323. Flod. A. 943. “Hugo Arnulfum cum rege pacificavit, cui rex infensus erat ob necem Willelmi.” Richer, ii. 40.
324. Dudo, 114 et seqq.; Benoît, 12809 et seqq.; Roman de Rou, 2799 et seqq.
325. Dudo, 114 C. “Rotomagum properavit cum suis comitibus super his quæ nefario Arnulfi comitis astu acciderant consulturus. Rotomagenses vero adventu regis Ludovici hilares susceperunt eum volenter, putantes ut equitaret super Flandrenses,” &c.
326. Ib. 115 C. “Richardo prædignæ innocentiæ puero largitus est terram hæreditario avi patrisque jure possidendam.” Is not this a repetition of the real grant and homage mentioned above, which did not take place at Rouen?
327. “Poplites coquere.” Dudo, 117 B. “Poplites adurere.” Will. Gem. iv. 3. See M. Francisque Michel’s note on Benoît, 13706.
328. That is, he was carried out in a truss of hay. One can hardly avoid the suspicion that this is the story of Lewis’s own deliverance (see above, p. 184), perhaps itself legendary, turning up in another shape.
329. Flod. A. 944. He seems to distinguish “Nortmanni cum quibus pactum inierant” from “Nortmanni qui nuper a transmarinis venerant regionibus.” Cf. Richer, ii. 41.
330. Flod. A. 944. “Hugo dux Francorum pactum firmat cum Nortmannis, datis utrimque et acceptis obsidibus.”
331. Dudo, 120 B, D.
332. Flod. A. 944. “Baiocas ... civitatem ... quam rex ei dederat, si eum ad subjiciendam sibi hanc Nortmannorum gentem adjuvaret.”
333. Ib. A. 944. “Rex Rodomum perveniens a Nortmannis in urbe suscipitur, quibusdam mare petentibus qui eum nolebant recipere, cæteris omnibus sibi subjugatis.” Richer, ii. 42. “Rex Rhodomum veniens, ab iis qui fidei servatores fuere exceptus est. Desertores vero mare petentes, amoliti sunt, municipia vero copiis munita reliquere.”
334. Flod. A. 944. “Unde et discordiæ fomes inter regem concitatur et ducem.” From Flodoard it would seem that Hugh had fought with some Normans, and from Richer that he received the homage of others, earlier in the year. Hugh’s policy was always double, and Normandy was now very much divided against itself.
335. Flod. A. 945. “Rex Ludowicus collecto secum Nortmannorum exercitu, Veromandensen pagum depredatus.” So Richer, ii. 44.
336. Richer, ii. 47. “Rhodomum rediit, nil veritus cum paucis illic immorari, cum idem consueverit.”
337. Dudo, 122 C.
338. The chronology of Gorm’s reign is of course mythical; some give him quite a short reign; others make two or three Gorms. In short, we have hardly any standing-ground in Danish history before the time of Swegen.
339. See above, p. 191, for the rebellion of his son Swegen, which the later Norman writers misplace. Of Swegen I shall have much to say in my next Chapter.
340. I may for once quote an “Apostropha” of Dudo, 125 D;
342. “Cæsaris burgus” is the approved etymology of our author’s, but I suspect that the place is akin to our Scarborough in name as well as in natural position.
343. Flod. A. 945. “Haigroldus Nortmannus qui Baiocis præerat.” So Richer, ii. 47.
344. Flod. u. s.; Richer, u. s. This last writer brings in Hugh the Great as an accomplice; “Dolus apud ducem a transfugis paratus, qui ante latuerat, orta opportunitate ex raritate militum, in apertum erupit. Nam dum tempestivus adveniret, ab Hagroldo qui Baiocensibus præerat, per legationem suasoriam accersitus, Bajocas cum paucis ad accersientem, utpote ad fidelem quem in nullo suspectum habuerat, securis accessit. Barbarus vero militum inopiam intuitus cum multitudine armatorum Regi incautus aggreditur.”
345. Dudo, 123 C, D.
346. See vol. iii. ch. xii. § 2.
347. Flod. A. 945. “Rex solus fugam iniit, prosequente se Nortmanno quodam sibi fideli. Cum quo Rodomum veniens, comprehensus est ab aliis Nortmannis quos sibi fideles esse putabat, et sub custodia detentus.”
348. Dudo, 125 D. “Jura legesque et statuta Rollonis ducis tenere per omnia cogebat.”
349. In Cnut’s time (Chron. A. 1018) the Witan at Oxford renewed “Eadgar’s law;” so Harold, in answer to the demands of the Northumbrians in revolt against Tostig (Chron. A. 1065), “renewed Cnut’s law.” So on the conquest of Cyprus by Richard the First in 1191 the laws of the Emperor Manuel were restored—on the payment by the islanders of half their possessions. Ben. Petrib. ii. 168.
350. I confess that, once or twice, in writing this paragraph, a doubt has crossed my mind whether “Haigrold who commanded at Bayeux” (see p. 217) was not, after all, some much smaller person than Harold King of the Danes. The Northern writers, as far as I know, do not mention the expedition, the motive of which is not very obvious. But very little can be made out of the Northern stories in any case; the French writers always slur over everything Norman; and the fiction would seem almost too bold even for Norman invention. The details of course cannot be accepted in any case.
351. Flod. A. 945; Richer, ii. 48; Widukind, ii. 39. “Hluthowicus rex a ducibus suis [Hugh?] circumventus, et a Northmannis captus, consilio Hugonis Lugdunum [confusedly for Laudunum, which is itself an error] missus custodiæ publicæ traditur. Filium autem ejus natu majorem Karlomannum Northmanni secum duxerunt Rothun; ibi et mortuus est.” On the hostages, see Flodoard and Richer.]
352. Richer, ii. 49, 50. “Ob minas Anglorum nil se facturum; ipsos, si veniant, quid in armis Galli valeant promptissime experturos; quod si formidine tacti non veniant, pro arrogantiæ tamen illatione, Gallorum vires quandoque cognituros et insuper pœnam luituros. Iratus itaque legatos expulit.” Flodoard, contrary to the remark made in p. 203, is less excited against insular intervention.
353. Widukind, ii. 39. “Audiens autem rex super fortuna amici satis doluit, imperavitque expeditionem in Gallia contra Hugonem in annum secundum.”
354. Flod. A. 945. “Qui rex nolens loqui cum eo mittit ad eum Conradum ducem Lothariensium. Cum quo locutus Hugo, infensus Othoni regi revertitur.”
355. Flod. A. 946; Richer, ii. 51. Richer clearly connects the liberation of Lewis with the negotiations with Otto. Widukind (iii. 2) is still more explicit; “Certus autem factus de adventu regis Huga, timore quoque perterritus, dimisit Hluthowicum.”
356. Flod. A. 946. “Qui dux Hugo renovans regi Ludowico regium honorem vel nomen, ei sese cum cæteris regni committit primoribus.” Richer cuts the matter shorter (ii. 51); “Unde et dimissus, data Lauduno, Compendii sese recepit.”
357. Dudo, 126 C. See Appendix W.
358. Dudo, 128 D et seqq. See Appendix W.
359. Dudo, 138 A. “Burgundionibus imperat, Aquitanos arguit, et increpat Britones, et Northmannos regnat et gubernat, Flandrenses minatur, et devastat Dacos et Lotharienses, quinetiam Saxones sibi connectit et conciliat. Angli quoque ei obedienter subduntur, Scoti et Hibernenses ejus patrocinio reguntur.” Cf. p. 185.
360. See Appendix W.
361. Flod. 948. “Hugo, nullam moram faciens, collecta suorum multa Nortmannorumque manu.” 949. “Hugo comes collecta suorum multa Nortmannorumque manu.” “Hugo igitur non modico tam suorum quam Nortmannorum collecto exercitu.”
362. Widukind (ii. 2) has a good deal to tell us about the threats exchanged between Hugh and Otto, and about the straw hats worn by Otto’s soldiers, but he cuts the details of the campaign very short. See Palgrave, ii. 544.
363. Dudo, 129 D.
364. This Lotharingian dispute is not mentioned by Richer, but it appears in Flodoard, A. 944. Lewis and Hugh both sent embassies to Otto, and that of Hugh met with the more favourable reception. Things changed greatly in the course of a year.
365. Dudo, 129 B, makes Henry still King, and presently—finding out his mistake, but not correcting it—he goes on to talk of Otto. This year, 946, Otto lost his beloved English wife Eadgyth. Flod. A. 946; Widukind, ii. 41, iii. 1.
366. See Appendix T.
367. Wid. iii. 3. “Lugdunum [Laudunum] adiit, eamque armis temptavit.” Flodoard (946) says, “Considerata castri firmitate devertunt ab eo.” So Richer, ii. 54.
368. Flod. A. 946; Wid. iii. 3; Richer, ii. 54–6. Widukind places the taking of Rheims before the invasion of France.
369. The accounts here vary a good deal. Widukind says, “Inde Parisius [this name is used, I know not why, by many mediæval writers as an inclinable noun] perrexit, Hugonemque ibi obsedit, memoriam quoque Dionysii martyris [Hugh was lay Abbot of his monastery] digne honorans veneratus est.” Flodoard says, “Reges cum exercitibus suis terram Hugonis aggrediuntur, et urbem Silvanectensem obsidentes, ut viderunt munitissimam, nec eam valentes expugnare, cæsis quibusdam suorum, dimiserunt. Sicque trans Sequanam contendentes, loca quæque præter civitates gravibus atterunt deprædationibus, terramque Nortmannorum peragrantes, loca plura devastant; indeque venientes regrediuntur in sua.” Could Widukind have confounded Paris and Senlis? Richer, who has some curious details (ii. 57), mentions the siege of Senlis (56) but says nothing of Paris, and he quarters Hugh at Orleans (58). Dudo (130 B) makes the Kings meet at Paris, so far confirming Widukind. Dudo doubtless did not care about the fate of Laon or Rheims.
370. Neither Flodoard nor Richer mentions Rouen. All that Richer (ii. 58) has to say of the Norman campaign is, “Post hæc feruntur in terram piratarum ac solo terras devastant. Sicque regis injuriam atrociter ulti, iter ad sua retorquent.” But Widukind (iii. 4) has, “Exinde, collecta ex omni exercitu electorum militum manu, Rothun Danorum urbem adiit, sed difficultate locorum, asperiorique hieme ingruente, plaga eos quidem magna percussit; incolumi exercitu, infecto negotio, post tres menses Saxoniam regressus est, urbibus Remense atque Lugduno [a clear error] cum cæteris armis captis Hluthowico regi concessis.”
371. Dudo, 131–5; Roman de Rou, 3914–4291; Palgrave, ii. 556–586. See also Historical Essays, First Series, pp. 240–243.
372. Against Flanders (Flod. A. 947; Richer, ii. 60); against Rheims (Flod. u. s.; Richer, ii. 62); against Soissons (Flod. 848; Richer, ii. 85).
373. Lewis in 947 (Flod. in anno; Richer, ii. 61); Gerberga in 949 (Flod. in anno; Richer, ii. 86). This was a great meeting of German and Lotharingian princes, and of ambassadors from Italy, England, and Constantinople.
374. Flod. 947; Richer, ii. 63–5. It would seem that some bishops were there in their princely character, to whom Duke Hugh referred the question about the archbishopric of Rheims, which the bishops referred to a more regular synod to be held at Verdun. Widukind says (iii. 5), “Huga autem expertus potentiam regis virtutemque Saxonum, non passus est ultra terminos suos hostiliter intrare, sed pergenti in eamdem expeditionem anno sequenti [the French writers do not imply this] occurrit juxta fluvium qui dicitur Char, manus dedit, juxtaque imperium regis pactum iniit, utilisque proinde permansit.” This is greatly exaggerated.
375. Flod. 947; Richer, ii. 66.
376. Flod. 948; Richer, ii. 67, 8.
377. Flod. 948; Richer, ii. 69–81.
378. I quote some passages from Flodoard illustrating the position of the Kings. “Ingressis gloriosis regibus Othone et Ludowico et simul residentibus ... exsurgens Ludowicus rex e latere et concessu domini regis Othonis.” Lewis offers “inde se juxta synodale judicium et regis Othonis præceptionem purgaret, vel certamine singulari defenderet.” “Interea rex Ludowicus deprecatur regem Othonem ut subsidium sibi ferat contra Hugonem, et ceteros inimicos suos. Qui petitioni concedens,” &c.
379. Flod. 948. The Synod adjourned from Engelheim to Laon and from Laon to Trier, where the anathema against Hugh was pronounced. Flodoard was himself present, being chaplain to Archbishop Artald. Richer, (ii. 82) confounds the two adjournments, and makes the anathema be pronounced at Laon.
382. Flod. A. 949; Richer, at great length, ii. 87–91.
383. Flod. A. 949; Richer, ii. 95.
384. Flod. A. 950. “Hugo ad regem venit et suus efficitur.” Richer, ii. 97. “Dux ... regi humiliter reconciliari deposcit, eique satisfacturum sese pollicetur.... Hugo itaque dux per manus et sacramentum regi efficitur.”
385. Flod. A. 953.
386. Richer’s narrative (ii. 98) differs from that of Flodoard in introducing Hugh as gathering the army for the Aquitanian expedition, of which the King afterwards takes the command. But Richer’s French translator seems to misconceive his meaning when he renders “in Aquitaniam exercitum regi parat” by “le duc leva une armée en Aquitaine.”
387. Flod. A. 951; Richer, u. s., who says that Charles “ex regio quidem genere natus erat, sed concubinali stemmate usque ad tritavum sordebat.” Neither of them gives him the royal title which he certainly bore. Is “Charles-Constantine” perhaps the earliest case of a double Christian name, or is “Constantinus” a mere surname, derived from one of the cities called Constantia?
388. Flod. A. 954; Richer, ii. 103.
389. Flod. A. 965; Richer, iii. 21.
390. Flod. A. 954. “Lotharius puer, filius Ludowici, apud Sanctum Remigium rex consecratur ab Artoldo archiepiscopo, favente Hugone principe et Brunone archiepiscopo, cæterisque præsulibus ac proceribus Franciæ, Burgundiæ, atque Aquitaniæ.” Richer (iii. 1, 2) is fuller, but to the same effect.
391. He married Gerloc or Adela, daughter of Rolf and Popo. Dudo (97 B, C) has a curious story about his courtship.
392. See Flod. A. 942, 951; Richer, ii. 28, 98.
393. Flod. A. 954. “Burgundia quoque et Aquitania Hugoni dantur ab ipso [Lothario].”
394. Flod. A. 955; Richer, iii. 3–5, who puts as good a face as he can on Hugh’s discomfiture, and makes more of a subsequent victory over William, and of a second more successful siege, of which Flodoard says nothing.
395. Flod. A. 956. “Hugo princeps obiit.” Richer, iii. 5.
396. Dudo, 136 D.
397. Flod. A. 960. “Richardus, filius Willelmi Nortmannorum principis, filiam Hugonis trans Sequanam [or ‘Transsequani’] quondam principis duxit uxorem.” Dudo (136, 7) and Sir Francis Palgrave (ii. 690–4) have much to say about this marriage.
398. See Appendix W.
399. Flod. A. 960. “Otto et Hugo filii Hugonis, mediante avunculo ipsorum Brunone, ad regem veniunt ac sui efficiuntur. Quorum Hugonem rex ducem constituit, addito illi pago Pictavensi ad terram quam pater ipsius tenuerat; concessa Ottoni Burgundia.” So Richer, iii. 13.
400. Flod. A. 965. “Otto filius Hugonis, qui Burgundiæ præerat, obiit, et rectores ejusdem terræ ad Hugonem et Oddonem clericum, fratres ipsius, sese convertunt.” According to L’Art de Vérifier les Dates (ii. 495, ed. 1784), “Oddo clericus” is the same as Henry the Great, founder of the first line of Capetian Dukes of Burgundy.
401. See Appendix W.
402. In 958 Arnulf either associated his son Baldwin with him in his government, or else resigned in his favour. On his death in 962 he again took possession. See L’Art de Vérifier les Dates, iii. 3.
403. See L’Art de Vérifier les Dates, ii. 611.
404. Flod. A. 962. “Seniorem suum [Tetbaldi] Hugonem.”
405. Ib. 945. “Committens [Hugo] eum [Ludowicum] Tetbaldo cuidam suorum.” He had just before called him “Tetbaldus Turonensis.”
406. Dudo, 137 D et seqq.
407. Flod. A. 962. “Tetbaldus quidam.” 964. “Tetbaldum quemdam procerem.”
408. Dudo, 142 C.
409. Ib. 139 C et seqq.
410. Flod. A. 961. “Placitum regale diversorumque conventus principum Suessionis habetur, ad quod impediendum, si fieri posset, Richardus filius Willelmi Nortmanni accedens, a fidelibus regis quibusdam pervasus, et, interemptis suorum nonnullis, in fugam versus est.”
411. Ib. 962. “Tetbaldus quidam cum Nortmannis confligens victus est ab eis, et fuga dilapsus evasit. Qui seniorem suum Hugonem proinde infensum habens ad regem venit, a quo, sed et a regina Gerberga benigne susceptus, et miti consolatione refocillatus abscessit.” Richer only mentions Theobald in connexion with his spoliation of the Church of Rheims and his consequent excommunication, iii. 20. So Flod. A. 964.
412. Dudo, 140 C et seqq.
413. The “Norman Kingdom” was, according to Dudo (147 C, D; 151 C), confirmed by the King and his princes (“Optimates totius Franciæ”—a new use of words seems creeping in) to Richard and his heirs for ever; the question of homage is avoided.
414. Twenty-four years later, in 986, Dudo, then canon of Saint Quintin, was of an age to take a prominent share in public business. Dudo, 155 D.
415. See the detailed narrative in Richer, iii. 67–81.
416. Did the very name of the country, “regnum Lotharii,” suggest to the present Lothar the thought of recovering it? Such a motive would not be out of character with a prince whose indignation was stirred up simply because the Emperor was staying—with his pregnant wife—so near the border as Aachen. So at least Richer tells us, iii. 68.
417. Richer, iii. 69. “Mox dux et aliis primates, sine deliberandi consultatione sententiam regiam attollunt. Sese sponte ituros cum rege et Ottonem aut comprehensuros aut interfecturos aut fugaturos pollicentur.”
418. Ib. iii. 71. “Æream aquilam quæ in vertice palatii a Karolo magno acsi volans fixa erat, in Vulturnum converterunt. Nam Germani eam in Favonium converterant, subtiliter significantes Gallos suo equitatu quandoque posse devinci.”
It is amusing to find the characteristic vanity of the great nation showing itself thus early. Most likely neither Charles nor any later German had ever thought of anything of the kind.
420. According to Thietmar of Merseburg (iii. 7) Lothar came in person, accompanied by his son. Richer (iii. 79) makes him send ambassadors. The speech put into their mouths seems quite to look on Otto and Lothar as royal colleagues. Otto’s Imperial dignity is not hinted at; I doubt whether Richer ever uses the word Emperor at all.
421. Richer, iii. 81. “Belgicæ pars quæ in lite fuerat in jus Ottonis transiit.”
422. See the narrative, a most full, curious, and interesting one, of Hugh’s journey to the Emperor at Rome, and the snares laid for him on his return by Lothar. Richer, iii. 81–88.
423. Richer, iii. 89, 90.
424. Ib. iii. 91. “A duce reliquisque principibus Ludovicus rex acclamatus.” Others place this event in 978 or 979.
425. Ib. iii. 92–95. Adelaide, widow of Raymond of Septimania or Gothia. Lewis divorced her. Cf. Rud. Glaber, i. 3.
426. Richer, iii. 97–110.
427. Dudo, 155 C. Cf. Flod. A. 965.
428. Richer, iv. 1.
429. Richer, iv. 2, 3.
430. Ib. iv. 5.
431. This is alluded to in the words, “Qui tanta capitis imminutione hebuit [any notion of the legal phrase of ‘deminutio capitis’?] ut externo regi servire non horruerit.” Richer, iv. 11.
432. See Appendix S.
433. Richer, iv. 12, 13.
434. See the history of the war in Richer, iv. 14–49.
435. Ælius Spartianus, Pescennius, 1. “Quos tyrannos aliorum victoria fecerit;” a good illustration of the use of the word. The same may be said of Antipopes.
437. Neither Richer—he was not likely—nor Rudolf Glaber speaks of Richard at all. Dudo, oddly enough, passes by the whole business very briefly; “Nec illud prætereundum quod, Lothario rege defuncto [he forgets Lewis], Hugo dux inthronizatus voluit super Albertum comitem equitare.” (155 D.) William of Jumièges is fuller; “Mortuo Francorum rege Lothario, in illius loco ab omnibus subrogatur Hugonis Magni ducis filius Hugo Capeth, adminiculante ei duce Richardo.” (iv. 19.) The Roman de Rou (5823) is fuller still;
440. See Flodoard’s description of Lewis’s invasion of Normandy, A. 944; “Ludowicus rex in terram Nortmannorum proficiscitur cum Arnulfo et Herluino et quibusdam episcopis Franciæ ac Burgundiæ.”
441. The different circumstances which led to such different results in France and in Germany I trust to point out in the second volume of my History of Federal Government.
442. With the exception of the three portions of the kingdom which have become wholly detached. See above, pp. 156, 187.
443. Dante, Purg. xx.
444. For this legend in full, see the early chapters of Oudegherst, Annales de Flandres. Lyderic, the foundling, is of course of princely birth. It is the same story as those of Cyrus and Romulus.
445. See L’Art de Vérifier les Dates, ii. 828.
446. Will. Gem. vii. 38. “Mater ejus Sprota, necessitate urgente, contubernio [was there even a Danish marriage?] cujusdam prædivitis nomine Asperlengi adhæsit. Hic, licet in rebus locuples, tamen molendina vallis Ruelii ad firmam solitus erat tenere.” So M. Jourdain measured cloth only for amusement; so, in some pious legends, Zebedee was a mighty baron of Galilee, whose sons fished for pleasure and not for profit.
447. There is something ludicrous in the way in which Dudo (137 B, C), after spending all his powers of prose to set forth the marriage of Emma, goes on to explain in verse that she was not fated to be the mother of a Duke of the Normans.
448. Dudo, 152 C. “Subscalpenti voluptuosæ humanitatis fragilitati subactus, genuit duos filios, totidem et filias, ex concubinis.”
449. Dudo (u. s.) makes her to be “ex famosissima nobilium Dacorum prosapia exorta,” but he allows that the Duke “eam prohibitæ copulationis fœdere sortitus est sibi amicabiliter.” He marries her (“inextricabili maritalis fœderis privilegio sibi connectit”) at the advice of the great men of the land. So William of Jumièges (iv. 18) vouches for the nobility of her birth and for her marriage being celebrated “Christiano more.” But his continuator (viii. 36) has a curious legend—the same as one of the legends of our Eadgar—to tell about her first introduction to Richard. See also Roman de Rou, 5390–5429, &c., 5767–5812.
450. See Chron. S. Max. ap. Labbé, ii. 202. We there read, “Ricardus Christianissimus factus,” probably not without an allusion to his apostasy in his childhood.