I mentioned it yesterday to your excellency, as my opinion, that excluding the people of the colonies from all share in the choice of the grand council, would probably give extreme dissatisfaction, as well as the taxing them by an act of parliament, where they have no representative. In matters of general concern to the people and especially where burthens are to be laid upon them, it is of use to consider, as well what they will be apt to think and say, as what they ought to think; I shall therefore, as your excellency requires it of me, briefly mention what of either kind occurs to me on this occasion.

First, they will say, and perhaps with justice, that the body of the people in the colonies are as loyal, and as firmly attached to the present constitution and reigning family, as any subjects in the king’s dominions:

That there is no reason to doubt the readiness and willingness of the representatives they may choose, to grant from time to time such supplies for the defence of the country, as shall be judged necessary, so far as their abilities will allow:

That the people in the colonies, who are to feel the immediate mischiefs of invasion and conquest by an enemy, in the loss of their estates, lives and liberties, are likely to be better judges of the quantity of forces necessary to be raised and maintained, forts to be built and supported, and of their own abilities to bear the expence, than the parliament of England at so great a distance:

The governors often come to the colonies merely to make fortunes with which they intend to return to Britain; are not always men of the best abilities or integrity; have many of them no estates here, nor any natural connections with us, that should make them heartily concerned for our welfare; and might possibly be fond of raising and keeping up more forces than necessary, from the profits accruing to themselves, and to make provision for their friends and dependants:

That the counsellors in most of the colonies being appointed by the crown, on the recommendation of governors, are often of small estates, frequently dependent on the governors for offices, and therefore too much under influence;

That there is, therefore, great reason to be jealous of a power in such governors and councils, to raise such sums as they shall judge necessary, by draft on the lords of the treasury, to be afterward laid on the colonies by act of parliament, and paid by the people here; since they might abuse it, by projecting useless expeditions, harrassing the people, and taking them from their labour to execute such projects, merely to create offices and employments, and gratify their dependants, and divide profits:

That the parliament of England is at a great distance, subject to be misinformed and misled by such governors and councils, whose united interests might probably secure them against the effect of any complaint from hence:

That it is supposed to be an undoubted right of Englishmen not to be taxed but by their own consent given through their representatives:

That the colonies have no representatives in parliament:

That to propose taxing them by parliament, and refuse them the liberty of choosing a representative council, to meet in the colonies, and consider and judge of the necessity of any general tax, and the quantum, shows a suspicion of their loyalty to the crown, of their regard for their country, or of their common sense and understanding, which they have not deserved:

That compelling the colonies to pay money without their consent, would be rather like raising contributions in an enemy’s, country, than taxing Englishmen for their own public benefit:

That it would be treating them as a conquered people, and not as true British subjects:

That a tax laid by the representatives of the colonies might easily be lessened, as the occasion should lessen; but being once laid by parliament, under the influence of the representations made by governors, would probably be kept up, and continued for the benefit of governors, to the grievous burden and discouragement of the colonies, and prevention of their growth and increase:

That a power in governors to march the inhabitants from one end of the British and French colonies to the other, being a country of at least 1500 square miles, without the approbation or consent of their representatives first obtained, might occasion expeditions grievous and ruinous to the people, and would put them upon a footing with the subjects of France in Canada, that now groan under such oppression from their governor, who for two years passed, has harrassed them with long and destructive marches to the Ohio:

That, if the colonies in a body may be well governed by governors and councils appointed by the crown without representatives, particular colonies may as well, or better, be so governed: a tax may be laid on them all by act of parliament for support of government, and their assemblies be dismissed as an useless part of the constitution:

That the powers proposed by the Albany plan of union, to be vested in a grand representative council of the people, even with regard to military matters, are not so great as those of the colonies of Rhode-Island and Connecticut are entrusted with by their charter, and have never abused: for by this plan, the president general is appointed by the crown, and controuls all by his negative; but in these governments the people choose the governor, and yet allow him no negative:

That the British colonies bordering on the French, are properly frontiers of the British empire; and the frontiers of an empire are properly defended at the joint expence of the body of the people in such empire. It would now be thought hard, by act of parliament, to oblige the cinque ports, or sea coasts of Britain to maintain the whole navy, because they are more immediately defended by it; not allowing them at the same time, a vote in choosing the members of parliament; and if the frontiers in America must bear the expence of their own defence, it seems hard to allow them no share in voting the money, judging of the necessity and sum, or advising the measures:

That besides the taxes necessary for the defence of the frontiers, the colonies pay yearly great sums to the mother country unnoticed; for taxes paid in Britain, by the landholder or artificer, must enter into and increase the price of the produce of land, and of manufactures made of it; and great part of this is paid by consumers in the colonies, who thereby pay a considerable part of the British taxes.

We are restrained in our trade with foreign nations; and where we could be supplied with any manufacture cheaper from them, but must buy the same dearer from Britain, the difference of price is a clear tax to Britain. We are obliged to carry great part of our produce directly to Britain, and wherein the duties there laid upon it lessen its price to the planter, or it sells for less than it would in foreign markets, the defference is a tax paid to Britain.

Some manufactures we could make, but are fobidden, and must take of British merchants; the whole price of these is a tax paid to Britain.

By our greatly increasing the demand and consumption of British manufactures, their price is considerably raised of late years; their advance is clear profit to Britain, and enables its people better to pay great taxes; and much of it being paid by us, is a clear tax to Britain.

In short, as we are not suffered to regulate our trade, and restrain the importation and consumption of British superfluities, (as Britain can the consumption of foreign superfluities) our whole wealth centres finally among the merchants and inhabitants of Britain; and if we make them richer, and enable them better to pay their taxes, it is nearly the same as being taxed ourselves, and equally beneficial to the crown. These kind of secondary taxes, however we do not complain of, though we have no share in the laying or disposing of them: but to pay immediate heavy taxes, in the laying, appropriation, and disposition of which we have no part, and which, perhaps, we may know to be as unnecessary as grievous, must seem hard measure to Englishmen; who cannot conceive, that by hazarding their lives and fortunes, in subduing and settling new countries, extending the dominion, and increasing the commerce of their mother nation, they have forfeited the native rights of Britons, which they think ought rather to be given them as due to such merit, if they had been before in a state of slavery. These and such kind of things as these, I apprehend, will be thought and said by the people, if the proposed alteration of the Albany plan should take place. Then the administration of the board of governors and councils so appointed, not having any representative body of the people to approve and unite in its measures, and conciliate the minds of the people to them, will probably become suspected and odious: dangerous animosities and feuds will arise between the governors and governed, and every thing go into confusion.

Perhaps I am too apprehensive in this matter; but having freely given my opinion and reasons, your excellency can judge better than I whether there be any weight in them; and the shortness of the time allowed me, will, I hope, in some degree, excuse the imperfections of this scrawl.

With the geatest respect and fidelity, I have the honor to be, your excellency’s most obedient and most humble servant,

These letters might be transmitted to, and might dispose the ministry to decline urging their plan of uniting and governing the colonies; but Mr. Shirley wrote to governor Wentworth, of New-Hampshire, May 31, 1755—“I may assure your excellency, from every letter I have of late received from Sir Thomas Robinson, I have reason to think that his majesty hath a dependance upon a common fund’s being raised in all his colonies upon this continent, in proportion to their respective abilities, for defraying all articles of expence entered into for their common defence; and that such an one must in the end, be either voluntarily raised, or else assessed in some way or other.” The ministry discovered a disposition to raise a revenue in them, which induced the Massachusetts general court [Nov. 6.] thus to instruct their agent; “It is more especially expected, that you oppose every thing that shall have the remotest tendency to raise a revenue in the plantations, for any public uses or services of government;” he wrote to them the twenty-ninth of May following, “The inclinations I have reason to think still contitinue for raising a revenue out of the molasses trade.” The alarming state of public affairs might divert the ministry from pursuing their inclinations.

It had been concluded to take effectual measures for driving the French from the Ohio; and for the reduction of Niagara, Crown-Point, and their forts in Nova-Scotia. General Braddock was accordingly sent from Ireland to Virginia, with two regiments of foot; and when arrived, and joined by the rest of the forces destined for that service, found himself at the head of about 2200 men. He had bravery, but wanted other qualifications to render him fit for the service to which he was appointed. His severity prevented his having the love of the regulars; his haughtiness, the love of the Americans; and, what was worse, disgusted the Indians, and led him to despise the country militia, and to slight the advice of the Virginia officers. Colonel Washington earnestly begged of him, when the army was marching for fort Du Quesne, to admit of his going before, and scouring the woods with his rangers, which was contemptuously refused. The general had been cautioned by the duke of Cumberland, to guard against a surprise; and yet he pushed on heedlessly with the first division, consisting of 1400 men [July 9, 1755.] till he fell into an ambuscade of 400, chiefly Indians, by whom he was defeated and mortally wounded, on the ninth of July. The regulars were put into the greatest panic, and fled in the utmost confusion; the militia had been used to Indian fighting, and were not so terrified. The general had disdainfully turned them into the rear: they continued in a body, unbroken, and served under colonel Washington as a most useful rear-guard; covered the retreat of the regulars, and prevented their being entirely cut off.

Previous to this, and agreeable to the views of the British ministry, the Massachusetts assembly, who had never been remiss upon the prospect of a French war, raised a body of troops, which were sent to Nova-Scotia, to assist lieutenant governor Lawrence in driving the French from their several encroachments within that province. The secrecy and dispatch used in this service, was rewarded with success.

The expedition against Niagara was entrusted with governor Shirley; but failed through various causes.

Sir William (then colonel) Johnson, appointed to go against Crown-Point. The delays, slowness, and deficiency of preparations, prevented the several colonies joining their troops till about August. Meanwhile the active enemy had transported forces from France to Canada, marched them down to meet the provincials, and attacked them; but, meeting with a repulse, lost six hundred men, besids having their general, baron Dieskau, wounded and made prisoner.

The Massachusetts the next year, raised a great armament to go to Crown-Point; but lord Loudon, on his arrival, did not think it proper that the forces should proceed. Afterward a temporary misunderstanding took place between his lordship and the general court; from his apprehending that they thought a provincial law necessary to enforce a British act of parliament, and were willing to dispute upon that subject. He determined to have no dispute, but that the troops under his command should be quartered agreeable to what he thought the public good required; and wrote to governor Pownall [Nov. 15, 1757.] “I have ordered the messenger to wait but 48 hours in Boston; and if, on his return, I find things not settled, I will instantly order into Boston the three battalions from New-York, Long-Island, and Connecticut; and if more are wanted, I have two in the Jerseys at hand, beside three in Pennsylvania.” Notwithstanding this declaration, on December the sixth, the legislature passed an act which led him to conceive that he was under an absolute necessity of settling the point at once, and therefore he ordered the troops to march. The general court finding how matters were going, did not venture upon extremities, but became pliable; so that his lordship wrote, December 26, “As I can now depend upon the assembly’s making the point of quarters easy in all time coming, I have countermanded the march of the troops.” The general court were certainly terrified; and to remove all unfavorable impressions, said, in the close of the address to the governor [Jan. 6, 1758.] “The authority of all acts of parliament which concern the colonies, and extend to them, is ever acknowledged in all the courts of law, and made the rule of all judicial proceedings in the province. There is not a member of the general court, and we know no inhabitant within the bounds of the government, that ever questioned this authority. To prevent any ill consequences that may arise from an opinion of our holding such principles, we now utterly disavow them, as we should readily have done at any time past, if there had been occasion for it; and we pray that his lordship may be acquainted therewith, that we may appear in a true light, and that no impressions may remain to our disadvantage.” However they might not question, whether the authority of acts of parliament, concerning and extending to the colonies, was made the rule of all judicial proceedings in the province; yet you are not to infer from their disavowal of the contrary principle, that they admitted the right of parliament, either to impose internal taxes, or to controul their colonial government.

When, happily for the British nation, the great Mr. Pitt was placed at the head of the ministry, the face of affairs was soon changed; the war was prosecuted with unexampled success, and the enemy at length driven out of America. But the frequent delays given to the raising of the necessary supplies, especially in proprietary governments, through the refusal of their governors or councils, to admit that the estates of the proprietors should be taxed, led Mr. Pitt to tell Mr. Franklin, that when the war closed, was he in the ministry, he should take measures to prevent its being in the power of the colonies to hinder government’s receiving the supplies that were wanted; and he added, that, was he not in the ministry, he would advise his successors to do it. What these measures were he did not mention. But toward the close of 1759, or the beginning of 1760, Mr. Pitt wrote to Francis Fauquier, esq. lieutenant governor of Virginia, and mentioned in his letter, that though they had made grants to the colonies, yet, when the war was over, they should tax them, in order to raise a revenue from them. Mr. Fauquier, in his answer, expressed his apprehension that the measure would occasion great disturbance. The answer might divert Mr. Pitt from his intention. Many months before, the present lord Camden (then Mr. Pratt) said to Mr. Franklin, in a course of free conversation, “For all what you Americans say of your loyalty, I know you will one day throw off your dependance upon this country; and notwithstanding your boasted affection to it, will set up for independence.” The other answered, “No such idea is entertained in the mind of the Americans; and no such idea will ever enter their heads, unless you grossly abuse them.” “Very true (replied Mr. Pratt) that is one of the main causes I see will happen, and will produce the event.”

The colonies in general, and the Massachusetts in particular, complied with the requisitions of the minister, and shewed themselves ready to support his plans for the reduction of the French power. To assist and encourage their extraordinary exertions, the parliament granted them during the war, at different periods, no less than £.1,031,666 13s. 4d. But though the large importation of specie annually, did not answer one half or their expences, it was still of such benefit to each government, that they cheerfully seconded the views of ministry. Upon application from admiral Saunders, the squadron employed against Louisburg and Quebec, was supplied by 500 seamen from the Massachusetts; beside, many were at several times impressed out of vessels on the fishing banks. The colonies lost by the war 25,000 of their robust young men, exclusive of sailors. The Massachusetts continually raised the full number of troops assigned them; nor was it to be ascribed to the peculiar address of Mr. Pownall, who guided them with a silken cord, and by praising them plentifully, and flattering their vanity, did business with them in an easy manner; for it was the same after he was succeded by governor Bernard. [August 13, 1760.] Beside their annual quota of men, in some years of the war they garrisoned Louisburg and Nova-Scotia, which gave the regular forces opportunity for retaining Canada. The whole cost they were at upon these accounts, and for scouting companies sent into the Indian country, and for two armed vessels built and maintained for the protection of the trade, amounted to £.754,598 10s. 10½d. sterling. In this sum, the expence of many forts and garrisons on the frontiers is not included. Add, that no estimate can be made of the cost to individuals, by the demand of personal service. They that could not serve in person, who were much the greater number, when it came to their turn, were obliged to hire substitutes at a great premium. They also who could not be impressed, to lighten the burdens of others, advanced largely for encouraging the levies. Moreover, the taxes were exceeding heavy. A Boston gentleman, of reputation and fortune, sent one of his rate bills to a correspondent in London, for his judgment on it; and had for answer, “That he did not believe there was a man in all England who paid so much in proportion toward the support of government.” Such was the assessment of the town in one of the years, that if a man’s income was £.60 per annum, he had to pay two-thirds or £.40 and in that proportion whether the sum was more or less; and if his house or land was valued at £.200 per annum, he was obliged to pay £.72 He had also to pay for his poll, and those of all the males in his house, more than sixteen years old, at the rate of 14s. 3d. each: and to all must be added, the part he paid of the excise on tea, coffee, rum, and wine.^[67] Other towns and colonies might not have been assessed so exorbitantly, but some must certainly have been burdened with taxes.

The above statement of expences is thought to be more correct than what governor Bernard transmitted, in his letter of August 1, 1764, to the lords of trade, in which he wrote, “From 1754 to 1762, the sums issued amount to £.926,000 sterling; out of which deduct, received by parliamentary grant, £.328,000 and the ordinary expences of government estimated at £.138,000 there remains £.490,000 that is near £500,000 sterling expended by this province in the extraordinary charges of the war within eight years. An immense sum for such a small state! the burden of which has been grievously felt by all orders of men.—Whereas if we compare this with the southern governments, Pennsylvania for instance, which has expended little more than they have received from parliament, and Maryland which has expended scarce any thing at all, we cannot sufficiently admire the inequality of the burden between one province and another, and when Pennsylvania has not been prevented by domestic dissensions, and have as it were done their best, they have sent to the field only 2,700 men, when this province has sent 5,000—5,500, and one year 7,000. And notwithstanding the vast sums this province has raised, is has, by severe taxations, kept its debt under.

The first part of governor Bernard’s administration was agreeable to the Massachusetts general court. The two houses, in answer to his speach, [May, 1761.] said, “It gives us pleasure to see, that the civil rights of the people are not in danger; nor are we in the least degree suspicious, that they ever will be, under your excellency’s administration. The experience we have had of your excellency’s disposition and abilities, encourage us to hope for a great share of public happiness under your administration.” The next year the governor told them, at the close of the session, [April 23, 1762.] “The unanimity and dispatch with which you have complied with the requisitions of his majesty, require my particular acknowledgment.” In his sheech he said, “Every thing that has been required of this province, has been most readily complied with.”

[May 31, 1763.] Both houses in their address to him expressed themselves thus: “We congratulate your excellency upon that unanimity which your excellency recommends, and which was never greater in the province than at that time.”—The governor at the close of the session, declared his great satisfaction, in having observed, that the unanimity they assured him of, had fully evinced itself throughout all their proceedings. But the lieutenant governor, Mr. Hutchinson, gained after a while too much ascendency over him, and encouraged him in the pursuit of wrong measures, highly offensive to the colony. He had indeed done him an irreparable injury, not long after his coming to the chair. Colonel James Otis (who was repeatedly returned for Barnstable, in Plymouth county, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts which had been made to prevent it, on account of his siding with government) being a lawyer, had been promised by Mr. Shirley, when in the chair, to be made a judge of the superior court, upon an opportunity’s offering. The first vacancy which happened, was filled up by the appointment of the secretary’s son-in-law; for which Mr. Shirley apologized by pleading a promise made to the secretary, and his having forgotten the former one. Mr. Otis was satisfied with a fresh assurance of the next vacancy, which was considered by him in the light of a governmental promise; and it was expected that whenever a new vacancy happened, Mr. Otis would be appointed. There was no new vacancy till a short time after governor Bernard entered upon his administration, when chief justice Sewall died.—Upon this death, Mr. James Otis, the son, of whom there will be a call to make frequent mention, expressed himself as follows: “If governor Bernard does not appoint my father judge of the superior court, I will kindle such a fire in the province as shall singe the governor, though I myself perish in the flames.” Mr. Hutchinson, however hurried to Mr. Bernard, procured a promise, which being once given, the governor would not retract, and got himself appointed chief justice, by which he gratified both his ambition and covetousness, his two ruling passions. The friends of government regretted the appointment, foreboding the evils it would produce. The governor lost the influence and support of colonel Otis. The son quitted the law place he held; would never be persuaded to resume it, or to accept of another; joined himself to the party which was jealous that the views of administration were unfavorable to the rights of the colony, and stood ready to oppose all encroachments; and soon became its chief leader. He signalised himself by pleading in a most masterly manner, against granting writs of assistance to custom-house officers. These writs were to give them, their deputies, &c. a general power to enter any houses, &c. that they would say they suspected. The custom-house officers had received letters from home, directing them to a more strenuous exertion in collecting the duties, and to procure writs of assistance. The idea of these writs excited a general alarm. A strong jealousy of what might be eventually the effect of them upon the liberties of the people, commenced. They might prove introductory to the most horrid abuses; which the meanest deputy of a deputy’s deputy might practise with impunity, upon a merchant or gentleman of the first character; and there would be the greater danger of such abuses, by reason of the immense distance of the scene of action from the seat of government. The voice of the complainant would not be heard three thousand miles off, after the servants of government had deafened the ears of administration by misrepresentations. From this period may be dated the fixed, uniform, and growing opposition which was made to the ministerial plans of encroaching upon the original rights and long established customs of the colony. In 1761, the officers of the customs applied to the superior courts for such writs. The great opposition that was made to it, and the arguments of Mr. Otis, disposed the court to a refusal; but Mr. Hutchinson, who had obtained the place of chief justice, prevailed with his brethren to continue the cause till next term; and in the mean time wrote to England, and procured a copy of the writ, and sufficient evidence of the practice of the exchequer there, after which, like writs were granted. But before this was effected, Mr. Otis was chosen one of the representatives for Boston, by the influence of the friends to liberty; whose jealousies there and elsewhere, afterward increased apace, upon hearing that the British officers insisted frequently upon the necessity of regulating and reforming, as they stiled it, the colonial governments; and that certain travellers were introduced to particular persons [1762.] with a—“This is a gentleman employed by the earl of Bute to travel the country, and learn what may be proper to be done in the grand plan of reforming the American governments.” It was understood that their business was to make thorough observation upon the state of the country, that so the ministry might be enabled to judge what regulations and alterations could safely be made in the police and government of the colonies, in order to their being brought more effectually under the government of parliament. They were also, as much as possible, to conciliate capital and influential characters, to ministerial measures speedily to be adopted. The British ministry have been greatly mistaken, in supposing it is the same in America as in their own country. Do they gain over a gentleman of note and eminence in the colonies, they make no considerable acquisition. He takes few or none with him; and is rather despised than adhered to by former friends. He has not, as in Britain, dependants who must act in conformity to his nod. In New-England especially, individuals are so independent of each other, that though there may be an inequality in rank and fortune, every one can act freely according to his own judgment.

But nothing, it may be, excited a greater alarm in the breasts of those to whom it was communicated, than the following anecdote, viz. The Rev. Mr. Whitefield, ere he left Portsmouth in New-Hampshire, on Monday afternoon, April the second, 1764, sent for Dr. Langdon and Mr. Haven, the congregational ministers of the town, and upon their coming and being alone with him, said, “I can’t in conscience leave the town without acquainting you with a secret. My heart bleeds for America. O poor New-England! There is a deep laid plot against both your civil and religious liberties, and they will be lost. Your golden days are at an end. You have nothing but trouble before you. My information comes from the best authority in Great Britain. I was allowed to speak of the affair in general, but enjoined not to mention particulars. Your liberties will be lost.”^[68] Mr. Whitefield could not have heard what the commons did in the preceding month; his information must have been of an earlier date, and might have been communicated before he left Great Britain. Beside the general design of taxing the colonies, the plan was probably, this in substance—Let the parliament be engaged to enter heartily and fully into American matters; and then under its sanction let all the governments be altered, and all the councils be appointed by the king, and the assemblies be reduced to a small number like that of New-York. After that, the more effectually to secure the power of civil government by the junction of church influence, let their be a revisal of all the acts in the several colonies with a view of setting aside those in particular, which provide for the support of the ministers. But if the temper of the people make it necessary, let a new bill for the purpose of supporting them pass the house, and the council refuse their concurrence; if that will be improper, then the governor to negative it. If that cannot be done in good policy, then the bill to go home and let the king disallow it. Let bishops be introduced, and provision be made for the support of the episcopal clergy. Let the congregational and presbyterian clergy, who will receive episcopal ordination, be supported; and the leading ministers among them be bought off by large salaries.—Let the liturgy be revised and altered. Let episcopacy be accommodated as much as possible to the cast of the people. Let places of power, trust and honor, be conferred only upon episcopalians, or those that will conform. When episcopacy is once thoroughly established, increase its resemblance to the English hierarchy at pleasure.

These were the ideas which a certain gentleman communicated to Dr. Stiles,^[69] when they were riding together in 1765. The Doctor, after hearing him out, expressed his belief, that before the plan could be effected, such a spirit would be roused in the people as would prevent its execution. The good man groaned and replied, “If the commotions now existing prevail on the parliament to repeal the stamp-act, I am afraid the plan cannot be accomplished.

In reference to alterations in the civil line, Dr. Langdon informed me, that governor Wentworth told him, the Massachusetts and New-Hampshiere were to be one government, under one governor; the Doctor thought the design of joining Rhode-Island with them was also mentioned, though of this he could not be certain. The New-England colonies would have suffered most by the proposed alterations, while they deserved it the least and were entitled for their ready exertions, to a return expressive of gratitude. Many of the common soldiers, who gained such laurels, by their singular bravery on the plains of Abraham, when Wolfe died in the arms of victory, were natives of the Massachusetts-Bay. When Martinico was attacked in 1761, and the British force was greatly weakened by the death and sickness, the timely arrival of the New-England troops, enabled the former to prosecute the reduction of the island to an happy issue. A part of the British force being now about to sail from thence for the Havannah, the New-Englanders, whose health had been much impaired by service and the climate, were sent off in three ships, to their native country for recovery. Before they had completed their voyage they found themselves restored, ordered the ships about, steered immediately for the Havannah, arrived when the British were too much reduced to expect success, and by their junction served to immortalize afresh, the glorious first of August, old stile, in the surrender of the place on the memorable day; they exhibited at the same time, the most signal evidence of devotedness to the parent state. Their fidelity, activity, and courage were such as to gain the approbation and confidence of the British officers.^[70]

As to the religious part of the plan, recollect what has been already mentioned of archbishop Secker; carefully peruse Dr. Mayhew’s noted answer to one of his publications, and what is related concerning him in the collection of papers above quoted; and you will scarce doubt, “but that it was the metropolitan’s intention to reduce all the British colonies under episcopal authority.” Remember also, that the bishop of Landaff in his sermon of 1766, assures us, that the establishment of episcopacy being obtained, “the American church will grow out of its infant state, be able to stand upon its own legs, and without foreign help, support and spread itself, and then this society will be brought to the happy issue intended.” Mr. Whitefield said upon it, in his letter to Mr. Durell, “supposing his lordship’s assertions true, then I fear it will follow, that a society, which since its first institution hath been looked upon as a society for propagating the gospel, hath been all the while rather a society for propagating episcopacy in foreign parts.”

This letter will close with a few more articles of information. Among the original instructions to Benning Wentworth, esq. governor of New-Hampshire, signed June 30th, 1761, the 27th says, “you are not to give your assent to, or pass any law imposing duties on negroes imported into New-Hampshire:” some of the colonies were for discouraging the introduction of negroes—for which purpose they wished to lay a duty upon them. The 69th contains the following direction, “No school-master to be henceforth permitted to come from England without the licence of the bishop; and no other person now there, or that shall come from other parts, shall be admitted to keep school without your licence first obtained.”

[Feb. 1762.] A law passed in the Massachusetts, entitled, “An act to incorporate certain persons, by the name of The society for promoting Christian knowledge among the Indians in North America; but was disallowed at the court of St. James’s the 20th of May, 1763. Mr. Jasper Mauduit, in his letter to Mr. Bowdoin of April 7, 1763, writes, “So long ago as the 10th of December, I was told at the plantation-office, that this act was opposed by the archbishop and the society for propagating the gospel. Mr. Pownall told me that the bill would not pass; that the lords would not dispute the laudableness of the design, but there were political reasons for not confirming it; that the people might apply the money to oppose the missionaries of the church of England. I answered, I wished that the society for propagating the gospel had employed their missionaries more among the Indians than they had hitherto done in North America.” From what passed, the real reasons for disallowing the bill may be gathered.