1135. Rog. Wend. i. 477. So Fl. Wig. “Regnique solio mox sublimatur.” The place comes from Rishanger, 427.
1136. Will. Pict. ap. Maseres, 39. “Hardechunutus ... generi materno similior, non qua pater aut frater crudelitate regnabat neque interitum Edwardi sed provectum volebat. Ob morbos etiam quos frequenter patiebatur, plus Deum in oculis habebat, et vitæ humanæ brevitatem.”
1137. See his charters for a grant to Saint Eadmund’s (Cod. Dipl. iv. 60), to Abingdon (iv. 65), to Ramsey (vi. 192. Hist. Rams. c. 97 et seqq.), to Bishop Ælfwine of Winchester and his successors (iv. 68). The Ramsey charter runs in the joint names of Harthacnut and his mother.
1138. Hen. Hunt. M. H. B. 758 D. “Claræ indolis et benignæ juventutis fuerat suis. Tantæ namque largitatis fertur fuisse ut prandia regalia quattuor in die vicibus omni curiæ suæ faceret apponi, malens a vocatis posita fercula dimitti quam a non vocatis apponenda fercula reposci.” Henry then goes on to lament the niggardly practice of the Kings of his own time who provided only one meal daily. The Ramsey historian (c. 102) calls him “vir prædicandæ indolis et eximiæ in miseros pietatis.” King John also was a great almsman.
1139. Chron. Petrib. 1040. “On his [Haroldes] dagum man geald xvi scipan æt ælcere hamulan [hamelan in Chron. Ab.] viii marcan.” On the word hamulan Mr. Earle (p. 343) remarks, “This being a dative feminine, the nom. must be hamule, hamele; at first perhaps signifying a rowlock-strap, and so symbolizing some subdivision of the crew. There is not money enough to give eight marcs to every rower.” The “hamule” then would be analogous to the “lance” in mediæval armies. But Florence clearly took it to mean a single rower; “Octo marcas unicuique suæ classis remigi.”
1140. Chronn. Ab. Wig. “And him wæs þa unhold eall þæt his ær gyrnde; and he ne gefræmde eac naht cynelices þa hwile þe he rixode.” Florence divides this description, putting the latter clause now, and the former after what I take to be the second Danegeld.
1141. See Appendix TTT.
1142. “Stir majorem domus,” says Florence.
1143. Florence seems to put the two Danegelds together, but the Peterborough Chronicle (1039, 1040) clearly distinguishes them. There is a reference to this Danegeld in Heming’s Worcester Cartulary, 348 (Mon. Angl. i. 593), in which it is compared with the earlier Danegelds of Æthelred and Cnut, see above, pp. 371, 418, and declared to have been heavier than any of them; “Sicuti factum est temporibus Athelredi, regis Anglorum, vastante et depopulante hanc patriam pagano rege Danorum Swein nomine, quum maximum et prope importabile tributum tota Anglia reddere cogeretur. Ob hujus itaque tam gravis tributi exactionem omnia fere ornamenta hujus ecclesiæ distracta sunt, tabulæ altaris, argento et auro paratæ, spoliatæ sunt, textus exornati, calices confracti, cruces conflatæ, ad ultimum etiam terræ et villulæ pecuniis distractæ sunt. Simili modo etiam actum est regnante Cnut filio suo, et adhuc graviora vectigalia superaddita sunt temporibus regni filii Cnut, cujus nomen erat Hardecnut.”
1144. Florence here inserts the remark, from the Worcester and Abingdon Chronicles, “Quapropter omnibus qui prius adventum ejus desiderabant magnopere factus est exosus summopere.”
1145. Flor. Wig. in anno. “Accusantibus illos Ælfrico Eboracensi archiepiscopo et quibusdam aliis.”
1146. Ib. “Episcopatum Wigornensem Livingo abstulit et Ælfrico dedit, sed sequenti anno ablatum Ælfrico, Livingo secum pacificato benigne reddidit.”
1147. Will. Malms. ii. 188. “Illum episcopatu expulit, sed post annum pecunia serenatus restituit.”
1148. Ib. “Godwinum quoque obliquis oculis intuitus, ad sacramentum purgationis compulit.”
1149. Flor. Wig. in anno. “Cum totius fere Angliæ principibus et ministris dignioribus regi juravit.”
1150. See Appendix VVV.
1154. Except in one Danish Chronicle (Chron. Erici, ap. Lang. i. 159), who ludicrously attributes to Harthacnut, not only his father’s military legislation, but his mythical exploits in various parts of the world. “Unde tempore suo super omnes reges mundi terribilis et laudabilis exstitit. Transivit etiam cum Imperatore in Italiam ad domandum nationes exteras. Obiit autem in Anglia.”
1155. The ship and its crew are described by Florence, 1040; William of Malmesbury, ii. 188.
1156. Will. Malms. “Ne singula enumerem armis omnibus instructos in quibus fulgor cum terrore certans sub auro ferrum occuleret.”
1157. “Securis Danica” in both accounts.
1158. Henry of Huntingdon (M. H. B. 728 E) arms both West-Saxons and Mercians at Burford “gladiis et securibus Amazonicis.” The Amazons are of course a flourish of Henry’s own out of Horace; but the axes may very likely come from a ballad. The axe, as antiquarian researches show, was in use almost everywhere from the earliest times, but the earlier axes are something quite different from the vast two-handed weapons wielded at Stamfordbridge and Senlac. This last clearly supplanted the sword as the characteristic English weapon from about this time. See above, pp. 273, 391.
1159. Villehardouin, c. 95. “Et li Griffon orent mis d’Englois et de Danois à totes les haches.” Nikêtas, Alex. iii. (351 B. ed. Paris, 1647). εἰ καὶ πρὸς τῶν ἐπικούρων Ῥωμαίοις Πισσαίων καὶ τῶν πελεκυφόρων βαρβάρων γενναιότερον ἀπεκρούσθησαν, καὶ τραυματίαι οἱ πλείους ἀνέζευξαν.
1160. Bromton (so to call him) must have had some authority before him when he made the significant remark (X Scriptt. 934), “Iste rex Hardeknoutus per totum tempus quo regnavit regnum Scotiæ subjectum pacifice habebat.”
1162. Flor. Wig. 1041. “Rex Anglorum Heardecanutus suos huscarlas misit per omnes regni sui provincias ad exigendum quod indixerat tributum.”
1163. See Appendix KKK.
1164. “Ut piratis suis necessaria ministrarent,” says Roger of Wendover, i. 479.
1166. Flor. Wig. in anno. “In cujusdam turris Wigornensis monasterii solario.” This can hardly mean the principal tower of the church.
1167. Besides the ravaging of districts as chastisement for treason or defection in war (see above, pp. 371, 378), we find a similar case even in the peaceful reign of Eadgar. See above, p. 65.
1169. So I understand William of Malmesbury, De Gest. Pont. iii. p. 154 “Quin et Wigorniensibus pro repulsa episcopatus infensus auctor Hardecnuto fuit ut, quod illi pertinacius exactoribus regiorum vectigalium obstiterant, urbem incenderet, fortunas civium abraderet.” If the “repulsa episcopatus” meant the restoration of the see to Lyfing by the King’s act, this could be no offence on the part of the citizens of Worcester.
1170. On the dates of Siward’s promotions, see Appendix WWW.
1171. Florence calls him “Comes Mediterraneorum.” His earldom included Huntingdonshire. See a charter of Harthacnut and Emma addressed “Turri comiti” (Cod. Dipl. vi. 192). I do not find any of his signatures as Earl, but he is doubtless the same as Ðord, Ðored, &c., in various spellings, who signs several charters of Cnut as “minister” and “miles.”
1172. See above, p. 404. “Hrani dux” signs as early as 1023. Cod. Dipl. iv. 27. We find him holding a Scirgemót with Bishop Æthelstan and others in Cod. Dipl. iv. 54. He there bears the title of Ealdorman, and we find that his son, like some other English-born sons of Danish settlers, bore the English name of Eadwine.
1173. Fl. Wig. “Paucos vel e civibus vel provincialibus ceperunt aut occiderunt, quia præcognito adventu eorum, provinciales quoque locorum fugerant.”
1174. Ib. “Munitione facta, tamdiu se viriliter adversus suos inimicos defenderant.”
1175. The existence of the beaver in Britain within historical memory seems proved by such names as Beverege, Beverley, perhaps, but less likely, Beverstone (Byferesstan, Chron. Petrib. 1048) in Gloucestershire. Giraldus Cambrensis (Topog. Hibern. i. 21. p. 709 Camden) speaks of beavers in his time in the Teifi, but in the Teifi only.
1176. The Worcester writer Heming seems inclined to make the most of the mischief. To his description of the Danegeld, quoted already (see above, p. 513), he adds that Harthacnut “etiam totam istam provinciam hostili exercitu ferro et igne depopulavit.”
1177. “Ælfrico adhuc Wigornensem pontificatum tenente,” says Florence, a significant expression, which seems silently to confirm the charge brought against Ælfric of being the author of the whole business.
1178. Robert of Gloucester, p. 558;
1179. Will. Malms. ii. 188. “Contumeliam famæ, et amori suo detrimentum ingessit.”
1180. The coming of Eadward and his friendly reception by Harthacnut is asserted by all the Chronicles and by Florence; they do not distinctly affirm that Harthacnut sent for him, but it is surely a natural inference. The invitation is distinctly asserted by the Encomiast, p. 39. William of Malmesbury however (ii. 188) seems to imply that Eadward came uninvited; “Germanum Edwardum, annosæ peregrinationis tædio, et spe fraternæ necessitudinis, natale solum revisentem, obviis, ut aiunt, manibus excipiens indulgentissime retinuit.”
1181. Cnut married Emma in 1017. Harthacnut was therefore born between 1018 and 1023, when he visited Canterbury as a child. Chron. Wig. 1023.
1183. Enc. Emm. 39. “Fraterno correptus amore, nuncios mittit ad Edvardum, rogans ut veniens secum obtineret regnum.” Saxo (202) assigns quite another motive; “Edvardum fratrem, quem ejusdem nominis[!] pater ex Immæ matrimonio sustulit, in regni societatem adsciscit; non quod fraterno illum adfectu coleret, sed ut ejus ambitionem munificentia ac liberalitate præcurreret, regnique parte potitum totum cupere prohiberet.”]
1184. Chronn. Abb. et Wig. “He wunode þa swa on his broðor hirede, þa hwile þe he leofode.” Fl. Wig. “A fratre suo Heardecanuto rege susceptus honorifice in curia sua mansit.”
1186. Ord. Vit. 655 C; Hist. Rams. c. 116.
1187. “Timidus dux Radulfus,” says Florence, 1055.
1189. See Appendix KK.
1191. See Appendix KK.
1192. A Carl, apparently the same, signs several charters of Cnut.
1193. Sim. Dun. X Scriptt. 81; De Gestis, 204.
1194. Sim. Dun. 81. “Diutina maris tempestate impediti, cœptum iter relinquentes, domum sunt reversi.”
1195. See above, p. 327. This story has a mythical sound; still a hunting-party would give unusual opportunities both to commit such a murder and afterwards to represent it as an accident. The fate of William Rufus is a familiar example. Simeon (p. 81) says that, in his time, the place of the murder was marked by a small stone cross.
1197. Will. Malms. iii. 253. On the origin of Siward, see Appendix WWW.
1198. Ealdred (Sim. Dun. 82) had five daughters, three of whom were named “Elfleda,” that is, I suppose, Æthelflæd. Of these Siward married one, who was the mother of the famous Waltheof. Did the two other Æthelflæds die in infancy?
1199. Sim. Dun. De Gestis, 204. “Qui, quum superbia extolleretur, Brittones satis atrociter devastavit.”
1200. Ib. “Sed tertio post anno, quum ad Hardecanutum reconciliandus in pace venisset, interfectus est a Siwardo.” So the Abingdon and Worcester Chronicles, 1041; “And on þison geare eac swác Harðacnut Eadulfe under gryðe, and he was þa wedloga.” This independent statement gives the strongest possible confirmation to Simeon’s whole story. Florence does not mention the murder of Eadwulf.
1201. Sim. Dun. u. s. “Siwardus, qui post illum totius provinciæ Northanhymbrorum, id est ab Humbra usque Twedam, comitatum habuit.” Ann. Dun. 1043. “Comes Siward vastavit Northanhymbrorum provinciam.” This seems to be put during the ten months of the imperfect episcopate of Eadred.
1202. Sim. Hist. Dun. iii. 9. p. 33. “Defunctus est in Glocestre, quum apud regem ibidem moraretur.” Gloucester was, at least under Eadward and William, the usual place for the Midwinter festival. Chron. Petrib. 1087. Eadward also is found at Gloucester somewhat earlier in the year. Flor. Wig. 1043.
1203. Simeon (Hist. Dun. iii. 9) says, “Præsulatum illius ecclesiæ primus ex ordine clericali festinavit obtinere.” See above, p. 507.
1204. So I understand the words (Sim. Dun. u. s.), “Intraturus quippe ecclesiam, subita infirmitate corripitur, decidensque in lectum, decimo mense moritur.”
1205. So at least it would appear from Adam of Bremen, ii. 74. “Magnus statim invadens Daniam, possedit duo regna, Hardechnut rege Danorum cum exercitu morante in Anglia.” But it is hard to make this agree with the Saga of Magnus, which speaks of no occupation of Denmark by Magnus till after Harthacnut’s death.
1206. Adam, ii. 73.
1207. Ib. 74.
1208. Chronn. Ab. et Wig. “Her forðferde Harðacnut swa þæt he æt his drince stod.”
1209. See Appendix XXX.
1210. “Osgodus Clapa, magnæ vir potentiæ,” says Florence. The Waltham writer De Inventione (c. 13) corrupts Clapa into Scalp, and his daughter’s name into Glitha.
1211. De Inv. 1–10. The first inhabitants were sixty-six persons who were cured by the relic, and who devoted themselves to its honour. “De quibus ... in primis instituta est villa Walthamensis, nam antea nihil erat in loco nisi vile domicilium ad succurrendum quum caussa venandi accederet illuc heros ille.” This happened “regnante Cnuto et Anglis imperante.”
1212. Ib. 7. “Ei præ gaudio a senectute et senio [a subtle distinction], sicut aquilæ, juventus renovatur.”
1213. Fl. Wig. “Dum ... lætus, sospes, et hilaris, cum sponsa prædicta et quibusdam viris bibens staret.” Cf. Chron. Petrib.
1214. Chronn. Ab. et Wig. “Mid egeslicum anginne.”
1215. Chronn. Petr. et Cant. The latter adds, “His moder for his sawle gief into niwan mynstre S. Valentines heafod ðas martires.”
1216. See the next Chapter and Appendix YYY.