905. Florence (1044) mentions the second marriage of Gunhild. This Harold signs a charter of 1033 (Cod. Dipl. iv. 43), and another (vi. 190) along with the Earls Ulf, Eglaf, Leofric, and Eric. These signatures must be carefully distinguished from the early signatures of Harold the son of Godwine.
906. Fl. Wig. 1046.
907. See Appendix GGG.
908. Fl. Wig. 1041, and vol. ii. Appendix G. Thored was perhaps Thurkill’s nephew. At least a “Ðorð Ðurcylles nefa” signs a charter of Cnut in 1023 (Cod. Dipl. iv. 38), but of course it may be another Thored and another Thurkill. There are many signatures which may belong to this Thored, as iv. 23, vi. 187, and vi. 191, where he appears as “Ðored steallere.”
909. On the Northumbrian Earls, see Appendix KK.
910. There is one charter of Cnut (Cod. Dipl. iv. 43) signed by a crowd of Danish names otherwise unknown. But this is a charter relating wholly to Northumbrian affairs, and the signatures are no doubt those of local thegns, many of whom were most likely not followers of Cnut, but descendants of the Danish settlers in Ælfred’s time.
911. Something of this sort, which is quite likely in itself, is implied in some stories told by the Ramsey historian, who enters into much detail about various Danish thegns at this time. For instance, in cap. lxxxiv. (p. 440) we read about the Dane Thurkill when summoned before the Bishop’s court; “Quo citato apparere contemnente, a severitate tamen meritæ ultionis censuit episcopus ad tempus temperandum, ne Anglus Dacum ad regis injuriam injuste vexare diceretur.” Cnut however steps in to support the law against his grantee.
In cap. lxxxvi. again is a story about a Danish thegn, who greatly oppressed the neighbouring “rustici,” who conspired his death. He is “vir factiosus et dives, qui Anglorum animos ex suo ponderans, illis Dacos fore semper exosos, quod patriam suam invasissent, et sibi insidias, occulte tamen propter metum regis, ab eis parari arbitratus.” He escapes by selling his estate to the Bishop, who was always on the look-out for such chances, and who gave it to Ramsey abbey. The really important point in the story is an allusion to Welsh robbers (“Britones latrones”) as still possible in Huntingdonshire in the time of Cnut.
912. Eurip. Phœn. 534;
913. On the disputed date of Cnut’s journey to Rome, see Appendix HHH.
914. See Appendix III.
915. i. I. “Þæt is þonne ǽrest, þæt hió ofer ealle óðre þingc ǽnne God æfre, woldan lúfian and wurðian, and ǽnne cristendóm ánrǽdlice healdan, and Cnut cingc lúfian mid rihtan getrywðan.” Cnut’s Laws form two divisions, ecclesiastical and secular (woruldcunde), but both alike are enacted by the King and his Witan. I quote the Ecclesiastical as i., the Secular as ii.
917. i. 15. Cf. the Capitularies, Waitz, iv. 311, 315.
918. ii. 5.
919. ii. 3.
920. “Mid mínan witenan rǽde” is the form in the preamble of the Secular Laws.
921. ii. 18. Here the English title Ealdorman is used, but in a later clause (ii. 72) we find the highest rank described as Earls, clearly in the later and not in the earlier sense of the word, as the Earl is distinctly marked as superior to the King’s Thegn.
922. ii. 18. “And þǽr beo on þǽre scire bisceop and se ealdorman, and þǽr ægðer tǽcan ge Godes riht ge woruld-riht.” See Appendix K.
923. i. 20.
924. ii. 12, 14, 15.
925. ii. 15, 45, 49, 63, 66, 72, 84.
927. ii. 81. On the severe hunting code which bears the name of Cnut see Appendix III.
928. Hist. Rams. c. 85. p. 441. “Quum quadem vice rex Cnuto more assueto regni fines peragraret.” Cf. below, p. 441.
929. See Appendix III.
930. See Appendix GGG.
931. Prior Godfrey (Satirical Poets, ii. 148) thus sums up his character;
932. Hen. Hunt. M. H. B. 757 E. Cnut, as a constitutional King, had less power over the elements than the despotic Lewis the Eleventh. See the story in Kirk, Charles the Bold, ii. 10.
933. Hist. El. ii. 27 (p. 505). Every one knows the lines, somewhat modernized as they must have been by the transcriber;
935. Bromton, X Scriptt. 909.
936. Fl. Wig. 1020. “Æthelnothus, qui bonus appellabatur, nobilis viri Ægelmari filius.” Æthelnoth was not improbably brother of Æthelweard, one of the victims of 1017. If so, his promotion was of a piece with the favour shown by Cnut to the father and son of Northman, a fellow-sufferer with Æthelweard. See above, p. 414. William of Malmesbury (ii. 184) tells us of the influence for good which Æthelnoth exercised over Cnut; “Regem ipsum auctoritate sanctitudinis in bonis actibus mulcens, in excessibus terrens.” See also the extract from Osbern (Trans. S. Elph. Ang. Sacr. ii. 144) in Appendix TT.
937. Will. Malms. ii. 181. “Loca omnia in quibus pugnaverat, et præcipue Assandunam, ecclesiis insignivit.”
939. Will. Malms. ii. 181. “Monasteria per Angliam suis et patris excursionibus partim fœdata, partim eruta, reparavit.”
940. Will. Malms, u. s.; Rog. Wend. i. 464; Tho. Eli. ap. Ang. Sacr. i. 608; John of Oxenedes, p. 19. Earl Thurkill, the Lady Emma, and Ælfwine, Bishop of the East-Angles, aided in the foundation. The monks came partly from Holm, partly from Ely; the Abbot “Uvius” or Wido—either of them very strange names—was from Holm. Of the canons, some took the vows, others were provided for elsewhere. The change of foundation took place in 1020, but the new church was not consecrated till 1032. Flor. Wig. in anno.
942. Cnut’s visit to Glastonbury is described, and the charter given at length, by William of Malmesbury, ii. 184, 5. See Cod. Dipl. iv. 40.
943. On the “lignea basilica,” represented by the Lady chapel, commonly called that of Saint Joseph, see above, p. 427. On its history, see Professor Willis’s Architectural History of Glastonbury, pp. 3, 47, where the tract of William of Malmesbury De Antiquitate Glastoniensis Ecclesiæ is made use of with the author’s accustomed skill.
945. Will. Malms. Gest. Reg. ii. 184. “Super sepulcrum pallium misit versicoloribus figuris pavonum, ut videtur, intextum.”
946. The translation is recorded by Florence and all the Chronicles, under the year 1023, but the Worcester Chronicle alone enters into any details. Osbern, the biographer of Ælfheah, describes his translation at great length in a special tract; Anglia Sacra, ii. 143.
947. Will. Malms, ii. 181.
949. Hist. Rams. lxxxi. p. 437. The description of the second church, built near the first, reminds one of Glastonbury, and is worthy the attention of the architectural antiquary.
950. Ib. lxxx. “Interea Cnuto rex Christianissimus nulli prædecessorum suorum regum comparatione virtutum vel bellica exercitatione inferior, cœpit sanctam ecclesiam enixissime venerari, et religiosorum caussis virorum patrocinari, eleemosynis profluere, justas leges, vel novas condere, vel antiquitus conditas observare. Quumque non solum Angliæ, sed et Daciæ simul et Norguegiæ principaretur, erat tamen humilitate cernuus, usus venerei parcus, alloquio dulcis, ad bona suadibilis, ad misericordiam proclivis, amatorum pacis amator fidissimus, in eos autem, qui vel latrocinio vel deprædatione jura regni violassent, ultor severissimus.”
951. Adam of Bremen (ii. 53) mentions several of them, as Bernhard in Scania, Gerbrand in Zealand, Reginberht in Funen. These hardly sound like the names of Englishmen. Gerbrand signs an English charter as Bishop of Roskild in 1022. Cod. Dipl. iv. 13.
952. Will. Malms. ii. 186.
953. This very curious story is told at length by Eadmer (Hist. Nov. ii. 416). The Archbishop comes “audita divitis fama regni Anglorum.” Eadmer contrasts the days of Cnut with his own; “Illis quippe diebus hic mos Anglis erat patrocinia sanctorum omnibus sæculi rebus anteferre.” Æthelnoth gave the Archbishop a splendidly embroidered cope, a specimen of English workmanship (“cappam illi valde pretiosam aurifrigio ex omni parte ornatam dedit”).
954. Chron. S. Max., Labbé, ii. 209. “Anno MXLIX. Kalendis Novembris dedicatum est monasterium S. Hilarii Pictavensis.... Istud monasterium magna ex parte construxerat regina Anglorum per manus Gauterii Coorlandi.” This must mean Emma and not Eadgyth.
955. Compare Snorro’s description of the reign of Cnut (c. 139; Laing, ii. 194); “In his whole kingdom [seemingly both England and Denmark] peace was so well established that no man dared break it. The people of the country kept their peace towards each other, and had their old country law: and for this he was greatly celebrated in all countries.”]
956. On the Housecarls, see Appendix KKK.
958. On the “Witherlags Ret” or “Leges Castrenses” of Cnut, see Appendix KKK.
959. See vol. iii. ch. xiv., end of § 2.
961. See above, p. 344, and Lappenberg’s note at p. 475 in the original. Mr. Thorpe (ii. 210) has turned Eilaf or Eglaf into Ulf, to the utter perversion of Lappenberg’s meaning. Eglaf’s name is attached to several charters of Cnut. See Cod. Dipl. iv. 2, 28, 29. On the death of Cnut he is said (Brut y Tywysogion, 1036), for what cause we are not told, to have left England and to have sought a refuge in Germany. One can hardly doubt as to the identity of these two Eglafs; yet the words of the Brut (1020) might almost make us think that Eglaf was some wandering wiking; “After that Eilad (al. Eilaf) came to the isle of Britain, and Dyved was devastated and Menevia was demolished.”
962. Ann. Camb. 1022. “Eilaf vastavit Demetiam. Menevia fracta est.”
963. Ann. Camb. 1035; Brut. 1033.
966. On the Northumbrian Earls see Appendix KK, and on the cession of Lothian see Appendix I.
967. On Cnut’s relations with Scotland, see Appendix LL.
968. Simeon (Hist. Eccl. Dun. iii. 5); “De ecclesia quam inceperat solam turrim occidentalem imperfectam reliquit.”
969. Simeon, Hist. Dun. iii. 6; Flor. Wig. 1020.
970. See Appendix I.
971. See Appendix LLL.
972. See Appendix LLL.
975. Fordun, iv. 44; Chron. 1034.
976. Fordun, iv. 44. “Malcolmo Cumbriæ regionem pater statim ut coronatus est donavit.”
977. The Saga of Olaf Haraldsson or Saint Olaf forms the greater part of the second volume of Mr. Laing’s translation of Snorro’s Heimskringla. I use it freely, though with caution, for Northern affairs. It is at all events more trustworthy than Saxo and Swegen Aggesson.
978. See Adam of Bremen, ii. 55 (cf. 59). His words are remarkable; “Inter Chnut et Olaph, regem Nortmannorum, continuum fuit bellum, nec cessavit omnibus diebus vitæ eorum; Danis pro imperio certantibus, Nortmannis vero pugnantibus pro libertate. In qua re justior mihi visa est caussa Olaph, cui bellum necessarium magis fuit quam voluntarium.” He goes on with an elaborate panegyric on Olaf. Adam’s judgement is clearly right on the whole, though Cnut had perhaps as much to say for himself as warlike kings commonly have.
On the name Nortmanni, see Appendix T.
979. Snorro’s account (c. 139; Laing, ii. 192) is here very distinct.
982. See Adam of Bremen, ii. 55, and cf. Florence, 1027.
983. Adam, u. s.
984. Snorro, c. 74 (Laing, ii. 84).
985. Snorro, c. 140 (Laing, ii. 194).
986. On this battle see Appendix MMM.
987. Flor. Wig. 1027; Saxo, 196. “Olavum vero per Norvagiensium quosdam pecunia a se corruptos domestico bello opprimendum curavit.” Snorro, capp. 165, 171, 175. In an earlier part of his story (c. 34) Snorro remarks that the Norwegians preferred a foreign and absentee King, who simply took tribute, and let the ancient laws and usages alone, while a native and resident King commonly interfered with them.
988. Snorro, c. 180. The entry in the Durham Annals is “Cnut Rex Anglorum fit et rex Danorum.” Here is one of the common confusions between Danes and Norwegians; but it shows a remembrance of the fact (see above, p. 422) that Cnut had not become King of England and Denmark at the same time.
989. See Snorro, c. 235 et seqq.; Flor. Wig. 1030; Adam, ii. 55, 59. The battle is a well attested fact, yet Adam says; “Alii dicunt eum in bello peremptum, quidam vero in medio populi circo ad ludibrium magis expositum.” [The title of “martyr” seemingly suggested the amphitheatre.] “Sunt alii qui asserunt illum in gratia regis Chnut latenter occisum, quod et magis verum esse non diffidimus, eo quod regnum ejus invasit.”]
990. See Appendix NNN.
991. See Appendix NNN.
992. William the Third of Poitiers and Fifth of Aquitaine reigned from 990 to 1029. His connexion with Cnut is described by Ademar (iii. 41; ap. Pertz, iv. 134); “Necnon et regem Danamarcorum et Anglorum, nomine Canotum, ita sibi summo favore devinxerat, ut singulis annis legationes eorum exciperet pretiosis cum muneribus, ipseque pretiosiora eis remitteret munera.” The book is described as “Codex literis aureis scriptus, in quo nomina sanctorum distincta cum imaginibus continebatur.” Conc. Lemov. 1031; ap. Labbé, Conc. ix. 882, quoted by Pertz. Cnut and Emma, as we shall see again, had rather a fancy for making presents of books.
995. In Rudolf Glaber (ii. 2) Richard appears as “Rotomagorum dux.” Duke or Earl of Rouen (Rudu Jarl) is also the title which the Norman princes bear in the Northern Sagas. See Vita Olai Trygg. p. 263, and Laing, ii. 16. Richard is “dux” here; he is “Rotomagorum comes” in cap. 8, and “Princeps” in iii. 1. In Ademar (iii. 55) he is “Comes Rotomensis” and “Rotomagi.” Richard calls himself (D’Achery, iii. 386) “Marchio Nortmanniæ.” See Appendix T.
997. King Robert in 1006 confirmed the foundation of Fécamp, “pia petitione dilectissimi fidelis nostri Ricardi comitis.” Gallia Christiana, xi. Inst. 8. One can hardly fancy this formula being used fifty years earlier or fifty years later.
998. This is a very common act of formal submission, even when submission was merely formal; but, after being very common under Richard, it dies out under William.
999. King Robert’s domestic troubles, his uncanonical marriage with his first wife, and the bondage in which he lived to his second, are well known. Constance, according to Rudolf Glaber (iii. 9), was “avarissima, maritique magistra.” The flocking of her southern countrymen to the court of Paris is described by Rudolf in language which reminds one of England under Henry the Third.
1000. This Burgundian war is described by R. Glaber, ii. 8; Will. Gem. v. 15. The Norman contingent is said to have amounted to 30,000 men.
1001. See Sigebert’s Chron. 1006 (Pertz, vi. 354), and the Gesta Episc. Cameracensium, i. 33 (Pertz, vii. 414, 435). Both writers allow Robert the title of “Francorum rex;” Richard is in Sigebert “Comes Nortmannorum,” in the Gesta “Rotomagensium dux.” (In the Chronicon Scotorum, p. 266, he is “Ricard rí Frainge.”) I need hardly say that the Emperor Henry the Second was a canonized saint, and King Robert certainly deserved that honour as much as many who received it.
1002. The marriage contract of Judith is given in Martène and Durand’s Thesaurus Novus, i. 123. She founded the abbey of Bernay in 1013. W. Gem. vii. 22. See Neustria Pia, 398. Her church is standing, though desecrated, a noble example of early Norman Romanesque.
1003. W. Gem. v. 13. Count Geoffrey going on a pilgrimage to Rome, left his dominions and his sons “sub ducis advocatu.” He died on his way home.
1004. On the war with Odo, see W. Gem. v. 10–12; Roman de Rou, 6588–6974. Cf. R. Glaber, iii. 2, 9.
1005. “Castrum Tegulense,” W. Gem. v. 10. “Tuillieres,” Roman de Rou, 6627.
1009. “Adscitis Britonibus cum Normannorum legionibus,” says William of Jumièges, v. 10.
1010. W. Gem. v. 11; Roman de Rou, 6885–6928. On Dol, see vol. iii. ch. xii. § 4.
1011. The names in William of Jumièges are Olavus and Lacman. The printed text of the Roman de Rou has Golan and Coman, but the manuscripts seem to have various forms, Solan, Laman, and Olef. Mr. Thorpe (Lappenberg, Norman Kings, p. 35) points out the error of Depping (ii. 177) and Prevost (Roman de Rou, i. 346), who suppose this Olaf to be Olaf Tryggvesson. Nothing can be plainer than that both William and Wace meant their Olaf for Olaf Haraldsson, as they speak of his subsequent martyrdom. Mr. Thorpe adds, “Lagman is the name of an office. Angl. lawman.” So it is, and names of offices, from Pharaoh onwards, have often been mistaken for proper names; but would a King, specially a King of the sea, be called a Lawman? Lagman too is a real Scandinavian name. Lagman, Harold, and Olaf appear as brothers in the history of Man (Chron. Man. 4. ed. Munch, A. 1075.) Mr. Thorpe also supposes that the two Kings were “two petty Scandinavian potentates from Ireland.” Depping (ii. 175) identifies this expedition with one in which certain Northmen from Denmark and Ireland invaded Aquitaine (Ademar, iii. 53, ap. Pertz, iv. 139); but this is placed by Pertz in 1020, and the whole story is quite different. Wherever a wiking shows himself, he brings a mythical atmosphere with him.
1012. Will. Gem. v. 12. “Robertus ... verens ne ab eis Francia demoliretur.”
1013. Ib. “Satrapas regiminis sui convocavit, ambosque discordes ad se apud Coldras convenire mandavit.” This is a somewhat lordly style for a French King to use towards a Norman Duke, but it is a Norman writer who records it. On the rarity of such assemblies in France, see above, p. 248.
1014. Will. Gem. v. 12; Roman de Rou, 6975. This of course proves that Olaf Haraldsson is meant, but it proves nothing as to the historic value of the story.
1016. The Norman Conquest of Sicily was actually later than that of England; but then the conquest of Apulia and the conquest of Sicily were merely two acts of the same drama.
1017. Challon, or Cabillo, in ducal Burgundy, which must be distinguished from Châlons, or Catalauni, in Champagne.
1018. Will. Gem. v. 16; Roman de Rou, 7292–7370.
1020. Will. Gem. vii. 3.
1022. According to Ademar, who records several of his exploits, he daily slew and boiled a Saracen prisoner, and compelled the comrades of the slain man to eat of his flesh. He himself only pretended to partake. Ademar, iii. 55 (Pertz, iv. 140). Some of the first crusaders (Ord. Vit. 749 A) were driven by hunger to eat the flesh of Turks, but their superiors were grieved and ashamed. Richard Cœur de Lion, according to some legends, went a step further; he ate freely, and pronounced that no other meat was so strengthening for an Englishman.
1023. R. Glaber, iii. 1. “Normannorum audacissimus, nomine Rodulphus, qui etiam comiti Richardo displicuerat, cujus iram metuem,” &c. Cf. Ademar, iii. 55.
1024. The respectful way in which Rudolf (u. s.) speaks of the Eastern Empire is worth notice. We read of “Imperator Basilius sancti Imperii Constantinopolitani,” “tributa, quæ Romano debentur Imperio,” namely by the Italian cities, &c.
1025. I speak of course only of such civilization as is implied in progress in science, art, and learning. Political civilization came neither from the East nor from the West nor yet from the South.