98. Photolithographed by Clédat from a MS. at Lyons.
99. J. Heidenreich, Der neutestamentliche Text bei Cyprian verglichen mit dem Vulgatatext. Eine textkritische Untersuchung zu den h. Schriften des Neuen Testamentes. Bamberg, 1900.
100. This is the view of Zahn. Others, however, have no doubt that Tertullian made use of a Latin version. Hoppe, in his treatise, De sermone Tertullianeo Quaestiones Selectae (1897), p. 6 (de Graecismis Tertulliani) says, “Permultas enim (constructiones) T. mutuatus est vel ex scriptoribus graecis, quibus assidue studuit, vel ex librorum sacrorum translatione latina graecismis abundante, qua utebatur.” And to this he adds, “Quam multa vocabula graeca in Tertullianeum sermonem ex Itala quae vocatur translatione redundaverint, discas ex Roenschii libro cum impigritate conscripto, qui inscribitur, Itala und Vulgata, ed. sec., p. 238.” The Itala is cited for sciant quia (p. 18), absque (p. 44), and for the use of the superlative for the positive (p. 49). On this last the writer refers to Rönsch, p. 415, and adds, “ex Itala T. hunc usum aliquotiens assumpsisse videtur, quamquam in universum vitat.” Cf. Westcott, Canon, Part I., c. iii. p. 251 ff.
101. Thus we have, following the numbers given above, in verse 4 (1) απορεισθαι and διαπορεισθαι (or διαπορειν), (2) περι τουτου and περι αυτου, (3) ιδου and και ιδου, (4) ανδρες δυο and δυο ανδρες, (5) επεστησαν and παρειστηκεισαν, (7) εν εσθητι αστραπτουση (or λαμπρα) and εν εσθησεσιν αστραπτουσαις (or λευκαις), (8) εμφοβων (or εν φοβω) δε γενομενων και κλινουσων and ενφοβοι δε γενομεναι εκλειναν, (9) τα προσωπα and το προσωπον (αυτων); in verse 11, (10) ενωπιον αυτων and its omission; in verse 13, (14) εξηκοντα and εκατον εξηκοντα, (15) ᾗ ονομα and ονοματι, (16) Εμμαους and ουλαμμαους. Of these (8), (15), and (16) are found only in D. In the case of (15) the very same variation is found at Tob. vi. 10 in the two recensions represented by Codex Vaticanus and Codex Sinaiticus.
102. 1889, 91, 93, 95, 98; cited in the sequel as W.-W.
103. On the Epilogus to the first volume of their Oxford edition, see especially S. Berger in the Revue Critique, 1889, pp. 141-144; and on the whole, Burkitt, The Vulgate Gospels and the Codex Brixianus, in the Journal of Theological Studies, I. i. (Oct. 1899) pp. 129-134.
104. Compare E. Maugenot, Les manuscrits grecs des évangiles employés par Saint Jerôme, in the Revue des sciences ecclésiastiques, January 1900.
105. The New Testament is contained in vol. iii. The copy I use has the date 1743 on the title-pages of three volumes, but there is a note at the end, p. 1115, which says, “E prelo exiit hic tomus anno 1749.” Romæ, 1713-19, in TiGr., p. 1350, is a misprint. The imprimaturs of the first volume are dated 1737. The work was reprinted with new title-pages at Paris by Fr. Didot, 1751. Copies now cost from £15 to £25.
106. The word Coptic is not derived from the town in Upper Egypt called Coptos, but is a modification of the Greek word Αἰγύπτιος.
107. The spelling Bahiric is due to a wrong vocalisation of the word.
108. On the Middle Egyptian, see W. E. Crum in the Journal of Theological Studies, I. 3 (April 1900), pp. 416 ff.
109. Westcott, Canon, Part II., chapter ii., § 1 sub finem.
110. H. Hyvernat, Un fragment inédit de la version sahidique du Nouveau Testament (Ephes. i. 6-ii. 8b). Revue Biblique, April 1900, pp. 248-253. The fragment is of the eighth or ninth century.
111. See also the Greek and Middle Egyptian manuscript published by Crum and Kenyon, referred to above, p. 70.
112. The dates of Ulfilas’ birth and death are uncertain. He certainly lived till autumn 381 or 383. The date of his life is variously given as 310-380 or 318-388. According to Kauffmann, the Synod at which Ulfilas was consecrated Bishop was that of Antioch, De Encaeniis, 341.
113. Or 1115 according to the Armenian reckoning.
114. Celsus’s polemic against Christianity has perished, but considerable fragments are embedded in Origen’s Reply. See Ante-Nicene Christian Library, vol. xxiii., (Clark, Edin.).
115. Clement of Alexandria cites Matt. xviii. 3 in four different ways. He quotes Matt. v. 45 six times, and only once accurately.
116. Petropol. gr. 254, formerly cited as Paris. coisl. 212, written in the year 1111, the oldest manuscript that Lagarde was able to use for his edition of the Apostolic Constitutions. Further examples of the untrustworthiness of manuscripts and printed editions will be found in the small print at the end of this section.
118. On the question whether Clement of Rome knew the second Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians, see J. H. Kennedy, The Second and Third Epistles of St. Paul to the Corinthians. London, 1900, p. 142 ff.
119. Westcott, Canon, Part I., c. ii. 7.
120. Ibid., Part II., c. i. 1.; c. ii. 4.
121. Ambrosiaster is the name given to the unknown writer of a Commentary on the Pauline Epistles, which till the time of Erasmus was attributed to Ambrose. In recent times Dom G. Morin has raised the question whether the writer may not be one Isaac, who is known to have lived in the papacy of Damasus. He was a Jewish convert to Christianity, and afterwards returned to his former faith. See Dom G. Morin, L’Ambrosiaster et le juif converti Isaac, contemporain du pape Damase, in the Revue d’Histoire et de Littérature religieuses, iv. 2 (1899), 112. This writer informs us that a new edition of the whole of Ambrosiaster will be brought out by A. Amelli on the basis of a very old manuscript from Monte Cassino. Morin believes that the text of this manuscript, in spite of its age, is “fortement retouché, dont on a éliminé la plupart des traits vraiment intéressants” (ibid., p. 121).
122. This reminds us of how Luther used to entreat the printers to let his writings stand as he wrote them.
123. Called 2pe by Tischendorf, and numbered 81 in Westcott and Hort, and 565 in TiGr. Mark of this manuscript was edited by Belsheim in 1885, with a collation of the other three Gospels. It is a valuable cursive, as appears from what is said of it in W-H: “The most valuable cursive for the preservation of Western readings in the Gospels is 81, a St. Petersburg manuscript called 2pe by Tischendorf, as standing second in a list of documents collated by Muralt. It has a large ancient element, in great measure Western, and in St. Mark its ancient readings are numerous enough to be of real importance.” See above, under Codex N, p. 68.
124. The First Part has been issued: A Textual Commentary upon the Holy Gospels. Part I. St. Matthew, Division I., cc. i.-xiv. (London, Bell, 1899). See notice by Gwilliam in The Critical Review, May 1900. In this work Origen is also cited for Matt. v. 44.
125. In the Expository Times for October 1897, p. 13 ff., I have called attention to another instance in which a Scriptural quotation (Isaiah lii. 5) is given with remarkable similarity in the Apostolic Constitutions, with its original (i. 10, iii. 5, vii. 204), in Ignatius (Ad Trallianos, viii.), and in 2nd Clement (c. xiii.). Similar things are to be observed even in the N.T., as, e.g., in Mark i. 2, where a quotation from Malachi iii. 1 is inserted between the heading, “In the prophet Isaiah,” and the words taken from that book. But they are found also in the writings of Paul, which has led to the view that he may possibly have used some sort of dogmatic anthology of the O. T. Clement of Alexandria has a good many quotations from Philo. On his quotations from the Gospels, see P. M. Barnard, The Biblical Text of Clement of Alexandria in the Four Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles. Texts and Studies, v. 5, Cambridge, 1899.
126. See below, Appendix II., Ἀντίγραφα.
127. Vide infra, Appendix I.
128. Fasciculus i., edited by Hauler, 1900.
129. I could desire no better motto for this third section than the words of Augustine: Codicibus emendandis primitus debet invigilare sollertia eorum qui scripturas nosse desiderant, ut emendatis non emendati cedant (De Doctrina Christiana, ii. 14, 21, where the saying about the interpretum numerositas, cited on page 108, is also found). Or if not these words, then those of our Lord himself, γίνεσθε δόκιμοι τραπεζῖται, which Origen applied to the verification of the canon, but which, taken in the sense of 1 Thess. v. 21, are equally applicable to the work of the “lower” criticism. Apollos, the pupil of Marcion, also vindicated the right of Biblical criticism with these same words. Epiphanius, Haeres., xliv. 2 (Zahn, GK., i. 175).
130. The fragment was edited by Tregelles with a facsimile in 1867. It is given in Westcott’s Canon of the N. T., Appendix C, where also see the section on the Muratorian Canon, Part i. c. ii. It will be found also in Preuschen’s Analecta, Kürzere Texte ... pp. 129-137 (the eighth number of G. Krüger’s Sammlung ausgewählter kirchen- und dogmengeschichtlicher Quellenschriften, Freib. and Leipzig, 1893).
131. Quoted in Westcott, Canon, part ii. c. ii. § 1, and in Zahn’s Einleitung, ii. 179.
132. Given in Preuschen. In the manuscripts it is entitled “Indiculum Veteris et Novi Testamenti et Caecili Cipriani.” It was first made known from a MS. at Cheltenham in 1886. As it is mostly assigned to the year 365 (see also Jülicher, Einleitung, p. 336) the words of W.-W. may be repeated here: “S. Berger tamen aliter sentit, rationibus commotus quarum una certe nobis satis vera videtur. Concordant enim numeri in Veteri Testamento cum codicibus Hieronymianis, e.g. in libris Regum quattuor, Esaiae, Jeremiae, et duodecim Prophetarum, Tobiae, et Macchabeorum secundo. Indiculus tamen sine dubio antiquus est” (p. 736).
133. Catalogus Claramontanus given in Westcott, Canon, Appendix D, p. 563.
134. Translated into French, Prairies d’or, i. 123: one volume into English by Sprenger, 1841; Sayous, Jésus Christ d’après Mohammed, p. 34.
135. See Zahn, Einl., ii. 176; GK., ii. 364-375, 1014.
136. See Addenda, p. xvi.
137. The numbers are as follows:—
| -ν- | -νν- | |
| Matthew, | 2 | 24 |
| John, | 7 | 17 |
| Luke, | 27 | 1 |
| Mark, | 2 | 24 |
| Acts, | 21 | 2 |
See Blass, Lucae ad Theophilum liber prior, p. vi. f., Philology of the Gospels, p. 75 f., where three of Lippelt’s numbers are corrected with the help of Harris. See also Expository Times, Nov. 1897, p. 92 f. I cannot understand why Wendt, in the new edition of his Commentary on the Acts, should take not the slightest notice of this far-reaching discovery. On the spelling in the Latin manuscripts, see W.-W., Epilogus, 776.
138. Der Schluss des Markus-Evangeliums, der Vier-Evangelien-Kanon, und die kleinasiastischen Presbyter (Berlin, 1894).
139. Expositor, Dec. 1894.
140. Einleitung, ii. 221.
141. See Coxe’s Catalogue of Greek MSS. in the Bodleian Library, 1854.
142. On cata or kata in the subscriptions, titles, prefaces, etc., of Latin manuscripts, see the index in W.-W., to which add the remarkable phrase cata tempus, which codex e gives in John v. 4, in place of secundum tempus in the other manuscripts.
143. See Field, Hexapla, i. p. lxxii.
144. The order, πραεῖς ... πτωχοί ... πενθοῦντες, in Baljon is due to a strange oversight which is not corrected in the Addenda et Corrigenda.
145. To the passages which may be adduced in support of the reading, add Clement, Hom. η 32 (Lagarde, 92, 35), ια 32 (118, 31).
146. Codex D and Syrsin also agree in omitting v. 30, but this is probably no more than a remarkable coincidence.
147. See Urt., 55 ff., where works on this subject are cited.
148. See also Linwood, Remarks on Conjectural Emendations as applied to the New Testament, 1873.
150. The converse occurs in Eusebius, Eccl. Hist., iv. 15, in the address of Polycarp’s Martyrium. There the reading κατὰ Πόντον, which is also found in the Syriac, should, according to Harnack’s Chronologie der altchristl. Lit., i. 341, be replaced by κατὰ πάντα τόπον, or rather by κατὰ τόπον which is found in 1 Macc. xii. 4; 2 Macc. xii. 2. Compare also the variation found in the manuscripts in 2 Cor. x. 15 between κοποις, πονοις, and τοποις, and between ποτος and τοπος in Judith vi. 21. See also Eusebius, Eccl. Hist., v. 15, 23.
151. The opposite view is expressed in Scrivener, ii. 244: “It is now agreed among competent judges that Conjectural Emendation must never be resorted to, even in passages of acknowledged difficulty”; and he quotes from Roberts (Words of the New Testament): “conjectural criticism is entirely banished from the field ... simply because there is no need for it.” With this, however, he does not quite agree. He admits that there are passages respecting which we cannot help framing a shrewd suspicion that the original reading differed from any form in which they are now presented to us. He notes as passages for which we should be glad of more light, Acts vii. 46, xiii. 32, xix. 40, xxvi. 28; Rom. viii. 2; 1 Cor. xii. 2, where Ephes. ii. 11 might suggest ὅτι ποτέ; 1 Tim. vi. 7; 2 Pet. iii. 10, 12; Jude 5, 22, 23. G. Krüger expresses himself to the same effect. He would have no conjecture, however well founded, received into the text. See his notice of Koetschau’s Origen in the L. Cbl., No. 39, 1899. I find that Swete has had no objection to adopt a conjecture of mine in his second edition of the last volume of the Cambridge Septuagint (Enoch xiv. 3). If such a thing is permissible in the case of Enoch, why should it not be allowable in the New Testament? As clever suggestions maybe noted ἐκολάφισαν for the hapax legomenon ἐκεφαλίωσαν, Mark xii. 4 (Linwood, Van de Sande-Bakhuyzen) and λανθάνουσι for μανθάνουσι, 1 Tim. v. 13 (Hitzig). Lagrange (Revue Biblique, 1900, p. 206) cautions us against “prêter de l’esprit à l’Esprit Saint.”
153. Meyer-Wendt8, p. 51. For an example of Σ repeated by mistake, cf. ΕΙΣΣΤΕΛΟΣ in B, Mark xiii. 13. Its erroneous omission is quite common.
154. Bagster, London, 1887.
155. See Isaac Taylor’s History of the Transmission of Ancient Books to Modern Times (1827); and compare also the text-books on Hermeneutics, e.g. in I. v. Müller’s Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft.
156. Benedicti regula monachorum. Recensuit Ed. Wölfflin, Lipsiae, Teubner, 1895, pp. xv. 85, 8vo. See also his article on the Latinity of Benedict in the Arch. f. Lat. Lexikogr. ix. 4, 1896, pp. 493-521.
157. Textgeschichte der Regula S. Benedicti (Abh. d. 3 Cl. d. k. Ak. d. Wiss., vol. xxi., Munich, 1898). Compare also The Text of St. Benedict’s Rule by Dom C. Butler, O.S.B. Reprinted from the Downside Review, December 1899, 12 pp.
158. TU. xiv. 1, 1896.
159. Krüger’s Sammlung, Heft xi., Freiburg and Leipzig, 1895.
160. TU., New Series, i. 1, 1897.
161. Compare also the differences between the editions of Josephus, published by Niese and Naber.
162. See, however, the two articles by Lake and Brightman, On the Italian Origin of Codex Bezae in the Journal of Theological Studies, i. 441 ff.
164. An instructive discussion of the relationship between D2 and E3 is given in Hort’s Introduction, §§ 335-337. It is possible that one copyist in Rom. xv. 31-33 took ἵνα ἡ διακονία μου ἡ εἰς Ἱερουσαλὴμ ... διὰ θελήματος Θεοῦ, and the other καὶ ἡ δωροφορία μου ἡ ἐν Ἱερ ... διὰ θελήματος Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ—i.e. two entirely different recensions.
165. Zahn very properly remarks (Th. Lbl., 1899, 16, 179): “One must not, at least as regards the N. T., confound Eusebius with Pamphilus, or, if I might say so, with the firm of Pamphilus and Eusebius. If the fifty Bibles that Eusebius provided at the bidding of the Emperor for the use of the churches of the capital had contained a text of the N. T. prepared on the basis of the previous works and commentaries of Origen, the entire subsequent history of the text of the N. T. in the region of Constantinople, revealing as it does the extensive propagation of the Antiochean text, would be perfectly incomprehensible. As in the matter of the canon so also of the text of the N. T., Eusebius emancipated himself from the school of Origen, and attached himself to that of Antioch, at least in this particular instance fraught with such important consequences for the history of the Bible.”
166. See Hort, Introduction, §§ 188, 189.
167. Athanasius, writing to Constans, says in his first Apology: τῷ ἀδελφῷ σου οὐκ ἔγραψα ἢ μόνον ὅτε ... καὶ ὅτε πυκτία τῶν θείων γραφῶν κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ μοι κατασκευάσαι, ταῦτα ποιήσας ἀπέστειλα.
168. It is given in Syriac in Abbé Martin’s Introduction à la critique textuelle du N. T., Plate XX. No. 35 (1883), from the MS. de Paris, 27, f 88 b, and also in Lagarde’s Bibliotheca Syriaca, 259, 22-27. From the Greek πυργίσκος, which becomes פרדוסקא in the Semitic, the Syriac forms another diminutive פרדסקזנא, which is still omitted in the Thesaurus Syriacus, 3240; cf. Bar Bahlul, 1606, 9 (App. p. 64). In place of πυργίσκῳ, Oikonomos would read the genitive πυργίσκου (περι των ὀ ερμηνευτων, iv. 500).
169. Not only does the Old Testament promise to shed some light upon an obscure problem in the New, but the converse may also be true—viz. that the history of the text of the New Testament may contribute to a better understanding of that of the Old. It was long observed that many peculiarities of the Lucianic revision of the Septuagint occur also in the witnesses to the Old Latin version (see especially Driver, Notes on Samuel, p. li; Urt., 78). No proper explanation of this phenomenon could be given so long as the Old Latin version of the Old Testament was looked upon as homogeneous and of great antiquity. But the New Testament, for which we have far more Old Latin manuscripts than for the Old, shows that the Old Latin pre-Jeromic version had a chequered history, and in particular that at a certain time a revision was undertaken, the result of which is found especially in Codex Brixianus (f, see p. 112), and which “non solum interpretationem veterem stilo elegantiori emendabat, sed etiam lectiones novas protulit. Notatu certe dignum est, in ista emendatione Itala eminere lectiones quae in maiori parte codicum Graecorum apparent, quas Recensioni Syrae vel Antiochenae adiudicant Westcott et Hort.” So say Wordsworth and White, p. 654. If the same thing holds good of the Old Testament, then the relationship between the Old Latin and Lucian at once becomes evident, and the supposition is not so absurd that the marginal glosses of Codex Legionensis (called Codex Gothicus in Hastings’ Bible Dictionary, iii. p. 50b.) which are particularly striking on this view of the case, may have been translated into Latin from Lucian. These considerations, moreover, may possibly throw fresh light on the question that I have raised elsewhere (Urt., p. 78), whether Lucian may not also have used the Peshitto in his recension of the Old Testament. I see that it has been taken up by J. Méritan, in his little book, entitled, La Version grecque des Livres de Samuel, précédée d’une Introduction sur la critique textuelle (Paris, 1898). On pp. 96-113 he discusses the same question—whether Lucian knew and used the Peshitto. He answers the question in the affirmative: “It is therefore probable that as regards certain passages of the Books of Samuel, in his work of revision, or rather of correction, Lucian did not follow the Hebrew text as his sole and infallible guide, but availed himself of others also, and that one of those principal authorities was the Syriac version.” We often enough find ὁ Σύρος cited as an authority in the Greek Commentaries on the Old Testament. Whether it is also mentioned for the New Testament is a point that seems not yet to be looked into.
I may add that Bickel concludes his short article in the Zeitschrift für kath. Theol., iii. 467-469, entitled, “Die Lucianische Septuagintabearbeitung nachgewiesen,” by saying: “In establishing the recensions of Lucian and Hesychius for the Septuagint, we may be held as settling the question whether traces of these may not also be found in the New Testament.”
In his Einleitung, ii. 240, Zahn says: “Without a doubt many readings which had a considerable circulation in the second and third centuries, some of them being of no small importance and extent, were gradually ousted from their place in the text from the fourth century onwards, and some of them dropped out of the later tradition altogether. And it is equally true that many interpolations were current in these later centuries which were unknown in the second. But whatever our judgment be in doubtful cases, we are still always in a position to support it with extant documents.”
170. Rahlfs cannot, of course, assent to this supposition, seeing that he regards Codex B as depending on the Festal Letter containing the Canon of Athanasius, which was not written till the year 367.
171. See especially Lagarde, Sept.-Studien, 1892, and Moore’s Commentary on Judges, 1895, p. xlvi.
173. There is no need to discuss here the other expressions used by Jerome in his letter of the year 403 to the Gothic priests Sunnia and Fretela, seeing that these relate only to the Old Testament. But the words themselves may be quoted: “Breviter admoneo ut sciatis, aliam esse editionem, quam Origenes et Caesariensis Eusebius omnesque Graeciae tractatores κοινήν, id est communem appellant, atque vulgatam, et a plerisque nunc Λουκιανός dicitur, aliam septuaginta interpretum quae in ἑξαπλοῖς codicibus reperitur, et a nobis in latinum sermonem fideliter versa est, et Jerosolymae atque in orientis ecclesiae (so Lagarde, Librorum V. T. can. pars prior, p. xiii. from Vallarsi, i. 635?) decantatur ... κοινή autem ista, hoc est communis, editio ipsa est quae et septuaginta, sed hoc interest inter utramque quod κοινή pro locis et temporibus et pro voluntate scriptorum vetus corrupta editio est, ea autem quae habetur in ἑξαπλοῖς et quam nos vertimus, ipsa est quae in eruditorum libris incorrupta et immaculata septuaginta interpretum translatio reservatur” (ibid., 637). For Λουκιανός Oikonomos (iv. 499) would read Λουκιανίς.