, they have neglected the means of health, have grown filthy, and poisoned their constitutions by nastiness.

[Nov. 2.] The weather set in very cold, and the soldiers were distressed for want of wood. The building of barracks had been delayed too long: and they were not in sufficient forwardness to admit and accommodate all the troops. Several regiments were obliged to keep the field; and some in a bleak position on the brow of hills, where it was difficult to drag up the wood with which they could be supplied. It is mortifying to reflect how these supplies have been reduced by short measure. But many persons think it no harm in this way to cheat the united colonies, and to deliver a less quantity than they are paid for.

[Nov. 9.] Several companies of the British regulars passed over from Charlestown to Phipp’s farm, and kept possession of the ground for near an hour before they could be obstructed, owing to a high tide that prevented the Americans crossing the causeway, which was overflowed. During this period they were employed in shooting cattle with a design of carrying them off. At length a battalion of riflemen, under colonel Thomson, took to the water, when up to their middles, and a quarter of a mile across; at their approach the British hastened to their boats.—The Charlestown forts, one in Boston and a frigate, kept up a warm fire upon the Americans the whole time, killed them one man and wounded three. The British have provided for the security of Charlestown, by the erection of a strong citadel on Bunker’s Hill, with convenient barracks for the garrison. [Nov. 16.] Such was the distress of the inhabitants in Boston, that fences, trees, houses, &c. were taken down and carried off for fuel: beef, mutton and pork, were 1s. 1½d. sterling per lb. geese, half a guinea a piece, and fowls five shillings. At the scarcest season half a guinea was given for a dozen of common eggs.