Missionary Affairs—Audience of the King of Travancor.

POPE Clement XIV. by an apostolical letter had recommended, in a particular manner, the Christians of Malabar to the protection of the king of Travancor. This letter, dated July 2d. 1774, arrived at Verapole just at the time when the Pravaticarer of that place took possession of our rice-fields and gardens, under a pretence that the missionaries, as well as the bishop, ought to pay the usual imposts and taxes, which all other subjects were obliged to pay for their lands. We insisted, however, on our immunity, and represented to him, that Martandapulla, the commander in chief and prime minister of the former king Vira Martanda Pala, had declared us free from all public burdens whatever: but the Pravaticarer paid no regard to our remonstrances; endeavoured to enforce payment by violent means, and for that purpose caused our convent and church to be beset by fifty Mahometans, who suffered no person to go out or to enter. These people, who at all times are sworn enemies of the Christians, behaved in so indecent a manner, and made so much noise, that our bishop and apostolic vicar, Carolus à Sancto Conrado, was half dead with fear. I tried to compose his mind as much as possible; and as I knew that the deed by which immunity from all imposts was secured to us, as well as the pope’s letter, were to be found among our papers, I sent for the Pravaticarer, and, in the presence of more than thirty Christians, protested against his conduct, and summoned him to appear before the king. At the same time I wrote to Father Clemens à Jesu, requesting that he would repair to Verapole as soon as he could. When he arrived, we submitted the whole affair to mature discussion, and at length resolved to appeal immediately to the king.

We therefore purchased without delay two European paintings, a large mirror, fifteen pounds of red sandal wood, and twelve bottles of Persian rose water; articles which, according to the established etiquette, must be presented to the king by those who wish to obtain an audience. On the 20th of June 1780, we proceeded to Tiruvandaburam, and immediately made the prime minister acquainted with our intention. As M. Adrian Moens governor of Cochin, and M. John Torless governor of Angenga, had both written letters to the king in our favour, the minister embraced the earliest opportunity of gratifying our wishes; and the more so as we had taken the precaution to announce ourselves as delegates from the pope, and procurators of the missionary establishment.

As soon as we made our appearance before the gate of the castle, the guard presented his arms, and the minister sent a guide to conduct the persons who bore our palanquin to the door of the palm-garden in which the king resided. Here our coolies, or palanquin-bearers, were obliged to remain behind us, lest, being people of the lowest cast, they might contaminate the royal palace. At this door we were received by the king’s commander in chief, who conducted us through the palm-garden to a second door, where the king was waiting for us. He received us standing, and surrounded by a great number of princes and officers. Near him stood his son, with a drawn sabre in his hand; and, in a shady place were three chairs, one of which was destined for the king, and the other two for me and my colleague. When we had all three taken our seats, the attendants formed a circle around us. I then produced the pope’s letter, which I had hitherto carried in a pocket-book richly embroidered according to the eastern manner; raised it aloft; applied it to my forehead in order to shew my respect for the personage in whose name I presented it; and then delivered it to Sampradi Keshavapulla, the secretary of state. The latter handed it to the king, who also raised it up, and held it to his forehead as a token of respect for his holiness. At the moment when the pope’s letter was delivered there was a general discharge of the cannon of the castle. After the king had asked us some common questions respecting the naval war between the English and the French he enquired of me, in particular, how long I had been in Malabar; and how I had learned to speak the language of the country with so much fluency. “I have often observed,” added he, “that other Europeans are either unacquainted with it, or, for want of the proper pronunciation, express themselves so badly that they can scarcely be understood.” I immediately replied, that I had carefully studied the Brahman book Amarasinha. The king, on this answer, seemed highly pleased. “What!” said he, “do you read our books?”—This is the real and principal cause why the king, during the whole time of my residence in Malabar, behaved to me with so much kindness. He entertained the utmost reverence for the writings and religion of his people; and as he saw that they were studied by the Europeans, this paved the way for my obtaining from him afterwards many favours, which were of the greatest benefit to the Christian religion.

When the king had conversed for some time on various topics, he ordered his minister and secretary to give such an answer to our petition, and such relief to our grievances, which we had specified on an Ola, that we might return home perfectly satisfied and easy. For my part, I could not help admiring the goodness of heart, affability, and humanity of this prince, as well as the simplicity of his household establishment and way of life. At that time he and all the persons of his court, according to the Malabar mode, had nothing on their bodies but a small piece of cloth fastened round the loins; and the only mark of distinction by which his royal dignity could be discovered, was a red velvet cap with gold fringes. At our departure he accompanied us as far as the door. Next morning the prime minister, Cumàren Cembaga Ramapulla, sent for us to his apartments, and enquired very minutely respecting the behaviour of the Pravaticarer at Verapole. Being informed that this officer, with the assistance of the Mahometans, had prevented the Christians from frequenting our church, he was highly displeased; and immediately wrote to the Cariacarer at Parur to remove him from his office as an inconsiderate man, who was little acquainted with the king’s interest. A new instrument was expedited in our presence, by which immunity from all imposts whatever was secured to our convent in future. The king then sent to us by a Brahman, who acted the part of household steward, and who was accompanied by another officer, a service of dishes prepared after the Malabar manner, and which were paid for out of the royal treasury. These particular marks of favour are shewn only to such persons as give the king distinguished proofs of their respect.

The king had learned English for several months, and spoke it exceedingly well. As he observed that the English was as familiar to me as the Malabar, he sent to me in the evening his chamberlain, Payampalli Curipu, to request that I would explain to him, in the Malabar language, the parts of speech of the English grammar, because he was always at a loss respecting them. He had indeed an English master; but he was not able to give him a proper explanation, in the Malabar language, of the precise meaning of these technological terms. I immediately wrote them down on a piece of paper, and arranged them in two opposite columns, the one in English and the other in the Malabar language. The king found my explanation perfectly clear, and ever after called me always his Guru or preceptor. He was extremely desirous to retain me at his court; but the crafty Brahmans found means to dissuade him from his design. My companion and I therefore returned home; the Pravaticarer was displaced; and our convent, as well as the missionary establishment, was suffered to remain in peace and tranquillity. The Christians of Alapushe and Muttam were so rejoiced at the deposition of the Pravaticarer, that they came to meet us, as we returned, with drums and other musical instruments.

Some time before I sailed for Europe, being desirous to obtain an answer from the king to the letter which had been written to him by Clement XIV. I at length received one by means of Payampalli Curipu, before mentioned. It was addressed to the present pope Pius VI. and contained, besides other things, an assurance from the king that he would take under his protection the missionaries and Christians in general, who had been recommended to him by his holiness. M. Pietro de Vegas, who instructed the king in English, and who had the care of the correspondence with foreign courts, translated it into Portuguese. The king subscribed it with his own hand, and, according to the oriental custom, caused it to be inclosed in a bag, in which I transmitted it to M. Antonelli, the director of the Propaganda. The present pope returned an answer in an apostolic letter dated February 24th 1790, and at the same time sent him his portrait, which arrived safely on the coast of Malabar, and was delivered to his majesty in the month of March 1793, by my agent Franciscus à Sancto Elisæo, a barefooted Carmelite. This ecclesiastic, in a letter dated Verapole May 13th 1793, informed me that the king had received him in the politest manner, and had testified the utmost satisfaction on account of the letter, as well as the pope’s portrait; so that he expected the best consequences from them. The king, indeed, soon after, took such measures that all the grievances of the Malabar Christians were redressed in the kindest manner; and he presented Father Franciscus with a gold bracelet worth 100 rupees. There is reason, therefore, to hope that Christianity on the Malabar coast will acquire new strength, and be again raised to its former state of respectability.

“Some person in the neighbourhood, and particularly the governor, ought certainly to have communicated by letter an account of these irregularities, of so much importance to be known. When the Father transmits to you a list of those who keep concubines, you will immediately cause them to be arrested and imprisoned. If they are convicted of the crime, send them hither under a military guard, that they may be banished from the country, and transported beyond the boundaries of Tovàla. The effects of the Mappulians, who condescend to be kept as concubines, shall be seized and confiscated; and an account of their immoveable goods shall be delivered in to his majesty’s exchequer[100]. Such is the will of his majesty.

“The Father states farther, that when the Mappulians (Christians of St. Thomas) assemble to attend divine service, the Pravaticarer (receiver of the king’s revenue) seizes the boat in which they arrive, drags the people by force from the church doors, and compels them to serve his majesty. In the last place, the Father has complained to his majesty, that some magistrates at Ambalapushe borrowed money, a long time ago, from the church, and have paid neither principal nor interest; and also that a large copper kettle borrowed from them had received considerable damage, and that no compensation had been made for it.

“In consequence of these complaints, his majesty has ordered, and commands by the present letter, that all money borrowed from the church shall be repaid as speedily as possible, with the usual legal interest; and it is at the same time expressly forbidden to borrow any thing from it in future. Those who took possession of the boat shall be condemned to pay a fine, and to give the proprietors of the boat a proper compensation for the use of it. Those who employed the kettle shall make good the damage, and be over and above punished. The kettle shall be immediately returned, and never again taken from the church for any profane purpose.

“That all these commands of his majesty may be strictly attended to, and immediately put in execution, his majesty transmits to you, at Ambalapushe, the present letter, by a Velkaren (one of his guards of honour, armed with a pike and staff), who has orders not to suffer you to quit your house till every thing be punctually done as here desired. Should you, however, be indisposed, his majesty will not enforce his orders with severity; but requests that you immediately write to the Cariacarer (inferior magistrate), and charge him with the execution of these commands. The Velkaren will confine him in his own house under a proper guard till every thing is done to your satisfaction. His majesty also requests, that he may be informed by the Velkaren when this business is brought to the wished-for conclusion. This rescript shall be transmitted by the clerk and secretary of the criminal court to the Sarvadicariacarer at Alampushe, and be registered among the royal rescripts. This was written, in consequence of his majesty’s orders, by Cumaren Cembaga Ramàpulla Ramen.”—On the back of it were the following words; “Ambalapusha mughatta Sarvàdicàriacarerka varuna Sadhànam;” that is, Letter to be transmitted to the chief magistrate at Ambalapushe.

This letter of a Pagan minister may serve as a proof how much power the light of sound reason has among a people whom the Europeans call barbarous. It affords a specimen also of the policy and attention to the executive part of government which prevail at the court of this Malabar monarch. He has only to command, and his orders are immediately executed with the utmost punctuality. His ministers neither can nor dare have recourse to such subterfuges as those of the European courts. An oath from the king, a small twig suspended at the door in his name, or mere confinement at one’s own house, is a check upon the conduct of the minister, as well as upon that of the other subjects. When such mild measures, however, do not produce the intended effect, the offenders are subjected to a fine, or to corporal punishment; to imprisonment, banishment from the country, or perpetual slavery in chains.

As soon as I had received the two letters before-mentioned, I departed from Padmanaburam. The minister paid me 100 Kalis, to defray the expences of my journey; and gave orders that the coolies who carried my palanquin along the sea-coast, from one place to another, should be paid from the royal treasury. When I arrived at Parur, the Mahometans there protested against the king’s order, and would not carry me farther, under the pretence that, being a Tanguel, or Christian priest, I was an enemy to their religion. I was obliged, therefore, to stop five whole hours till the king’s Pravaticarer appeared, who caused the refractory coolies to be soundly beaten, and commanded them to again take up my palanquin.

At Callurcada the Christians came to meet me in procession with musical instruments; and as soon as they learned that I was bearer of the above-mentioned letter from the minister, and had brought the Valkaren with me merely on their account, they made the intelligence every where known; so that many of the dissolute females, who were to have been called to an account, immediately absconded. Some of them, however, were punished; but the order for confiscating their property was not carried into execution. In every other respect the injunctions contained in the minister’s letter were strictly obeyed. In the course of this journey one of those worthy priests, against whom complaints had been made to the king, attempted to destroy me at Tiruvancada, by putting poison in my drink. As soon as I observed it, I took three doses of a medicine known under the name of the Antidote of Madura, and in great tribulation and distress sought shelter in the Danish factory at Coleci. Here I was confined to bed; but, being well nursed and attended, I was able in a few days to continue my journey.

In the month of April 1784 the overseers of the temple of Shiva at Mattincera would not permit the missionaries to sow the rice-fields which they had on lease from them. As no other piece of land could be procured at that time, the missionaries complained to M. Van Angelbec, governor of Cochin. This gentleman, finding that the fields lay in the dominions of the king of Travancor, and that he could do nothing in the business, advised me to take a second journey to Padmanaburam, in order to procure another rescript from the king; and he at the same time furnished me with some letters of recommendation. On the 21st of April I reached Padmanaburam in safety. I carried along with me the Malabar, English, and Portuguese grammar, which I had composed at Ciattiyàti, and which the king had required from me, that the ministers of his court might learn English and Portuguese by the assistance of the Malabar language. Scarcely had the king heard of my arrival when he sent two young noblemen, Padmanàbhenpulla and Payampalli Curipu, to welcome me in his name, and to attend me to an audience. I found the king in the Varanda, that is, the portico of his palace, sitting on a Persian carpet, and leaning with one arm on a large velvet cushion ornamented with gold fringes. When I delivered to him the grammar, his joy seemed to be beyond all description. In my presence he sent for the two lords of his bed chamber, before mentioned; shewed them the grammar; advised them to study it diligently; and represented to them how necessary it was that princes as well as statesmen, on account of their continual intercourse with the Europeans, should make themselves acquainted with these languages. On this occasion the king presented me with a gold bracelet, a gold style for writing on palm-leaves, and a small knife for cutting these leaves to the proper size. I received from him also a letter to the civil officer at Parur, in consequence of which he was to announce publicly that the king had done me the honour to appoint me one of the gentlemen of his court. The intrinsic value of the above presents was indeed not very considerable, for it was equal only to about twelve sequins; but in other respects they were of the highest importance, as the king gives such articles to those only who have merited his favour. No person in Malabar dare use any of them without the king’s express permission. They are marks of honour, which he distributes in the same manner as our European princes do ribbons of different orders. Those also who receive them enjoy certain privileges and advantages; such, for example, as that they cannot be carried before any magistrate till the king is previously informed; that they can travel every where along the highways; that they are not obliged to wait in the minister’s antichamber, and that they are not required to give place to any person whatever; with other things of the like kind.

The king made no hesitation to cause a rescript to be prepared, in virtue of which we were authorised to sow our fields with rice. Having thus accomplished the object of my journey, I set out to return; and, proceeding along the sea-coast, arrived in five days at Verapole. Here I was obliged to supply the place of vicar-general; for our bishop, Carolus à Sancto Conrado, had gone to Bombay, where he fell ill, and died on the 6th of January 1785.

On the 8th of September 1786 I again had an audience of the king Rama Varmer at Parur, where I obtained another rescript, by which he granted to the congregation at Verapole a small piece of land, that had been gradually thrown up, and formed by the river before our convent.

In the year 1787 I remained at his court at Tiruvandaram during the whole month of April, and defended there the privileges of the missionaries against the rebellious Christians, who refused any longer obedience to the European bishop of that district.

In the year 1788 I paid a visit to the king of Travancor near Canigia, at the country seat of the before-mentioned governor of Cochin, M. Van Angelbec, a man of great talents and integrity. Though a Lutheran, he rendered us essential service upon many important occasions, and particularly during the disputes which the Pagan governors began with the missionaries and bishops. The prime minister Cumàren Cembaga Ràmapulla had died, and was succeeded by the king’s secretary Sampràdi Kèshavapulla. This ambitious young man assumed the name of the Indian Bacchus, Devanishi, and exacted from the subjects exorbitant taxes, in order to increase the public revenue, and ingratiate himself with the king. During the contest, in which we were involved with the rebellious Christians of St. Thomas, in the year 1787, he imposed on the missionary establishment at Verapole a tribute of 500 crowns. The king, however, had long before remitted this tax; but we had no written document to adduce as a proof. Devanishi, just at this time, took it into his head to send to Verapole six soldiers, under a petty officer, with orders to confine the apostolic vicar, Louis Maria à Jesu, to his apartment, and to guard him there till the 500 crowns were paid. The bishop having informed me, by a note, of his arrest, I immediately repaired to the king, who at that time was at Perimannùr, not far from Angicaimal. As Devanishi knew too well that I was in great favour with the king, he refused me the letter of introduction necessary to obtain an audience, lest his majesty should be made acquainted with his bad conduct. The bishop had been already two days in arrest, with two muskets placed across each other before the door of his chamber. In this state of distress I applied to M. Van Angelbec, and informed him of every thing that had happened. He sent for me to his house; and the king, as soon as I appeared, saluted me with great civility, and we immediately entered into conversation. All the magistrates and members of the council at Cochin, who were there assembled to pay their respects to the king, and to settle some business respecting the Dutch East India Company, were struck with astonishment. When I told him that our bishop was in confinement, he seemed quite surprised; turned instantly round to the minister, and asked who had given such orders. The minister endeavoured to exculpate himself; but M. Van Angelbec, interrupting him, said, that bishops ought not to be treated in that manner. The king then caused a letter to be written to the petty officer commanding the party by whom the bishop was guarded, which contained an order for him to withdraw his men; and the minister, who heard all this, seemed greatly ashamed.

It is probable that a great part of the Christians of St. Thomas in India came from Persia or Chaldea. I conclude so from the following circumstances: 1st, because the Arabs established in India are also foreigners; 2d, because the Jews there were originally from Persia; 3d, because the Christians of St. Thomas, as well as those of the same sect in Persia, follow the Syrio-Chaldaic ritual; 4th, because their bishops formerly were ordained in Persia; and, 5th, because the Christians of St. Thomas in India, like those of Persia, were in the earliest periods Nestorians; and because, on accurate examination, a great similarity is observed in the worship and religious practices of both. The rites, liturgy, ceremonies and books of these Christians, bear evident marks of a Chaldaic or Persian extraction. Though the Malabar dialect is at present the mother tongue of the Christians of St. Thomas in India, they, however, employ Chaldaic phrases when they speak of sacred and religious objects. Thus, for example, they call God Alaha; the Holy Ghost, Ruha; the grace of God, Taibusa; baptism, Mamodisa; the cross, Shliva; and mass, Curubana. Had they been originally Indians, why should they make use of such Chaldaic expressions, and not much rather of words peculiar to the Malabar or Samscred languages? It is, therefore, not improbable, that a considerable number of Christians went from Persia and Chaldea to India, and united themselves to the small body of the original Indian Christians, whose ancestors were formerly converted to the Christian faith by the apostle Thomas at Mailapuri, which they unanimously consider as the place that first gave birth to Christianity in India. This much is certain, that all these Christians, in the year 1502, at which period Vasco de Gama came a second time to Malabar, were Nestorians. Some of them denied the divinity of Christ, and could not endure images; but, on the other hand, they shewed a greater reverence for the holy cross. They had no other sacraments than Baptism, the Last Supper, and the Consecration of Priests. They believed that the souls of the just were not admitted into the presence of God before the final judgement, and that till that period they were to remain in Eden. They employed a kind of baptism quite different from ours; and their priests all practised simony, as they dispensed the sacrament merely for money. Many of the poor people were not baptised, because they were not able to pay the fees. The sacrifice of the Mass was established according to the manner of the Nestorians. The wine which they consecrated was palm-wine, called by the Indians Tàgaram or Aracca. The Host consisted of some wheaten flour mixed with salt and oil; and it was always let down from a hole above the altar, when the priest was to bless it. Mass was read every Sunday, but no person was obliged to attend it. On Sunday evening every one might eat flesh; on Wednesdays and Fridays they ate fish or herbs; and on Shrove-Sunday there was a general fast. Their holy water, the preparation of which was left to the sacristan, consisted of common river water, in which a few particles of earth, brought from the grave of St. Thomas at Mailapuri, were dissolved. Their festivals always began the preceding evening, and ended towards evening the day following. During that time the shops were shut, and all labour ceased. Their priests were accustomed to employ excommunication, known under the name of Maharon, and which is very severe against offenders[101].

In the year 1599, these Christians, by the exertions of Alexis Menesez, archbishop of Goa, were united to the Catholic church. As some customs of the oriental churches were, however, introduced among them in the council at Udiamper, and as they by degrees found the arbitrary conduct of the Portuguese insupportable, they raised a violent outcry against them; and in a tumultuary congress, held on the 22d of May 1653, at Alangatta, at length formally separated from the Catholic church[102]. A re-union was, however, effected by the barefooted Carmelites; and at present there are, on the coast of Malabar, as I have already observed, eighty-four Roman Catholic, and thirty-five Schismatic congregations, the latter of which adhere to the errors of the Jacobites. These congregations support each other, and form a kind of Christian republic. If any one of them is injured, they all make a common cause of it. The clergy and elders settle all quarrels and disputes which arise among the members of their different congregations; excommunicate the contumacious, but with the consent of the bishop or missionary, and exclude them from the society of the faithful. Confession and the holy sacrament are denied to such persons; no priest dare enter their habitations; they can be married neither publicly nor privately; and are not allowed to be present at the Ciata, or festival of commemoration, which is celebrated every year in their houses in remembrance of deceased relations. This sentence of excommunication is never recalled till those who lie under it have made sufficient atonement for their sins, which must always be done before the judgement-seat of the congregation. If the offender wishes to be again received into the bosom of the Church, he must crave mercy on his knees at the church-door, on a Sunday or Festival, when all the people are assembled to public worship. The Cassanaris or priests, the Cariacarer or overseers, and the Muppenmar or elders, then assemble and examine the conduct of the penitent, together with every concomitant circumstance, and likewise the state of his property and goods. If he is rich, he is with one voice required to pay a Pràcittam, that is, a public fine; so that he must present to the church a Ciodana of lamp-oil, a large umbrella covered with red cloth, a covering for the altar, or some other thing of the like kind which can be used in divine service. If he has no property, a large wooden cross is placed on his shoulders while he is kneeling at the church-door; a human skull is put into his hand, and in that manner he is made to creep round the church; or he is sent to Maleatur, where he must do penance at the foot of the holy cross, which is said to have been erected there by the apostle Thomas himself. Women must bear a death’s head, or a wax-candle. When the penance is over, the bishop, missionary, or priest gives the offender absolution in the presence of the whole congregation by means of a whip or rod, that the scandal which he brought on his Christian brethren may thereby be removed[103].

The Christians of St. Thomas still celebrate their Agapæ, or love-feasts, as was usual in former times. They give them the name of Nercia, public vows. On such occasions they collect and store up a great quantity of sugar-canes, rice, bananas, honey, and rice-flour, of which they bake a certain kind of small cakes called Appam. These Appam, or rice-cakes, are prepared publicly in an apartment adjoining to the church. On the day of the solemnity all the people assemble in the church-yard; and the priest, placing himself in the door, distributes to them his blessing. They then arrange themselves in rows, and each spreads before him a banana leaf, to supply the place of a trencher. When this is done, the priest commands silence; and the overseers of the church, walking through between the rows, give to each his portion of Appam and a few slices of banana. No Christian departs without having had a share. What is left is given to the Pagans, that they also may participate in this love-feast, and be incited to embrace the doctrines of the Christian religion. It is certainly an affecting scene, and capable of elevating the heart, to behold six or seven thousand persons of both sexes and all ages assembled, and receiving together, with the utmost reverence and devotion, their Appam, the pledge of mutual union and love[104].

Christian young women, who have no property, always receive a dowery, either from the congregation or the treasury of the church, or the fines imposed on the rich. In general, it amounts to a thousand Panam, or twenty-five scudi; but according to their circumstances they receive sometimes no more than ten or twelve scudi, because they are never destitute of work. Such of the clergy as do their duty, must always keep a list of the female orphans who belong to their parish; and they and the overseers of the church are bound to provide them with husbands. This is never done by lot, but according to their age; and in choosing the husbands no regard is paid to property, but whether they lead regular lives, and are in a condition to maintain a wife by their industry. Vanity, sensuality, and indolence are too often characteristic properties of the European women; but those of Malabar distinguish themselves by simplicity of manners, diligence, and contentment[105]. I should never have done were I here to delineate a picture of the harmless inoffensive manners of the Christians and Pagans who live retired among the distant mountains and forests, where they seldom have an opportunity of becoming acquainted with the vices and shameful practices of the Europeans. With these, however, the inhabitants of the maritime towns are unfortunately too much infected. Many centuries ago Plato expressed a wish, that people of virtuous morals might never settle on the sea-coast, because it was always to be apprehended that their good morals would be corrupted by the vices of the strangers who arrived there. In this he was right; for we are taught by experience that the inhabitants of a country are no where so worthless and debauched as in places lying near the sea. In Malabar it is much easier to keep in order fifty congregations in the interior part of the country, than two on the sea-coast, where the inhabitants have intercourse with the Europeans. Disturbances prevail there without end, and break out anew at least every three years. They are to be ascribed chiefly to their Cassanaris or priests; for these men, who are both ignorant and proud, incite the people and encourage them to rebel against the bishop and missionaries. Had these native priests sufficient learning; were they in any degree acquainted with their duty; and did they know how to procure from the Pagans the least respect, they might certainly be fit to be entrusted with the care of Christian congregations: but unfortunately they are strangers to these qualities, live like the irrational animals, and by these means are the cause that their parishes are converted into dens of thieves. The following instance will serve as a specimen of the way of thinking of these people. The Christians of St. Thomas are accustomed to abstain from their wives during Lent. A certain female Christian having asked her Cassanar why this custom had been introduced, the priest replied, “That it was established by the Church, in order that the wives of the Christians, during the above period, might sleep with the Cassanaris!”

These Cassanaris were the cause also of the schism which took place in 1653. In the year 1709 they had an intention of uniting themselves with the schismatic bishop. In 1773 they declared themselves under the jurisdiction of the bishops of the Latin or western church; but in 1777 they sent a request to Rome, that they might be allowed to have bishops of their own nation. In the year 1787 they made themselves independent of the apostolic vicar; but as I went to the court of the king of Travancor, as well as to Cochin, in favour of the bishops and missionaries, the rebels were punished, and again brought under subjection[106].

Pope Clement XIV. transmitted to me by the often before-mentioned bishop and apostolic vicar, Carolus à Sancto Conrado, full power to confirm newly-converted Christians, and caused it to be sanctioned by his successor M. Louis Maria. In consequence of this authority I confirmed, on the coast of Malabar, in the course of two years, viz. 1780 and 1781, above 20,000 persons. During that period I visited Angamali, Maleatur, Codomangalam, Molicolam, Puttenpalli, Mageapre, and other Christian congregations lying at a great distance in the forests; and I can say that I was resorted to by great numbers. The desire of obtaining confirmation went so far that sick people were brought to the church on beds, in order that I might administer to them the sacrament.

From what has been said, the reader may easily conceive what are the peculiar functions of a missionary in Malayala. He is obliged to instruct children; to preach, to confess, to visit churches, and to punish and absolve, in foro externo, Christians who have transgressed. He must also take care that the priests under his inspection read their Breviary in public; that they diligently visit their parishioners, and administer the sacraments properly: that the overseers lay out the church money with economy; that they embezzle none of it; and that they give a just account of it at the stated time: that the Christians regularly attend divine worship; follow no superstitious practices; and frequent neither the festivals nor public processions of the Pagans: that their wives and daughters do not lead unchaste lives; with various other things of the like kind. These missionaries have jurisdiction at the same time over the Christian congregations, to settle the disputes which arise among the members, and to punish all civil crimes committed by the Christians. Every thing that relates to marriage, family quarrels, offences of the clergy, irreligious conduct, and even the oppression which the Christians suffer from the Pagans, must be brought before the tribunal of the bishop and the missionaries. Their cognizance extends to every thing except murder and robbery. For this reason the king of Cochin grants them the privilege of causing a large umbrella of palm-leaves, and even sometimes a sword, to be borne before them, in order that both Christians and Pagans may know that they are entrusted with the power of administering justice among the former. When the missionaries are on good terms with their congregations, the Pagan magistrates, so far from interfering with, stand in awe of them.

The method and means employed to convert the Indians to the Catholic religion, are as follows: The missionaries go round among the congregations who adhere to the Latin and Syriac ritual; get acquainted with persons in whom they can place confidence, and desire them to give them immediate information when they hear of any Pagan who is inclined to become a Christian. When they find out any of this description, they give notice privately to the missionary, who then sends him a short introduction to the Christian religion, and perhaps a catechism, in order that he may read in it, make him self acquainted with its contents, and perhaps get some passages of it by heart. After this preparation he is conducted by the catechumen, with great privacy, to the missionary, who converses with him respecting his conduct, and endeavours to bring him over completely to the right faith. In Malabar there are some excellent manuscripts in verse, which on such occasions are of great service. Among these are Nishithaparvam, a poem by Giaco Mappulla, written, against the religion of the Pagans, and to ridicule their deities. There is also the Life of Christ by Ernest Hanxleden; and I myself wrote a poem under the title of Dèvasya shashta cinha gànam, that is, A Hymn on the six attributes of God; and converted into verse the Life of St. Theresa. Such works are highly gratifying to the Pagans, who are as fond of poetry as they are of moral subjects; and produce far more effect than the strongest persuasion and the most laboured arguments of the missionaries[107]. If the new converts are fully convinced of the truth of the doctrines which they have embraced, they return from time to time and bring with them their parents, sisters, and other relations. The missionary then baptises them in the church during the night, and only in the presence of some trusty persons, in order that it may be concealed, and to avoid giving any occasion to the Pagan magistrates to make complaints against the missionary. If he be afraid that the circumstance will not be concealed, he sends his catechumen to Verapole, or some other congregation under the Dutch government, where he will be exposed to no danger. There he is fully instructed by the clergyman, or some other Christian, and then baptised. It happens not unfrequently, that some of the Pagans go to Verapole of their own accord, and cause that ceremony to be performed. Their view on these occasions generally is to marry some Christian; to shun the persecution of some despotic ruler; to avoid a law-suit; or to live in a happier manner under the Dutch government. Such motives are, indeed, not pure and disinterested; but it often happens that they are sanctified by the blessing of God. Even if these people are not sincere in their conversion, their posterity at least abandon the Pagan vices, and strive to be real followers of Jesus Christ. In short, it is customary to place such new converts in some numerous Christian family, and to have a watchful eye over their conduct. Seldom do any of them return to Paganism; for, according to the laws of the Brahmans, they must be subjected to the severest punishment and purification before they can be again admitted among their former brethren. A Giàdi bhrshten, that is an apostate, who has been unfaithful to his cast, is detested by them; and it cannot be denied that this circumstance greatly contributes to the spreading of Christianity. At Verapole, however, it is not customary to baptise converts until they have gone through the severest probation[108].

In the two first years of my missionary charge, that is in 1777 and 1778, I had the good fortune to convert to the Catholic religion forty-six persons, among whom there were even some protestants[109]. These were afterwards followed by more than 300. I shall say nothing of what was done by other missionaries, who exert themselves in the business of conversion also; but I must not omit to mention, that a house has been built at Verapole for the particular use of the catechumens. It consists of two divisions; one destined for persons of the male sex, and the other exclusively for females. The former, in my time, were under the direction of Toma Mapulla, who had been once a Brahman; and the latter were committed to the care of Vittanda Umà, a matron of threescore. From this house 300 converts were sent out one year, and distributed among different Roman Catholic congregations, all consisting of such newly-converted Christians who by the Pagans are called Marggacarer, that is, people who have a law. I have already said, that the number of these Christians amounts to 100,000, without reckoning those who reside only in the neighbourhood of Cochin. The latter are called Mundocàrer, or people in white clothing, to distinguish them from the Tupasi[110], who wear indeed hats and drawers, but neither shoes nor stockings. Both these are under the protection of the Dutch East India Company, and belong to the government of Cochin. That they may be kept in proper order and subjection, two captains are appointed, one of whom is placed over the Mundocarer, and the other over the Tupasi. These captains have the right of commanding them; but are accountable for their conduct to the governor of Cochin. Among these people there are some very rich families; for, at present, they are generally in better circumstances than the Christians of St. Thomas. The cause is, that the latter employ themselves only in agriculture, and receive very little support from the government; whereas the former are merchants, and carry on a considerable trade with copra, oil, pepper, mats, and other productions of the country. The newly-converted Christians on the coast of Malabar are the chief support of the Dutch East India Company at Cochin; for, as they are protected by the government of that place, they consider it their duty to assist it by every possible means, and are always ready to take up arms in its defence. These Christians are all natives of the country, and therefore have many adherents. They not only possess palm-gardens, which are hereditary property, but procure a great deal also by their own industry. If they should ever undertake to effect a revolution in favour of the king of Cochin, or the king of Travancor, they would soon bring matters to such a state as to oblige the Dutch to leave Cochin. But I will here repeat, that the native Indians are the strongest support of the Europeans. The Pagans and Mahometans are naturally enemies to the Whites, as they call the Europeans; because they have no similarity to them, either in their external appearance, or in regard to their manners, their religion, or their interest. If the English and Dutch, therefore, do not endeavour to secure the friendship of the Christians in India, on whom can they depend? How can they hope to preserve their possessions in that remote country[111]?

The king of Cochin sends every year to the bishop of Verapole a letter, in which he expressly forbids him to receive any of his subjects into the catechumen house at that place, or to baptise them. The king of Travancor threatens with imprisonment and death every nobleman who shall quit his court to become a Christian, and who shall afterwards fall into his hands; and indeed Nilampulla, an officer of a noble family, was shot at Arampalli because he refused to renounce the religion of Jesus Christ[112]. In the year 1787 I saw four Nayris, or noble Shudris, thrown into prison at Tiruvandaburam, because they would not apostatise from the Catholic Church. Sampradi Keshavapulla, at that time, entered with me into a long conversation on Fatalism, in which he endeavoured to prove, that embracing Christianity was of no use, as the destiny of the spiritual part of man has been determined from all eternity. He did every thing in his power to make the above four Shudris abjure Christianity; even paid them a visit himself, and, to gain his point, employed every possible art of persuasion. As these were not attended with success, his substitute proceeded to coercive means, and not only tortured the prisoners with hunger and thirst, but even caused them to be scourged twice a-day. These heroic souls, however, were not to be shaken, and acknowledged openly in prison the word of God; so that Sampradi Keshavapulla was at length afraid they might make proselytes. The king was unwilling to punish them with death, because he had been informed, several years before, by a Catholic master of languages, who taught him English, that he never would thrive if he executed any person for having embraced Christianity. The king was much struck with this observation; and he had made a principle of it which he ever after followed. As he wished still to adhere to it, the four captive Shudris, after every thing had been tried to make them alter their opinion, were at last transported beyond the boundaries of Tovala.

In the year 1786 the civil magistrate at Parur sent a party of six soldiers to bring me before him, in order that he might be informed why I had baptised a Pagan family, consisting of eleven persons. I, however, got rid of the soldiers, by making oath, and immediately writing to the king, that these persons had come to me of their own free will, and offered to embrace the Christian religion, and that consequently it was impossible for me to reject them. The king had already honoured me with the Viraciangala, by which the magistrate perceived that the business might involve him in more trouble than he expected; and for that reason he let it drop. These newly-converted Christians had by this time been sent away from Verapole, and therefore they were beyond his reach. From this it appears that too much precaution cannot be employed when attempts are made to convert the Indians to the Christian religion: and incidents of this kind give an able missionary a sufficient opportunity of displaying his talents.