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CHAP. LI.

HISTORICAL SURVEY OF BAGÍRMI. — GENERAL CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY AND ITS INHABITANTS.

With regard to the history of the eastern part of Negroland, we are still worse off than with regard to the western countries, however scanty the documents relating to the latter regions may be, although I may hope that, by my labours, a great deal more light has been shed upon the history of these quarters than was even suspected to exist before. But while for the kingdom of Songhay, with its celebrated towns Gógó and Timbúktu, we have now obtained an almost continuous historical account, by the taríkh of Áhmed Bábá, and while for Bórnu tolerably rich materials have likewise come to our hands, by means of the chronicles of that empire, and of the relation of Imám Áhmed, for this eastern part of Negroland (which comprises the countries of Bagírmi, Wádáy, or Dár Suláy and Dár-Fúr) no such documents have as yet been found, and, besides the information to be gathered from the natives, only a few detached and obscure statements have been handed down to us by the Arab writers of the middle ages.

Those of the latter which relate in general to Kánem, and its capital Njímí or Njímiye, I have already referred to in the historical sketch which I have given of the empire of Bórnu; and the only circumstances which these writers mention, with regard to the more eastern regions, are the general names of tribes, such as the Zogháwa and the Bájó[46], mentioned by Ébn Sʿaíd, and, on his authority, by Abú ’l Fedá, as related tribes.[47]

The only author who distinctly speaks of these eastern regions is the Spanish Moor generally known under the name of Leo Africanus; for it is he who describes in this eastern quarter a large and powerful kingdom which he calls Gaoga. This name, especially on account of its similarity to the name of the Songhay capital, as the latter was generally written by the Arabs, has caused a great deal of confusion, and has given rise to numerous gratuitous conjectures. But if we compare Leo’s statements, which are certainly very vague, and written down from memory after a lapse of several years, but especially what he says about the political relations of Gaoga with the empire of Bórnu, there cannot be the least doubt that his Gaoga is identical with what the Bórnu people call the empire of Bulála. And the reason why he called it Gaoga is obvious; for the Bulála, who originally formed a branch of the princely family of Kánem, guided by Jíl (surnamed Shíkomémi, from his mother Shíkoma), founded their empire in the territory of the tribe of the Kúka[48], who in former times were very powerful, occupying a great extent of country, from the eastern part of Bagírmi as far as the interior of Dár-Fúr, the place Shebína, on the shore of the Bat-há, being then the principal seat of their power, while their head quarters at present are in the province of Fittrí.[49] Here, owing to their introducing Islám, and a certain degree of civilization, together with the Arabic alphabet called “warash,” the Bulála soon appear to have obtained the sovereign power, while they founded Yʿawó[50] as their new residence. While viewing the relations of the countries on the east side of the Tsád in this light, we get rid of every difficulty which may seem to be implied in the statements relating to Gaoga; for, when Leo says that the language of that country was identical with the idiom of Bórnu, he evidently only speaks of the language then used by the dynasty and the ruling tribe of the country, with whom on his visit to that kingdom he came into contact, and who were of the same origin as the Bórnu people, while at present, having intermingled and intermarried with the indigenous population, the Bulála, who are still the ruling family in Fittrí, appear to have forgotten their own language, and have adopted that of the Kúka. At the time when Leo wrote his description of Africa, or rather at the period when he visited Negroland (for of the events which happened after he left the country he possessed only an imperfect knowledge), the Bulála were just in the zenith of their power, being masters of all Kánem, and (according to the information of Makrízí and Ábú ’l Fedá) having in the latter half of the fourteenth century even subjected to their dominion the large tribe of the Zogháwa, may well have entered into the most intimate political relations with the rulers of Egypt, as already, a century previous to the time of Leo, Makrízí found ample opportunity in Egypt to collect all the latest news with regard to the dynasty of Kánem.

On the other hand, we can easily imagine how Leo could call the prince of Gaoga a Mohammedan, while the learned men of the country positively affirm that the Islám in these regions dates no further back than the eleventh century of the Hejra, the beginning of which exactly coincides with that of the seventeenth century of our era, and consequently about a century after Leo’s visit to Africa; for Leo speaks only of the rulers themselves, whose religious creed, probably, had no influence upon the people of the country in general. Leo’s statement entirely harmonizes with the information gleaned from Makrízí; for the princes of Kánem in the time of the latter historian were identical with the rulers of that very kingdom which Leo calls Gaoga, although in Makrízí’s time they seem to have established the capital of their empire in Njímiye, which they had conquered from the Bórnu dynasty.[51]

Moreover this apparent discrepancy receives further explanation from the fact, that soon after Leo visited these regions the pagan nation of the Týnjur extended their empire from Dár-Fúr to the very borders of Bagírmi, opposing a strong barrier to the propagation of Islám. Respecting the name ʿOmár, by which Leo designates the king of the Bulála in his time, I have already given an opinion on a former occasion. The Týnjur, of whose original language I have not been able to collect any specimens, and which seems to be almost extinct, are said to have come from Dóngola, where they had separated from the Batálesa, the well-known Egyptian tribe originally settled in Bénesé. Advancing from Dóngola, the Týnjur are said to have vanquished first the Dájó, who, as has been stated before, were at that period masters of Dár-Fúr, and in course of time spread over the whole of Wádáy, and over part of Bagírmi, making Kádama, a place situated about three days’ march to the S.W. of Wára, and halfway between Malám and Kashémeré, the capital of their extensive empire. They maintained their dominion, as far as regards Wádáy, according to native tradition, ninety-nine lunar years, while the eastern portion of this loosely-connected group of different nationalities, which had been conquered at an earlier period, was wrested from their hands much sooner, by Kúro vanquishing the Týnjur, and founding the pagan kingdom of Dár-Fúr, some time before the general introduction of Islám into these countries. This Kúro himself was the third predecessor of Slímán, the first Moslim prince of Dár-Fúr. But as for the centre of the empire of the Týnjur, it was overthrown by the founder of the Mohammedan empire of Wádáy, viz. ʿAbd el Kerím the son of Yáme,—according to tradition, in the year 1020 of the Hejra.

However, of the kings of Wádáy I shall not speak here, as their history has not exactly reference to the country we are now describing.[52] Here I will only introduce a few remarks concerning the kings of Bagírmi.

Bagírmi[53] is said to have emerged from the gloom of paganism prevailing in the eastern regions of Sudán, a considerable time after Western Sudán had been formed into mighty kingdoms—some years subsequent to the introduction of Islám into Wádáy. But in the same manner as the ruling dynasty which gave rise to this new kingdom had come from abroad, so likewise the founders of Bagírmi seem to have immigrated into the country; and from whence they immigrated can scarcely be doubtful, though they themselves, like all the dominating tribes of Sudán, would much rather connect their origin with the inhabitants of Yemen. But, that the native inhabitants of Kénga, Kírsuwa, and Hírla are intimately related to them, they are well aware, and acknowledge it without hesitation; but they would try to make people believe that, in coming from Yemen, their chief Dokkénge left at those places brethren of his as governors. As for Hírla, they do not acknowledge its claims to entire equality of birth, but derive the name of that place, as well as the family of the kings of that district, from a slave of Dokkénge of the name of Khérallah. But, on a close scrutiny, the people of Bagírmi themselves confess that their origin is not to be sought for at a greater distance than Kénga, or Kénga Matáya[54], and that this place, distant five days east from Más-eñá and three long days S.S.E. from Yʿawó, and distinguished by the strange form of its paganism[55], was the original seat of their kings; for not only do the Bagírmaye regard those of Kénga with solemn veneration, as being their ancestors, whom it would be wrong to attack or to endeavour to subdue, but there are also certain emblems which they exhibit on particular occasions, brought, as they say, from Kénga. These consist of a rather long spear, borne on certain occasions before the king of Bagírmi, a small sort of tympanum, and the horn or bugle. The language Kénga is intimately connected with that of Bagírmi, while it contains also some elements of a different character; and these two dialects, together with the language of the Kúka, constitute one idiom.

But, to proceed with our principal inquiry, the emigrants, led on by their chief Dokkénge, penetrated, it would seem, towards the west by the road marked by the sites of Hírla, Kírsuwa, and Naíromá—a place situated near Más-eñá, on the Báchikám.

The state of the country where this pagan prince was to found the new kingdom, at the time when this happened (that is to say, about 300 years ago), was as follows. On the spot where the capital now stands, there is said to have been nothing but a straggling settlement of Fúlbe cattle-breeders; and the Bagírmaye themselves state that they named the place from a large ʿardéb or tamarind-tree (“más” in the Bágrimma language), under which a young Féllani girl of the name of Eñá was selling milk. These Fúlbe (or Felláta, as they are called in all the eastern parts of Sudán) are said to have been much oppressed by annual inroads of the Bulála; and it was Dokkénge who undertook to protect them against these invaders. With the exception of this Felláta settlement, a few Arab or Shúwa tribes[56], who at that time had already begun to spread over the country, principally the Bení Hassan, and the solitary settlement of a Felláta sheikh, or holy man, in Bídderí, a place about nine miles east from Más-eñá (who, however isolated he was, nevertheless exercised a very remarkable influence over the introduction of Islamism into these countries), all the rest of its inhabitants, as well as the chief Dokkénge himself, were pagans.

In the centre of the country there were four petty kingdoms, all situated on the small branch of the Shárí generally called Báchikám; viz. that of Mátiya, Mábberát, Máriñé, and finally that of Meré or Damré. Dokkénge, installing himself near the spot which was originally called Más-eñá, and forming a small settlement, is said to have subdued these four petty kings by stratagem, and, having driven back the Bulála, to have formed in a short time a considerable dominion. He is reported to have reigned a long time, and to have been succeeded by his brother, of the name of Lubétko, to whom succeeded Delubírni, under whose dominion the kingdom of Bagírmi spread considerably. The eldest son of Delubírni was Maló, who ascended the throne, but was soon after engaged in a desperate struggle with a younger brother of his, named ʿAbd-Allah, who, it is said, had been converted to Islamism, and thought himself in consequence better fitted to ascend the throne. After being defeated by Delubírni on one occasion, ʿAbd-Allah is said to have vanquished his brother with the assistance of the pagan tribes, and to have slain him after a most sanguinary conflict in the midst of the town, which lasted for several days.

Having thus ascended the throne, and consolidated his dominion by the blood of all his kinsfolk, ʿAbd-Allah, the first Moslim prince of Bagírmi, is said to have contributed largely to the prosperity of his country, into which he introduced Islamism; and he is stated also to have increased the capital to its present extent. The beginning of his reign falls about ten years after the foundation of the empire of Wádáy by ʿAbd el Kerím the son of Yáme. As to the order of his successors (all the Moslim kings of Bagírmi numbering fourteen), it seems to be as follows:—

To ʿAbd-Allah succeeded, as it seems, Wónja, who was succeeded by his son Láwení, after whom followed Bugománda. Of these princes very little, if anything, appears to be known. But then followed a glorious reign, which marked another epoch in the history of Bagírmi—I mean the reign of the king Mohammed el Amín, who, on account of his having performed a pilgrimage to Mekka, is also called el Háj; for this prince not only administered the government of his country with more justice than his predecessors had done, and made it respected by his neighbours, but he also considerably extended his dominion and sway, as he not only subdued the formerly independent kingdom of Babáliyá, which at a former period had belonged to Kánem, and whose king (of the name of Kábdu) he put to death, but he is stated also to have extended his conquests in the opposite direction as far as Gógomi, a strong and inaccessible settlement, situated seven or eight days’ march to the south-east of the capital, which the present sultan succeeded in subduing a second time during my residence in the country, and which was thought a very great achievement. It is even said that through the instrumentality of this king a great majority of his countrymen adopted Islamism.

To this praiseworthy prince succeeded his son ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, whose death can be fixed with approximative certainty, as it is connected with the history of the neighbouring countries; for it was he against whom the sheikh Mohammed el Kánemí solicited the assistance of ʿAbd el Kerím Sabún the sultan of Wádáy, who died in the year 1815 for his having thrown off the supremacy of Bórnu, which seems to have been established during the reign of Láwení. The easy victory which the energetic and unscrupulous ruler of Wádáy, who eagerly grasped at the offer made to him, is said to have gained over the people of Bagírmi, is attributed to the consequences of a severe plague, which had swept away the greater part of the full-grown inhabitants of the country, and to the circumstance of the fácha, or general of the army, not being on good terms with his sovereign, whom he is stated to have deserted in the battle, while he himself fled with his whole detachment. Sabún, after having put to death ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, together with his favourite wife, or ghúmsu, and having carried away a considerable portion of the population, and all the riches of Bagírmi collected during the period of their power, invested the younger son of ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, of the name of Mʿallem Ngarmába Béri, with the title of king. However, as soon as Sabún had retraced his steps, ʿOthmán, the eldest son of ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, with the surname or nickname of Búgomán, who, as long as the king of Wádáy was ravaging the country, had sought refuge behind the Shárí, in the town of Búgomán (the same place the governor of which refused to receive me), returned home, overcame his younger brother, and, having put out his eyes, ascended the throne.

But the king of Wádáy, having received this unfavourable news, once more returned to Bagírmi, vanquished ʿOthmán in a battle fought at Moító, drove him out of the country, and reinstated his brother upon the throne. But as soon as Sabún had turned his back, ʿOthmán appeared once more, drowned his brother in the river, and again usurped the sovereign power. However, he was not destined to enjoy his prize for a long time in tranquillity; for, a quarrel having broken out between him and the fácha (the same person who had been on bad terms with his father), this man, of the name of Ruwéli, who by his personal character greatly enhanced the power and influence originally united with his authority, and who was supported by a strong party, deprived the sultan of his dominion, and, having driven him out of the country, invested with supreme authority a younger brother of his, called el Háj, who, in order to distinguish him from the former sultan of that name, we may call Háj II. ʿOthmán, having fled from Búgomán, his usual place of refuge, to Gulfé the Kótokó town on the west side of the Shárí, where he was collecting a force, the fácha marched against him and vanquished him. ʿOthmán, however, having implored the assistance of the sheikh el Kánemí, and being assisted by the Shúwa of Bórnu, succeeded in collecting another army, with which he once more returned, but was again beaten in a battle fought at Sháwí. He, however, succeeded in crossing the river by a stratagem, and sought refuge with ʿAmanúk, that mighty chief of the Dághana Shúwa well known from Major Denham’s adventures; but being pursued by his adversary, he saw no other way of escape open to him than to throw himself into the arms of his former enemy, the king of Wádáy, and, in order to obtain his assistance, he found himself compelled to stipulate, and to confirm by an oath sworn on the Kurán, that he and his successors should pay a considerable tribute to the prince of Wádáy. This tribute, to be paid every third year, consists of a hundred ordinary male slaves, thirty handsome female slaves, one hundred horses, and a thousand shirts or kholgán, called by the Wádáy people “dérketú,” besides ten female slaves, four horses, and forty shirts to Zérma or Jérma, who is the inspector of this province.

Having obtained protection in consequence of this treaty, which rendered Bagírmi as much a tributary province of Wádáy as it had been, in more ancient times, of Bórnu, ʿOthmán returned to his country, and succeeded at length in crushing his powerful and hitherto successful rival, whom he defeated in two battles,—the one fought near Kókoché, on the Báchikám, the other near the village of Ásu, on the banks of the river Shárí. The fácha, having sought and found refuge in Logón birni, fought one more battle with ʿOthmán near a place called Díndor, where a great many of the people of Wádáy who were with him are said to have fallen. But the inhabitants of Logón, fearing that Ruwéli would not be able to fight his quarrel out, and that they themselves might afterwards suffer for having given him protection, thought it more prudent to deliver him into the hands of his enemy, and succeeded in doing so by stratagem. This ambitious man is stated to have died in Wádáy, ʿOthmán having delivered him to Sabún.

The restless prince of Bagírmi obtained a little tranquillity as long as Sabún lived; but Yúsuf, who succeeded the latter, dissatisfied with him, put forth another pretender, of the name of Jariñílme, and ʿOthmán had scarcely succeeded in overcoming this enemy, which he did without much trouble, when he had to fight in another quarter. For Mohammed el Kánemí, the sheikh of Bórnu (who had assisted him to reascend the throne with the sole object of regaining the ancient supremacy which Bórnu had exercised over Bagírmi), when he became aware that he had not attained his object, commenced open hostilities against him, which gave rise to a struggle carried on for a number of years with equal success on either side, but without any great result, except the ruin of the provinces near their respective frontiers. The sheikh of Bórnu, beset at the time by other difficulties, and seeing that he should be unable by himself to crush the power of Bagírmi, is then said to have called in the aid of Yúsuf Bashá, of Tripoli, who in the year 1818 sent Mústafá el Áhmar, at that time sultan of Fezzán, together with Mukní and the sheikh el Barúd, to his assistance, who, laying waste the whole north-western part of Bagírmi, and destroying its most considerable places, Babáliyá and Gáwi, carried away a great number of slaves, among whom was Agíd Músa, one of my principal informants in all that relates to Bagírmi.

This happened about the time of Captain Lyon’s expedition. At a later period Mukní returned once more with ʿAbd el Jelíl, the celebrated chief of the Welád Slimán, who had accompanied the former expedition in a rather subordinate character; but, having quarrelled with this distinguished chieftain, who discountenanced Mukní’s intention of overrunning the country of Bórnu, he himself returned home, sending in his stead Háj Íbrahím, who plundered and ransacked the town of Moító, and carried its inhabitants into slavery, while ʿAbd el Jelíl did the same with Kánem. Then followed, in the year 1824, the second battle of Ngála, of which Major Denham has given an account in his Narrative. However, notwithstanding his partial success, the sheikh of Bórnu was not able to reduce entirely the inhabitants of Bagírmi, who, although not so numerous, and much inferior to their neighbours in horsemanship, are certainly superior to them in courage.

There was still another quarter from whence Bagírmi was threatened during the restless reign of ʿOthmán, namely that of the Fúlbe or Felláta, who, following their instinctive principle of perpetually extending their dominion and sway, made an inroad also into Bagírmi about thirty years ago; but they were driven back, and revenge was taken by a successful expedition being made by the Bagírmaye against Bógo, one of the principal Fúlbe settlements to the east of Wándalá or Mándará, which I have mentioned on my journey to Ádamáwa and the expedition to Músgu. In the meantime, while the country suffered severely from this uninterrupted course of external and internal warfare, ʿOthmán seems to have made an attempt to enter into communication with Kánem, probably in order to open a road to the coast by the assistance of the Welád Slimán, or, as they are called here, Mínne-mínne, who, by a sudden change of circumstances, had been obliged to seek refuge in those very border-districts of Negroland with which their chief ʿAbd el Jelíl had become acquainted in the course of his former slave-hunting expeditions.

Altogether ʿOthmán Búgomán appears to have been a violent despot, who did not scruple to plunder either strangers or his own people; and he cared so little about any laws, human or divine, that it is credibly asserted that he married his own daughter.[57] But he appears to have been an energetic man, and at times even generous and liberal. He died in the last month of the year 1260, or about the end of the year 1844 of our era, and was succeeded by his eldest son ʿAbd el Káder, the present ruler of Bagírmi, who had been on bad terms with his father during his lifetime, and in consequence had spent several years in Gúrin, at that time the capital of Ádamáwa.

This prince had a narrow escape from a great danger in the first month of his reign, when Mohammed Sáleh, the ruler of Wádáy, advanced with his army towards the west, so that ʿAbd el Káder thought it best to leave his capital, carrying with him all his people and riches, and to withdraw towards Mánkhfa, where he is said to have prepared for battle, taking up his position behind the river, and placing all the boats on his wings. But the sultan of Wádáy, seeing that he occupied a strong position, sent him word that he would do him no harm as long as he preserved the allegiance confirmed by the oath of his father; and he really does not seem to have done any damage to the people of Bagírmi, with the exception of depriving them of their dress, the common black shirt, of which the people of Wádáy are very jealous, as they themselves are not acquainted with the art of dyeing.

This danger having passed by, ʿAbd el Káder, who is described to me, by all those who have had opportunities of closer intercourse with him, as being a person of sound judgment, and who likes to do justice, though it may be true he is not very liberal, thought it best to keep on good terms also with his western neighbours the Kanúri; and his friendly relations with the present ruler of that country were facilitated by the circumstance that his mother was an aunt of the sheikh ʿOmár. The Bagírmi people at least assert that it is more on account of this relationship, than from fear, or a feeling of weakness, that their ruler has consented to a sort of tribute to be paid to Bórnu, which consists of a hundred slaves annually.

Having thus obtained peace with both his neighbours, ʿAbd el Káder has employed his reign in strengthening himself on that side which alone remained open to him, viz. the south side, towards the pagan countries; and he has successfully extended his dominion, remaining in the field personally for several months every year. He has thus subdued a great many pagan chiefs, on whom he levies a fixed tribute,—a thing said to have been unknown before his time. Of course this tribute consists almost entirely in slaves, which the pagan chiefs in general can only procure by waging war with their neighbours, and slaves are therefore almost the only riches of the sultan; but by this means he is able to procure what he is most in need of, namely horses and muskets, besides articles of luxury.

It is only with a strong feeling of suppressed indignation that the people of Bagírmi bear the sort of dependence in which they are placed with regard to their neighbours on either side; and there is no doubt that, if they are allowed to recruit their strength (although the tribute which they have to pay to Wádáy bears heavily upon them), they will make use of the first opportunity that offers to throw off the yoke.

No doubt the central position of Bagírmi, as regards political independence, is not very favourable; but the country has the great advantage of being bordered on the west side by a mighty river, which, while it forms a natural barrier against the western neighbour, may serve at the same time as a safe retreat in case of an attack from the powerful kingdom on the east side: and it has proved so repeatedly, for Bagírmi in many places extends westward beyond that river. This is the only advantage which the country at present derives from the great bounty which nature has bestowed upon it[58], viz. a river navigable during every season of the year, surrounding half the extent of the country, and sending through the middle of it a branch, the Báchikám, which is navigable during the greater part of the year, and might easily be made so all the year round. This branch, which approaches to within nine or ten miles of the capital, forms part of the southern provinces into an island. The great disadvantage of Bagírmi is, that there is no direct caravan-road to the northern coast, and that it is therefore dependent, for its supply of European and Arab manufactures, upon the limited importation by the circuitous road through Wádáy or Bórnu; consequently the price of the merchandise is greatly enhanced, while the road, in case of hostilities with these latter kingdoms, is entirely interrupted.

If we now take a general view of the country, we find that in its present state it is inclosed within very narrow limits, extending in its greatest length, from north to south, to about 240 miles, while its breadth at the widest part scarcely exceeds 150 miles. Such a petty kingdom would be quite incapable of holding out against its two powerful neighbours if it were not for the resources drawn continually from the pagan countries towards the south.

This was the reason why the kingdom of the Bulála, or Leo’s Gaoga, rose to such immense power as soon as it had taken possession of Kánem. The people of Bagírmi themselves in former times, evidently after the zenith of the Bórnu kingdom had passed away, and when the weak dominion of devout but indolent kings succeeded to the dashing career of energetic and enterprising princes, provided themselves with what they wanted in this respect in a rather unceremonious manner, by making constant predatory expeditions upon the caravan-road from Fezzán to Bórnu, and carrying away a great amount of property, even a large supply of silver,—this being said to have been the source from whence the treasure which ʿAbd el Kerím Sabún king of Wádáy found in Más-eñá was derived. In another direction they formerly extended their excursions into the Bátta and Marghí country.

The whole country, as far as it constitutes Bagírmi Proper, forms a flat level, with a very slight inclination towards the north, the general elevation of the country being about 950 feet above the level of the sea; only in the northernmost part of the country, north from a line drawn through Moító, there are detached hills or mountains, which constitute the water-parting between the Fittrí and the Tsád, the two basins having no connection whatever with each other. But while Bagírmi Proper appears to be a rather flat country, the outlying provinces to the south-east seem to be rather mountainous, the mountains, particularly the group called Gére, being so high that the cold is felt very severely, and hail or snow falls occasionally during the cold months. From the information of the natives, particularly when we take into consideration the description given of Belél Kolé, it would seem that in that direction there are some volcanic mountains. Towards the south also there must be considerable mountains which give rise to the three rivers the Bénuwé, the Shárí, and the river of Logón, and probably several more; but they must be at a great distance, and lie entirely beyond the range of my information. However, I am sure that there is no idea of perpetual snow, or even snow remaining for any length of time, in this part of the continent; and there seems to be no necessity whatever for supposing such a thing, as the fall of rain near the equator is fully sufficient to feed numbers of perennial sources, and to increase the volume of the rivers to such an extent as to annually overflow the country in so astonishing a manner. The time of the inundation of those three rivers seems to coincide exactly, while with regard to the currents, that of the river of Logón appears to be the most rapid.

The soil consists partly of lime (“añé”) and partly of sand (“síñaka”), and accordingly produces either Negro millet (Pennisetum, “chéngo”) or sorghum (“wá”), which two species of grain, with their different varieties, form the chief article of food not only of the people of Bagírmi, but almost all over Negroland. But besides this, a great deal of sesamum (“kárru”), is cultivated, which branch of cultivation imparts quite a different aspect to this country, as well as to many of the pagan countries, as numerous tribes seem to subsist chiefly upon this article. In many other districts of Bagírmi, beans (“móngo”) form one of the chief articles of food, but ground-nuts, or “búli,” seem to be cultivated only to a very small extent.

Wheat is not cultivated at all, with the exception of a small patch in the interior of the capital, for the private use of the sultan. Rice is not cultivated, but collected, in great quantities after the rains, in the forest, where it grows in the swamps and temporary ponds; indeed a good dish of rice, with plenty of butter and meat, forms one of the few culinary luxuries which I have observed in Bagírmi. Another article of food in very general use, is afforded by several varieties of grass or Poa, identical, I think, with the Poa Abyssinica, here called “chénna” by the black, and “kréb” by the red natives (I mean the Shúwa). The variety most common in Bagírmi is called “jójó,” and is not only eaten by the poor people, but even by the rich; indeed I myself am fully able to speak from experience concerning it, as, with the addition of a little rice, I subsisted on it almost entirely during my long stay in this country, and found it very palatable when prepared with plenty of butter, or even boiled in milk. Of course it is a light food, and, while it does not cause indigestion, it does not satisfy the appetite for a long time, or impart much superfluous strength. As regards vegetables, molukhíya (“goñérmo,” Corchorius olitorius) and derába or bámiya (“gobálto” and “géddegír”) are mostly in use, besides the “góngo,” the leaves of the monkey-bread tree (“kúka”), and occasionally that of the hájilíj (“jánga”), which form the common palaver-sauce of the poor. Water-melons (“gérlaka”?) also are grown to some extent, and that sort of Cucurbita called melopepo (“kúrchi”?), which I have mentioned on a former occasion. Inside the capital a great many onions (“bassal”) are cultivated, but not so much for the use of the natives as of the strangers who visit the place.

Of articles of industry, cotton (“nyére”) and indigo (“alíní”) are grown to a sufficient extent to supply the wants of the natives; but both articles are chiefly cultivated by the Bórnu people who have immigrated into this country.

The soil in general seems to be of a good quality; but, as I have said above, the country suffers greatly from drought, and ants and worms contribute in a large measure to frustrate the exertions of the husbandman. Of the trees most common in the country, and most useful to mankind, I have principally to mention the tamarind-tree, or “ʿardéb,” called “más” by the people of Bagírmi,—a tree as useful for its fruit, as it is beautiful on account of its foliage. The tamarind-fruit, in my opinion, constitutes the best and surest remedy for a variety of diseases, on account of its refreshing and cooling character. Next in order is the deléb-palm, here called “káwe,” which is very common in several parts of the country, although far more so in the outlying provinces towards the south; the dúm-palm (“kolóngo”), which, although not so frequent, is nevertheless found in considerable numbers in many parts of the country; the hájilíj, or Balanites Ægyptiaca (“jánga”), of which not only the fruit is eaten, but the leaves also are used as vegetables, like those of the monkey-bread tree—the latter does not seem to be very frequent; the kórna or Cornus (“kírna”), and the sycamore (“bíli”). Many trees very common in Háusa, such as the kadéña, or Bassia Parkii, and the dorówa (Parkia), are never seen here, at least not in those districts which I visited; but Croton tiglium (“habb el melúk”) is frequent, and I myself took a supply of this powerful purgative with me on my return from this country.

There are no mines. Even the iron is brought from the exterior provinces, especially a place called Gúrgara, distant from twenty to twenty-five miles from the river, where the sandstone seems to contain a great deal of iron ore. Natron is brought from the Bahr el Ghazál.

With regard to the special features of the country, and the topography of the towns and villages, they will be described in a separate chapter[59]; here I will only say that the entire population of the country seems scarcely to exceed a million and a half, and the whole military force, in the present reduced state of the kingdom, can hardly be more than 3000 horse, and 10,000 foot, including the Shúwa population, who surpass the black natives in breeding horses, while the cavalry of Wádáy may be most correctly estimated at from 5000 to 6000, and that of Dár-Fúr at more than 10,000. The weapon most in use among them is the spear (“nyíga”),—the bow (“ká-kesé”) and arrow (“kesé”) being rare, not only with the inhabitants of Bagírmi Proper, but even with those of the pagan states to the south. Scarcely a single person has a shield; and they therefore use only the Kanúri name for this arm, viz. “ngáwa.” Very few possess the more valuable coat of mail, or “súllug;” and I scarcely observed a single fire-arm during my stay. But, on the other hand, almost all the pagan inhabitants of these regions are armed with that sort of weapon found in so many other countries which we have touched on our journey, viz. the hand-bill, or, as the Kanúri call it, the “góliyó” (here called “njíga,” the difference between the name of this weapon and that of the spear consisting in one single letter). Very few of the Bagírmi people are wealthy enough to purchase swords (“káskara”), which they are not able to manufacture themselves; and few even wear that sort of dagger (“kiyá”) on the left arm, which, in imitation of the Tawárek, has been introduced into a great part of Negroland.

As for their physical features, I have already touched on this subject repeatedly. I will only say that they are a fine race of people, distinct from the Kanúri, but intimately related, as their language shows, to the tribe of the Kúka and several other tribes to the east. Their language they themselves call “tar Bágrimma.” Their adoption of Islám is very recent; and the greater part of them may, even at the present day, with more justice be called pagans than Mohammedans. They possess very little learning, only a few natives, who have performed the pilgrimage, being well versed in Arabic, such as Bú-Bakr Sadík; but not a single individual possesses any learning of a wider range. This exists only among the Felláta, or foreigners from Wádáy. The only industrial arts in which they have made a little progress are those of dyeing and weaving, both of which they have also introduced into the kingdom of Wádáy, although in their own country a great deal of the weaving and dyeing is carried on by Kanúri people. Black tobes are worn by the men to a much greater extent than in Bórnu, even the bólne or túrkedi, which generally forms the only dress of the females, as well as the upper garment or “debdaléna,” being dyed black. Tight shirts, or tarkíji, which in Wádáy constitute the common female dress, are very rarely worn.

The government of the country is an absolute monarchy, being not tempered, as it seems, by an aristocratical element, such as we have found in Bórnu, nor even by such an assembly as we have met with in the Háusa states. The duties of the chief offices of state are, it appears, by no means distinctly defined, and are therefore left to the discretion or abuse of each official, as we have seen that the fácha under the reign of ʿOthmán had assumed such a degree of power that he was capable of waging successful war for a long time against the king himself.

The title of the king is “bánga.” The office of the “fácha” corresponds exactly with that of the “keghámma” in Bórnu. Then follows the office of the “ngarmáne,” or the minister of the royal household; then that of the “ghelétma”—a name which has originated in a corruption of the title “ghaladíma.” Next comes the “gar-moyenmánge,” the governor of the open pasture-grounds and forests; after him the “mílma,” whose office is said to have been introduced from Bórnu, to whom succeed the “gar-ngóde,” the “gar-ngínge,” the “zérma,” and the “kadamánge,” the latter having originally the tutorship of the sons of the king. But besides these, the captains, or “bárma,” and the governors of the principal places, possess considerable power; and among the latter, especially the elífa Moító, or governor of Moító, while the officer of the water also, or elífa bá, exercises a great deal of authority. Of these courtiers, the following have the privilege of using a carpet to sit upon:—the fácha, the bárma, the ghelétma, the mílma, the gar-moyenmánge, the bang Busó, bang Dam, elífa Moító, and elífa bá. We have seen that the sultan, during his absence from the capital, had made one of the meanest of his courtiers, the kadamánge, his lieutenant-governor.

The mother of the sultan, or the “kuñ-bánga,” is greatly respected, but without possessing such paramount authority as we have seen to have been the case with the “mágira” in Bórnu, and as we shall find exercised by the móma in Wádáy. The claimant to the throne, who bears here the same title as in Bórnu, viz. chiróma, enjoys a certain degree of influence, the limits of which are not circumscribed, but depend upon his natural qualifications.

Although the sultan has here so different a title from that of the king of Bórnu, nevertheless the princesses bear the same title as those of Bórnu, viz. “méram,” a name which has even extended into the country of Wádáy.

As for the tribute which the king levies, and which is called “hadén-bánga,” the circumstances connected with my stay in the country did not allow me to arrive at a definite conclusion with regard to its amount; and I can only make a few general remarks upon it. The tribute levied upon the Mohammedan inhabitants of Bagírmi Proper consists principally in two different kinds, viz. in corn and cotton strips. The tribute in corn, which corresponds to the tsídirám maibe in Bórnu and the kúrdi-n-kassa in Háusa, is here called mótten-bánga, or, as it is generally pronounced, mótten-bánki, while the tribute in cotton strips bears the name “fárda-n-bánga.” But many places have to deliver also a tribute in butter, although the Shúwa, or, as they are here called, Shíwa, (the native Arabs) are the principal purveyors of this article to the court.

The Shíwa of Bagírmi belong principally to the following tribes:—Sálamát, Bení Hassan, Welád Músa (a very warlike tribe), Welád ʿAlí, the Deghághera,—who live scattered over the whole country, but occupy some villages almost exclusively for themselves. The principal tribute which these Arabs have to pay consists of cattle, and is called “jéngal;” it is very considerable. But whether these Arabs of Bagírmi, like those settled in Bórnu, have also to deliver to the king all the male horses, I am not quite sure; however, I think that is the case.

The most considerable tribute, however, which the sultan levies consists of slaves, which the tributary pagan provinces have to pay to him,—especially the chiefs of Miltú, Dam, Sómray, and all the others of whose territories and power we obtain some information from the itineraries I have collected.[60] This tribute of slaves constitutes the strength and riches of the king of Bagírmi, who is always endeavouring to extend his sway over the neighbouring pagan tribes.

The natives of Bagírmi are compelled to show to their sovereign a considerable degree of servile reverence; and when they approach him they are obliged not only to be bareheaded, but also to draw their shirt from the left shoulder, and to sprinkle dust on their heads. But they are not in general oppressed; and a far greater liberty of speech is allowed than in many European states.