General Washington, desirous of improving the troops to the utmost ere the army was weakened by the return of the Connecticut ones to their own colony, resolved upon securing Cobble, or Miller’s Hill, about half a mile in a direct line from the enemy’s works on Bunker’s Hill, and at a like distance from the shipping at West Boston. About 1000 men broke ground on the hill, [Nov. 22.] without having a single cannon fired at them. They went on intrenching and planting several 9, 18, and 24 pounders, till they made themselves secure. General Howe does not seem so fond of cannonading as was general Gage. [Oct. 24.] To lessen the demand for provision, he ordered a transport ship to carry about 400 of the inhabitants out of the town to Point Shirley, to be taken care of by the country. Ten days after he sent out 300 more. The persons thus sent out were not thought to be wholly free from the small-pox; and it was suspected that there might be a design of spreading that disorder among the American troops, which induced the Massachusetts assembly to resolve upon measures for preventing such an event.

The Massachusetts assembly resolved, October the ninth, to fit out armed vessels; which proving a sufficient encouragement for individuals to apply themselves to that business, and some being in proper forwardness, an act was passed in November for granting letters of marque and reprisal, and the establishment of courts of admiralty. The declared intention of the act was for the defence of the American coast, and the condemnation of those vessels only which should be proved to be the property of, or in any wise employed by the enemies of the united colonies, or for supplying said enemies. The Lee privateer, captain Manly, belonging to Marblehead, was soon at sea, and took the brig Nancy, [Nov. 29.] an ordinance ship from Woolwich, containing, beside a large brass morter upon a new construction, several pieces of fine brass cannon, a large quantity of small arms and ammunition, with all manner of tools, utensils and machines, necessary for camps and artillery, in the greatest abundance. General Washington, but thirteen days before wrote, “I am in very great want of powder, lead, morters, indeed of most sorts of military stores.” Had congress sent an order for articles most wanted, they could not have made a more satisfactory invoice. The morter is now at Cambridge, in the park of artillery, is named the Congress, and is much admired for its size by every spectator, whether acquainted or nor with the uses for which it is designed. About two months before this capture, a ship from Bristol with flour for Boston, having parted with her convoy, was decoyed into Portsmouth in New-Hampshire, and secured for the benefit of the Americans.

[Dec. 8.] Three ships from London, Glasgow, and Liverpool, with various stores for the army, and a brig from Antigua with rum, were taken in the bay by captain Manly, by whale-boats, &c. A number of men in whale-boats can overpower unarmed vessels, and carry them off into secure harbours. These and the privateers captured several more store-ships before five days were ended. Among the privateers were some continental ones, for general Washington fitted out a few armed vessels, which has met with the approbation of congress. These repeated and considerable captures have increased the distress of the troops and people in Boston, and furnished the continental army with many, valuable articles. But though the success of the Americans upon the watery element has been matter of joy and triumph, their affairs upon land do not answer the wishes of the genuine patriots. On the first of the month the enlistment of the Connecticut troops expired. They were urged to tarry longer by different persons, who harrangued them upon the occasion. A few hundreds were prevailed upon to continue; but the main body marched off, leaving the army in too week a condition. It is true they had suffered greatly through the intenseness of the cold, and the want of fuel, with which they ought to have been more faithfully and punctually supplied. The Massachusetts and New-Hampshire men complete their term the first of January; and the enlistment of the new army goes on very heavily. There is a general reluctance among the soldiers to inlisting afresh. The Massachusetts people show as much backwardness as the others. In short, they expect to be hired, and that at a very high price, to defend their own liberties; and choose to be slaves unless they can be bribed to be freemen. Quid facit libertas, cum sola pecunia regnat? How must it afflict general Washington to observe in the present crisis, so little of that patriotic spirit, which he was taught to believe was the characteristic of the Massachusetts people; and on which he relied greatly for support. While burdened with an apprehension that he might possibly be deserted, he could recollect the severity of the season, and the distresses of his fellow-creatures at a distance, and wrote to the gentleman with whom he had intrusted the management of his concerns at Mount-Vernon, “Let the hospitality of the house be kept up with respect to the poor. Let no one go hungry away. If any of this kind of people should be in want of corn, supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage them in idleness. I have no objection to your giving my money in charity, when you think it will be well bestowed. I mean, it is my desire that it should be done. You are to consider, that neither myself or wife are now in the way to do these good offices.”

[Dec. 11.] About 2000 militia arrived in camp, and 3000 more were expected every hour, making in the whole the number required by the general to supply the deficiency of the continental regiments. The American army being by this mean sufficiently strengthened, carried their approaches to within half a mile of Boston, and broke ground at Lechmere’s Point which brought on a cannonade from the batteries of Charlestown and Barton’s Point, that continued for four days, without obliging them to desist. Their labor was hard, owing to the ground’s being so frozen; but they persevered till they had perfected their design.

[Dec. 25.] Some persons have been so curious as to note the number of men killed by the firing of the enemy on Cambridge side of the American lines, and on the Roxbury, as also, the number and nature of their firings. The accounts stands thus “From the burning of Charlestown down to this day, the enemy have fired upward of 2000 shot and shells, an equal number of 24 pounders with any other sort. They threw more than 300 bumbs at Plowed Hill, and 100 at Lechmere’s Point. By the whole firing on Cambridge side, they killed only seven, and on Roxbury side five, just a dozen.”

Let me now give you the following anecdote. Deacon Whitcomb of Lancaster, (who was a member of the Massachusetts assembly till the present contest, had served in former wars, and been in different engagements) has served as a colonel in the American army; but on account of his age was left out upon the late new regulation. His men highly resented it, and declared they would not inlist again, after their time was out. The colonel told them, he did not doubt there were sufficient reasons for the regulation, and he was satisfied with it; he then blamed them for their conduct, and said he would inlist as a private. A colonel Brewer heard of it, and offered to resign in favor of colonel Whitcomb. The whole coming to general Washington’s ears, he has allowed of colonel Brewer’s resignation in colonel Whitcomb’s favor, appointed the former barrack-master, till he can further promote him, and acquainted the army with the whole affars in general orders. This terminates the narrative of the military and naval transactions within the Massachusetts; little remain to be mentioned of the civil. The great call there was for salt-petre, put the house of assembly upon resolving [Oct. 30.] to pay a bounty of three shillings sterling in paper currency per lb. for all that shall be manufactured before the first of next June, beside two shillings and three-pence per lb. purchase money. The assembly was far from giving satisfaction to general Lee, who about the middle of November, pronounced them benumbed in a fixed state of torpitude, without the symptoms of animation, unless an apprehension of rendering themselves unpopular among their particular constituents, by any act of vigor for the public service, deserved the name of animation. He charged them with inconsistent and timid conduct; and ascribed it to their torpor, narrow politics, or call it what you will, that the army had been reduced to very great distress. There was however, about the beginning of December, an act passed for emitting bills of credit to the amount of more than £.50,000 sterling, with a pretty device on the back, viz. an American with a sword in his right hand, with the following inscription suspended therefrom, “Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietem;” and from his left hand “Magna Charta;” and round the figure these words, “Issued in defence of American liberty.” The assembly also gave orders relating to wood [Dec. 26.] that so the great distresses of the army on that head might be removed.

New-Hampshire colony has presented us with a novelty, which the polititians will apply to the purpose of promoting independency. By some dextrous, or rather sinister management, instructions were delivered to the New-Hampshire delegates at the continental congress containing these expressions, “we would have you immediately use your utmost endeavours to obtain the advice and direction of the congress, with respect to a method for our administering justice and regulating our civil police. We press you not to delay this matter, as its being done speedily will probably prevent the greatest confusion among us.” They were laid before congress Oct. the eighteenth, and proved a fine opening for those individual delegates, who were looking forward to a separation from Great-Britain, to introduce an entering wedge wherewith to divide the empire. Even these very instructions might be designedly obtained by confidential letters written to trusty deputies in the New-Hampshire convention, by certain delegates in the general congress. The first step to be taken by such was, to procure, in some one colony, the establishment of a new form of government, in which the people at large should have a leading influence, that so their attachments and efforts might be secured in support of the same. The inhabitants of adjoining colonies would soon be eager to enjoy the like power and importance, which would pave the way for their insisting also upon a change. These changes being once effected, the parties will then have gone too far to retreat, and must seek their security in independence. The scheme met with opposition, and the New-Hampshire delegates used unwearied importunity, both within doors and without, before they obtained the recommendation they were after. At length the report of the committee was taken into consideration, and it was resolved by congress, [Nov. 3.] “That it be recommended to the provincial convention of New-Hampshire, to call a full and free representation of the people, and that the said representatives, if they think it necessary, establish such a form of government, as in their judgment will best produce the happiness of the people, and most effectually secure the peace and good order in the province, during the continuance of the present dispute between Great-Britain and the colonies. The vote was far from being unanimous; and, in order to make it pass, was qualified with a seeming desire of an accommodation with Britain, and of restoration by that mean to the old form of government. The provincial convention, without waiting for the arrival of the recommendation, appointed a committee to report a mode of representation, which being laid before them, [Nov. 14.] they agreed, that precepts be sent to elect persons to represent the towns, &c. in congress, to meet at Exeter on the twenty-first of December, and to be empowered to prosecute such measures as they may deem necessary for the public good, during the term of one year, unless they see fit to disolve themselves sooner. And in case there should be a recommendation from the continental congress for this colony to assume a government, in a way that will require a house of representatives, that the said congress of this colony be empowered to resolve themselves into such a house as may be recommended, and remain such for the aforesaid term of one year.” The provincial congress met agreeable to the receipts, and after a while voted, “That congress will at any time take up civil government, to continue during the present contest with Great-Britain; and resolve themselves into a house of representatives, and then choose a council to continue one year from the twenty-first of December.”

The continental congress having dispatched the New-Hampshire case, immediately took into consideration the state of South-Carolina and appointed a committee to consider a number of papers relative thereto, and to report what in their opinion was necessary to be done. What this opinion would be was easily foreseen, from Messrs. Chase and Samuel Adams being of the committee. The report was brought in the next day, [Nov. 4.] and it was resolved, “That for the defence of South-Carolina, there be kept up in that colony, at the continental expences, three battalions of foot: That if the convention, or council of safety shall think it expedient, for the security of the colony, to seize or destroy any ship or vessel of war, this congress will approve of such proceeding:—That Charleston ought to be defended against any attempts to take possession thereof by the enemies of America; and that the convention or council of safety ought to proceed immediately to erect such fortifications and batteries as will best conduce to its security;—That if the convention of South-Carolina shall find it necessary to establish a form of government in that colony, it be recommended to that convention to call a full and free representation of the people, &c. &c.” as to the convention of New-Hampshire.

The measures pursued by lord Dunmore naturally led congress to resolve, [Nov. 10.] “That a committee be appointed to inquire into the state of the colony of Virginia, to consider what provisions may be necessary for its defence, and to report the same.” Mr. Samuel Adams was of the number. New information being received before they reported, when they did it, it was in such a way that congress resolved [Dec. 4.] “That three companies of the Pennsylvania battalion immediately march into Northampton county, in Virginia, for the protection of the association—That it be recommended to the inhabitants to resist to the utmost, the arbitrary government intended to be established therein.” They then said, “Whereas lord Dunmore by his proclamation, has declared his intention to execute martial law, thereby tearing up the foundations of civil authority and government within the colony; resolved, therefore, that if the convention of Virginia, &c. &c.” as to the conventions of New-Hampshire and South-Carolina.

A growing change in the sentiments of congress, would of course follow upon the dispatches received the day before the committee on the state of Virginia was appointed. Their agents informed them, that the American minister told them, some days after the delivery of the petition by the late governor Penn, No answer will be given to it; and that no one person in authority had, since the arrival of that gentleman, deigned to propose a single question to him, or to desire the smallest information from him. This cavalier treatment of a petition containing professions of the greatest loyalty to the king, and attachment to the mother country, and couched in terms the most moderate and humble; and of the person who was intrusted with it; left no reasonable ground for hoping that the present dispute could be amicably adjusted.

Having been led by the New-Hampshire instructions, to mention some of the doings of congress, let me proceed to relate some others which have been unnoticed.

Congress resolved, that the new army intended to lie before Boston [Nov. 4.] consist of 20,372 men, officers included. Beside, it has been recommended to particular colonies to raise battalions at the expence of the continent. Orders have also been given for fitting out four armed vessels, for the intercepting of such transports as may be laden with warlike stores and other supplies for the enemy; and for the protection and defence of the united colonies. [Nov. 9.] It was agreed, “That every member consider himself under the ties of virtue, honor, and love of his country, not to divulge, directly or indirectly, any matter or thing agitated or debated in congress, before the same shall have been determined, without the leave of congress; or any other matter or thing determined in congress, which the majority of congress shall order to be kept secret; and that if any member shall violate this agreement, he shall be expelled this congress, and be deemed an enemy to the liberties of America, and liable to be treated as such; and that every member signify his consent to this agreement by signing the same.” [Nov. 10.] They resolved upon raising two battalions of marines, to be considered as part of the number of which the continental army before Boston is to consist.

[Nov. 28.] A committee appointed to take into consideration the state of North-Carolina, made their report, whereupon it was resolved, among other matters, that two ministers of the gospel be applied to, to go immediately among the regulators and highlanders of that colony, for the purpose of informing them of the nature of the present dispute between Great-Britain and the colonies. Instead of a similar recommendation to what was given to South-Carolina about establishing a form of government, it was only recommended to the convention or committee of safety, in case the method of defending the colony by minute-men, be inadequate to the purpose, to substitute such other mode as to them should appear most likely to effect the security of the colony.

[Nov. 29.] Congress resolved, that a committee of five be appointed for the sole purpose of corresponding with their friends in Great-Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world. Information being given, that there is a large quantity of powder in the island of Providence, the secret committee were ordered to take measures for securing and bringing away the said powder. To prevent any petition to the king from a particular colony, they declared [Dec. 4.] that in the present situation of affairs, it would be very dangerous to the liberties and welfare of America, if any colony should separately petition the king, or either house of parliament. This declaration is thought to be owing to an apprehension that the New-Jersey assembly would be drawn in, by the art and persuasion of governor Franklin and his adherents, to adopt such a measure. Congress were certainly alarmed at some disagreeable appearances, for they appointed a committee to confer with that assembly immediately after the declaration. [Dec. 6.] They agreed to the report of the committee on proclamations. It contained many severe remarks upon the royal proclamation of August, for suppressing rebellion and sedition; together with many pointed questions, designed to sink it into equal contempt with what it experienced at the Royal Exchange, where we have heard it was read by one of the lord mayor’s officers, accompanied only by the common crier, without horse or mace to grace the ceremony, and when finished, saluted with a general hiss. Toward the close, the report holds forth the following threat; “we, in the name of the people of these united colonies, and by authority, according to the purest maxims of representation, derived from them, declare, that whatever punishment shall be inflicted upon any persons in the power of our enemies, for favoring, aiding, or abetting the cause of American liberty, shall be retaliated in the same kind and the same degree, upon those in our power, who have favored, aided, or abetted, or shall favor, aid, or abet the system of ministerial oppression.”

[Dec. 13.] Congress determined upon building five ships of 32 guns, five of 28, and three of 24, in all 13; one in New-Hampshire, two in Massachusetts, one in Connecticut, two in Rhode-Island, two in New-York, four in Pennsylvania, and one in Maryland. [Dec. 20.] They, having taken into consideration the dispute between the people of Pennsylvania and Connecticut, on the lands near Wyoming, on the Susquehannah river, recommended, that “the contending parties immediately cease all hostilities; that all persons seized and detained on account of said dispute, on either side, be dismissed and permitted to go to their respective homes; and that, things being put in the same situation they were before the late unhappy contest, they continue to behave themselves peaceably, until a legal decision can be had on said dispute, or congress shall take further order thereon.” The committee appointed to fit out armed vessels, having procured a few, laid before congress [Dec. 22.] a list of the officers by them appointed; and were directed to give such instructions to the commander of the fleet, Ezekiel Hopkins, esq. touching the operations of the ships under his command, as should appear to them most conducive to the defence of the united colonies, and to the distress of the enemy’s naval forces and vessels.

In Canada, Sir Guy Carleton was no sooner acquainted with the Americans having surprised Tyconderoga and Crown-Point, and obtained the command of Lake Champlain, than he planned a scheme for their recovery. The British troops he had with him were too few to admit of their being drawn out of garrison. He expected a supply of Canadians sufficient for his purpose, and to have the assistance of the Indians in his intended operations; but both failed him. He established martial law in the province, that he might be able in that way authoritatively to force the people to take arms, but they refused. They had tasted the sweets of the English mode of government since the conquest of the country; and were disgusted (the noblesse excepted) at the re-establishment of the French. The Quebec act was of no use in exciting them against the colonists; on the contrary they talked much of liberty.[134] They declared themselves ready to defend the province, but absolutely refused to march out of it, and commence hostilities upon their neighbors. The governor applied to the bishop of Quebec to use his spiritual influence, particularly to issue an episcopal mandate, to be read by the parish priests in the time of divine service, but the bishop excused himself. The ecclesiastics, in the place of this, issued their letters, which were however greatly disregarded. The noblesse alone, who were chiefly considered in the Quebec act, showed a zeal against the English colonists.

Colonel Johnson, a son of the late Sir William Johnson, had repeated conferences with the Indians; at the one in Montreal, he delivered to each of the Canadian tribes a war-belt and the hatchet; after which he invited them to feast on a Bostonian, and to drink his blood, figuratively, an ox being roasted for the purpose, and a pipe of wine given; but the entertainment could not prevail with them to take up the hatchet. The congress, being made acquainted with the disposition of the Canadians, and the designs of governor Carleton, and expecting a powerful opposition from that quarter when European troops were arrived, unless they could prevent it by securing the country, determined upon penetrating into Canada, in hope of gaining the speedy possession of it, and of joining it to the union. The more effectually to support the reasonableness of the measure, and to strengthen the operation, it was given out, that the powers with which governor Carleton was entrusted by his commission, were special and extraordinary, purposely designed to warrant his attempting by force to suppress the opposition making in the colonies to the British measures. Several, or even most of the members of congress could not but know, that the words of the commission for governing their own colonies, name and place excepted. Sir Guy’s commission was in the usual mode, and similar to what was given to Danvers Osborne, esq. governor of New-York.[135]

General Montgomery was sent forward to Tyconderoga with a body of troops, New-Yorkers and New-Englanders. When he took leave of his lady, his parting words were, “You shall never blush for your Montgomery.” [Aug. 21.] He arrived with the continental army (if not too diminutive to be so called) at the place of destination. General Schuyler, who was the chief commander, remained at Albany, to attend the Indian treaty carrying on in that city. General Montgomery made a movement down Lake Champlain, without waiting the arrival of more troops, that so he might hinder the enemy’s armed vessels getting into the lake. [Sept. 4. 5.] Schuyler having pushed forward, notwithstanding great indisposition, and joined Montgomery at Isle la Motte, they moved on, and arrived at Isle aux Noix. Here he drew up a declaration, which he sent among the Canadians by colonel Allen and major Brown, assuring them, that the army was designed only against the English garrisons, and not the country, their liberties or religion. [Sept. 6.] The army, not exceeding a thousand men, proceeded without any obstruction toward St. John’s. When in sight of the works, and about two miles distant, the enemy began to fire, without doing any damage. After advancing half a mile nearer, the troops landed without opposition, in a close deep swamp; and being formed, marched through grounds marshy and covered with woods, in order to reconnoitre the fortresses. The left was attacked in crossing a creek, by a party of Indians, who killed a sergeant, corporal, and three privates, beside wounding eight, three of whom died. Three officers also were wounded. The Indians were soon compelled to give way, and had five killed and four badly wounded. Gen. Schuyler receiving certain intelligence in the evening, that the enemy’s fortifications were complete, and plentifully furnished with cannon, it was thought advisable the next morning, to return to Isle aux Noix, which was accordingly done; and the troops were employed in erecting proper works to secure the entrance into the lake; and in getting ready, on the arrival of further reinforcements, to take advantage of any events that might happen in Canada. Schuyler returned, leaving the command to Montgomery; who, being strengthened by an addition of men and artillery, and receiving orders to undertake the siege of St. John’s, [Sept. 17.] proceeded to execute the same. The next day the enemy threw bombs, but did no damage. The Americans returned the salute. [Sept. 21.] The lines of circumvallation were finished; but between 20 and 30 waggons with provisions, rum, brandy, &c. for the garrison, were taken prior to it. Afterwards there was a continual firing for some days and nights; and could the general have depended upon the troops, he might have ventured to promise success, but he could say nothing pleasing on that head. The men took good care of themselves; and one night captain Mott, of the 1st regiment of Yorkers, basely deserted the mortar battery without ever being attacked.

Colonel Allen being upon his return, with a guard of about eighty men, from a tour upon which he had been sent by the general, was desired to halt by major Brown, who proposed that colonel Allen should return to Longuil, procure canoes and cross the river St. Lawrence a little north of Montreal; while he crossed a little to the south of the town with near 200 men, as he had boats sufficient. The plan was approved of, and colonel Allen crossed in the night. Major Brown by some means failed on his part; and colonel Allen found himself, the next morning, in a critical situation; but concluded upon maintaining his grounds. [Sept. 25.] General Carleton learning how weak colonel Allen was, marched out against him with about forty regulars, together with Canadians, English and Indians, amounting to some hundreds. The colonel defended himself with much bravery; but being deserted by several, chiefly Canadians, and having had fifteen of his men killed, was under the necessity of surrendering with thirty-one effectives and seven wounded. He was directly put into irons. Had the plan been executed according to major Brown’s proposal, Montreal would probably have been surprised and taken. Success would have prevented the censures, which are now passed upon the one for proposing, and the other for adopting a plan of operation to which the general was an entire stranger. [Oct. 4.] A party of Canadians, who had joined and greatly assisted the besiegers, intrenched themselves on the east side of the lake, on which the enemy sent an armed sloop with troops to drive them away; but the Canadians attacked the sloop with vigor, killed a number of the men, and obliged her to return to St. Johns in a shattered condition. The main body of the army decamped from the south, [Oct. 7.] and marched to the north side of the fort: and in the evening began to throw up a breast work, in order to erect a battery of cannon and mortars. The continental troops brought such a spirit of liberty into the field, and thought so freely for themselves, that they would not bear either subordination or discipline. The general could not in truth direct their operations, and would not have stayed an hour at their head, had he not feared that the example would be too generally followed and so the public service suffer. There was a great want of powder, which with the disorderly behavior of the troops was a damp to the hope of terminating the siege successfully.

[Oct. 18.] The prospect was much brightened. The Canadians planned an attack upon Chamblee, and carried down in batteaux the artillery, past the fort of St. John’s. After a short demur it surrendered to major Brown and major Livingston.—The greatest acquisition was about six tons of powder, which enabled the general to accomplish his wishes. The other particulars you have below,[136] except the colours of the 7th regiment, which were immediately transmitted to congress—the first present of the kind they ever received. The garrison became prisoners of war, but were allowed all their baggage, the quantity of which was astonishing. Their women and children, whose number was equally astonishing, were permitted to go with them and to take their effects. The besiegers having obtained a full supply of ammunition, went to work in earnest, compleated a battery within 250 yards of the fort, and mounted in it [Oct. 30.] four guns and six mortars, in defiance of the continual fire of the enemy. While the army was busily engaged in preparing for a cannonade, and an assault if necessary, they received the agreeable news of governor Carleton’s being repulsed. [Oct. 31.] The governor, with a view of raising the siege, collected a body of about 800 forces, consisting of the militia of Montreal, a number of Canadians, whom he had maintained for some time, a few troops, not a hundred, and some Indians. They left Montreal in high spirits, and attempted to cross the river St. Lawrence and land at Longeuil; but colonel Warner, with 300 Green Mountain boys, and a four pounder which kept pouring grape-shot into the boats, prevented their making good a landing. They were suffered to come very near the shore, and then the fire was so hot and distructive, that they were thrown into great confusion, and retired with the utmost precipitation. [Nov. 1.] The batteries kept an incessant fire all day on the garrison of St. John, which returned a very brisk one.—In the evening general Montgomery sent a flag, with a letter to major Preston, the commander, by one of the prisoners taken by colonel Warner, informing him of governor Carleton’s defeat, and recommending to him the surrender of the fort, as he could now have no longer reason to expect relief from that quarter. Major Preston in return sent an officer to the camp, proposing to answer the letter fully in the morning, and that in the mean time hostilities should cease on both sides. Two officers came into the camp [Nov. 2.] with an answer from major Preston, who requested the general to wait four days, to see whether no relief would come in that time, if not, they would make proposals for a surrender. The advanced season of the year did not allow of the general’s complying. He required them immediately to surrender prisoners of war; but referred them for the truth of the governor’s defeat to another prisoner. It was at length agreed that the garrison should march out with the honors of war, as what was due to their fortitude and perseverance. The non-commissioned officers and privates were to ground their arms on the plain; the officers were to keep their side arms, and their fire arms were to be reserved for them. The effects of the garrison were not to be withheld from them. The Canadian gentlemen and others, at St. John’s, were considered as part of the garrison, which amounted to about 500 regulars, and better than 100 Canadian volunteers. The next morning they marched out [Nov. 31.] and the continental troops took possession of the fort, in which were 17 brass ordnance, from 2 to 24 pounders, 2 eight inch howitzers, seven mortars, and 22 iron ordnance, from 3 to 9 pounders, a considerable quantity of shot and small shells, and about 800 stand of small arms, beside a small quantity of naval stores. The ammunition and provision was trifling, these having been nearly expended.

General Montgomery pressed on to Montreal. It being capable of making no defence, governor Carleton quitted it in one day; the general entered it the next [Nov. 12.] He treated the inhabitants with becoming liberality, engaging upon his honor to maintain the individuals and religious communities of the city in the peaceable enjoyment of their property of every kind; and the inhabitants, whether English, French, or others, in the free exercise of their religion. The general, in all his transactions, wrote, spake, and behaved with that attention, regard, and politeness to both privates and officers, soldiers and citizens, which might be expected from the gentleman. He was careful to push forward in time, a number of continental troops under colonel Easton, to the point of Sorel River, which they guarded so with cannon, an armed gondola, and their fire arms, that the fleet which had fallen down below Montreal, would not venture to attempt passing it. General Prescot, who was on board, with about 120 privates and several officers, was reduced to the necessity of surrendering by capitulation. [Nov. 17] 11 sail of vessels, with all their contents, consisting of, beside sailors and soldiers, 760 barrels of flour, 675 ditto of beef, 376 firkins of butter, 3 barrels of powder, 4 nine and six pounders, cannon cartridges and ball, 2380 musket cartridges, 8 chests of arms, 200 pair of shoes, and a quantity of entrenching tools; all of which proved very acceptable to the continental troops, who had no redundency of any articles whatever. In the preceding midnight, governor Carleton was conveyed, in a boat, with muffled paddles, by a secret way, to the Three Rivers, and arrived safe at Quebec the Sunday following.

Notwithstanding the advanced and severe season, general Montgomery marched on for the capital, expecting to be joined by colonel Arnold and his detachment in its neighbourhood, and designing to complete the reduction of Canada before the arrival of any British reinforcement. But while he was advancing, numbers were returning. An unhappy home sickness prevailed, and no specific was so efficacious as a discharge. No sooner was it administered, but the cure of nine out of ten was perfected; who, refusing to wait for boats to go by the way of Fort George, upon their arrival at Tyconderoga, flung their heavy packs over their shoulders, crossed the lake at that place, and undertook a march of two hundred miles with the greatest good will and alacrity. Three hundred of the continentals passed by Tyconderoga on their way home, by the end of the month. The ruin of the cause was further hazarded by the turbulent and mutinous spirit of several officers.

Colonel Arnold’s arrival with his detachment, at Point Levi, was not known at Quebec for twenty-four hours; and was at length discovered by his ordering out some men to secure the midshipman of the Hunter sloop of war, who was just landed on that side the river; the boat returned, and carried the intelligence to Quebec; on which two ships of war were stationed, one above and the other below Wolfe’s Cove, to prevent the Americans crossing over. A council was called, and by a majority of one it was agreed not to proceed immediately to attack the town. The contrary resolution, backed by vigorous exertion, would probably have put him into the possession of it. On the fifth of November it was really in a defenceless state, without a single soldier. Had the detachment crossed, the gates would, it is thought, have been opened by the disaffected and faint-hearted. The colonel however declared, that he would certainly make the attack when he had crossed, in case they were not discovered to be over. In the mean time the troops were employed in preparing scaling ladders. Before they were ready with these, colonel Maclean, the deputy governor, arrived at Quebec from Sorel [Nov. 12.] with about 170 men of his new raised regiment of emigrants; of this colonel Arnold had advice the next day, when, in the evening at nine o’clock, he began to embark his forces on board thirty-five canoes, leaving the ladders behind, and by four the next morning, got over and landed 500 men, wholly undiscovered. They landed in the small cove where the brave and enterprising general Wolfe did, now called Wolfe’s Cove. The Lizard’s barge rowing up the river, the colonel ordered her to be hailed, and fired upon for refusing to come in shore; on which she pushed off, and carried the account of the detachment’s having crossed over. But before this discovery, the men paraded on the Heights of Abraham. From thence they sent out a reconnoitering party toward the city, marched across the plain, and took possession of a large house, formerly owned by general Murray, and other adjacent houses, which afforded fine accommodations for the troops. Guards were placed on the different roads, to cut off the communication between the city and country. The main body, about noon, marched fairly in view of the enemy, and gave them three huzzas, which were returned by a few shot from the ramparts. In the evening the colonel sent a flag of truce with a demand of the garrison, in the name and on hehalf of the united colonies, which was fired upon as it approached the walls. The colonel was certainly overseen; he should have taken the scaling ladders along with him, have concealed his being over, and attempted a coup-de-main the next night, which might have been done with a prospect of success, as his Canadian friends, English and French, were in the city to second his operations, and as the sailors were then scattered on board the ships, some about Quebec, and others up the river. [Nov 16.] A company of men were sent to take possession of the general hospital. The Canadians were continually coming in to express their satisfaction at the continental forces having entered the country. The next day a certain account was received of the capture of Montreal. Early in the morning [Nov. 19.] the troops decamped, and marched up to Point-au-Trembles, about seven leagues from Quebec, through a thick settled country, where you meet every few miles with a handsome little chapel. This was the day on which governor Carleton arrived at Quebec; and the first thing he did was to turn out the suspected, and all who would not assist in the defence of the city. [Nov. 23.] By express from Montreal, the forces were informed that Montgomery was upon his march, and had sent down clothing for them. The general finding plenty of woollens at Montreal, at a reasonable price, gave his soldiers new clothes, after their having suffered much by the severity of the climate, to which they submitted with patience and resolution, particularly in marching from St. John’s to Montreal, the road being half leg deep in mire. He was also mindful of colonel Arnold’s detachment, which had suffered still greater hardships. General Montgomery arrived at one o’clock [Dec. 1.] with three armed schooners, men, ammunition, and provision, to the great joy of the colonel’s forces, who toward evening turned out and marched to the general’s quarters, and were there received and complimented by him upon their appearance. The next day the batteaux were sent to Point Levi for the scaling ladders. The general appeared before Quebec [Dec. 5.] which is the last we have heard of his movements.

[Dec. 14.] General Howe issued orders for taking down the old north meeting-house, a large wooden building, containing a great deal of timber; and a hundred old wooden dwelling-houses and other buildings, to be used for fuel. The scarcity of this article, now that the usual supplies from the country are cut off, will reduce the inhabitants to an entreme difficutly.

[Dec. 30.] P. S. Admiral Shuldham is just arrived from Great-Britain in the Chatham man of war of 50 guns, to supersede admiral Greaves.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

1. Townshend’s Historical Collections, p. 76.

2. Prince’s New-England Chronology, part I.

3. Wood’s New-England’s Prospect, ed. 1764, p. 5.

4. See the Charter in Hutchinson’s Collection of papers, p 1.–23.

5. Neale’s History of the Puritans. 4to. Vol. 1. p. 543.

6. Hutchinson’s History of the Massachusetts Bay. Vol. II. p. 3.

7. Suffolk Records.

8. Suffolk Records.

9. Hutchinson’s History, Vol. I p. 487.

10. Prince’s Chronology, p. 238.

11. Governor Winthrop’s MS. History.

12. Hutchinson’s Letter of December 7. 1762.

13. Hutchinson’s History, Vol. I p. 251 and 252.

14. Extract from Governor Winthrop’s MS. History sent me by Gov. Trumbull from Connecticut.

15. Massachusetts Records, Vol. I.

16. Hutchinson’s History. Vol I. p. 424.

17. Massachusetts Records, in many places.

18. Mr. John Calender’s Century Sermon.

19. Massachusetts Records for the 4th of November, 1646, Vol. I.

20. Hutchinson’s History, Vol. II. p. 2 and 4.

21. ibid. Vol. I. p. 115.

22. Hutchinson’s Collection, p. 420.

23. Chalmer’s Political Annals, under Connecticut and Rhode-Island.

24. Neal’s History of New-England, Vol. I. p. 214–217.