768. Ib. 9001.
769. Ib. 9004;
770. Benoît, 33490;
771. Roman de Rou, 9020;
772. Roman de Rou, 9012;
773. Ib. 9042;
One might wish that another oath on the saints at Bayeux could have found as easy and convenient fulfilment.
774. Ib. 9050;
The feudal scruple is stronger in the minds of the inferior tenants, a point worth noticing, whether the tale be trustworthy in detail or not. This agrees with Wace’s former statement that, even in the revolted provinces, the popular feeling was on William’s side. The poor gentleman might need the protection of the common sovereign no less than the peasant.
775. I wish I could believe, with Thierry (i. 150) and Pluquet (Wace, ii. 32, 528), that this war-cry was an invocation of Thor, “Thor aie,” as opposed to the “Dex aie” of the French Normans. But I fear we must see in it nothing more profound or venerable than the lordship of Thury. See Prevost, Wace, p. 528, and Taylor, 21. Palgrave, iii. 216.
776. Examples of entrapping men to destruction by the literal fulfilment of an oath are common enough. This opposite case may be compared with Aurelian’s way of discharging his oath when besieging Thyana; “Canem in hoc oppido non relinquam.” The city was taken, and the Emperor slew all the dogs. Vopiscus, Aurelian, 22, 23 (Hist. Aug. ii. 472).
777. Arrian, vi. 11. 9. Ἀλλὰ πρὸς Γρανίκῳ μὲν ξυνέβη μαχὴ ἱππική. iv. 8. 11. ἡ ἱππομαχία ἡ ἐπὶ Γρανίκῳ.
778. Roman de Rou, 9074;
779. Ib. 9094;
780. See Taylor, 22.
781. See vol. i. p. 244. Wace seems rather to delight in opposing his own province to the French. 9108;
So 9128;
782. Roman de Rou, 9144;
I have found the rhyme remembered in a Norman cottage, close by the field of Val-ès-dunes.
783. See vol. i. p. 425. But William’s overthrow was real, though his death was imaginary; in the case of Eadmund all was an invention of Eadric. But the effect on the army would be the same in all three cases.
784. The narrative in the Roman de Rou (9134–9207) clearly implies that Henry was overthrown twice, first by a nameless knight of the Côtentin, secondly by Hamon himself. At the same time there certainly is, as Mr. Taylor (p. 25) says, a certain confusion in the way of telling the story, and one might be tempted to believe that the one overthrow was a mere repetition of the other. But each story seems to receive a certain amount of corroborative evidence. The first overthrow is supported by the Côtentin rhyme, the second by the independent testimony of William of Malmesbury (iii. 230); “Haimo in acie cæsus, cujus insignis violentia laudatur, quod ipsum Regem equo dejecerit; quare a concurrentibus stipatoribus interemtus.”
785. Roman de Rou, 9199. “Mez sor l’escu fu mort levé.”
786. Will. Malms. u. s. “Pro fortitudinis miraculo Regis jussu tumulatus est egregiè.” Wace (9200) mentions the place. He is buried “devant l’iglise,” seemingly not in the church.
787. Roman de Rou, 9258;
So again, 9280;
788. Ib. 9173;
So 9266;
We must remember that all the local feelings of Wace, a native of Jersey and Canon of Bayeux, would be on the side of the rebels, however much they might be balanced by loyalty to the memory of the great William.
789. Benoît, 33, 660;
790. The anatomical precision of Wace (9222) is quite in the style of the Iliad;
These are spirited lines; so is the whole description of the battle; yet how feebly does the Romance of Gaul, even in this its earliest and most vigorous shape, sound beside the native ring of the Ludwigslied and the Song of Maldon.
791. Roman de Rou, 9249. “La bataille mult li desplait.”
I suppose this means something more than mere sorrow at ill success; it seems to imply the loss of the “certaminis gaudia,” which he had doubtless enjoyed in the opening charge of the battle. Through the whole of this paragraph I do little more than translate the life-like description of Wace.
792. Roman de Rou, 9254;
793. Ib. 9288. “En Béessin volent torner.”
794. Roman de Rou, 9295–8. The Orne plays an important part in the destruction of the rebels in most of the accounts. Will. Pict. 81. “Absorbuit non paucos fluvius Olna equites cum equis.” Will. Gem. vii. 17. “Rex cum Duce ... tantâ eos illicò strage delevit, ut quos gladius non extinxit, Deo formidinem inferente, fugientes fluvius Olnæ absorberet.” Will. Malms. iii. 230. “Multi fluminis Olnæ rapacitate intercepti, quod, in arcto locati, equos ad transvadandos vortices instimularent.”
795. Ord. Vit. 657 B. “Guidonem vulneratum et de bello fugâ elapsum.”
796. The only writer, I think, who introduces Guy personally in his account of the war is William of Malmesbury (u. s.); “Cum his per totam Normanniam grassabatur prædo improbissimus, inani spe ad comitatum illectus.”
797. “E prœlio lapsus,” says William of Jumièges; “vix elapsus,” according to William of Malmesbury; while, in William of Poitiers, it rises to “turpissimè elapsus.”
798. “Cum magno equitatu,” says William of Poitiers (81).
799. The description given by William of Poitiers (u. s.) is remarkable; “Brionium ... contendit. Oppidum hoc, quum loci naturâ, tum opere inexpugnabile videbatur. Nam, præter alia firmamenta, quæ moliri consuevit belli necessitudo, aulam habet lapideam arcis usum pugnantibus præbentem, quam fluvius Risela nullo quidem tractu vadi impatiens circumfluit.” This seems to show that the town had fortifications of its own; and this again suggests the question, what was the state of the point overhanging the town where the present castle stands? The “aula lapidea” is a singular expression, seeming, together with the words which follow, to imply something different from the ordinary donjon, though capable of being put to purposes of defence,—a crenellated house, as it might have been called in later days. “Lapidea,” because an “aula” would doubtless be often of wood, while “arces” were of stone.
801. Will. Pict. u. s. “Castella utrimque ad ripas fluminis bipartiti opponens.” So Will. Gem. “Stabilitis munitionibus in utrâque parte fluminis vocabulo Risle.”
802. Will. Pict. 81. “Oppugnatione diurnâ territans.”
803. William of Poitiers merely says “postremò.” Orderic (687 B), in describing the speedy capture of Brionne by Duke Robert in 1090, says, “Sic Robertus Dux ab horâ nonâ Brionnam ante solis occasum obtinuit, quam Guillelmus pater ejus, cum auxilio Henrici Francorum Regis, sibi vix in tribus annis subigere potuit, dum Guido filius Rainaldi Burgundionis post prœlium Vallisdunensis illic præsidium sibi statuit.” But there is nothing in any other writer to imply that Guy held out for any such length of time, and it seems quite inconsistent with the account of William of Jumièges. Moreover it is clear that Henry took no part in the siege; “Quem [Guidonem] Dux, Rege Franciam repetente, propere insequutus,” &c. (Will. Gem. vii. 17.)
804. Will. Pict. u. s. “Motus Dux consanguinitate, supplicitate, miseriâ victi, non acerbiùs vindicavit. Recepto castro, in curiâ suâ commanere eum concessit.” So Will. Gem. u. s.; “Dux, suorum consultu, miseriæ misertus, clementer illi pepercit, et, recepto castello Brioci, cum suis domesticis eum manere in domo suâ jussit.”
805. Will. Pict. u. s. “Supplicia item consociis, quæ capitalia ex æquo irrogarentur, condonare maluit ob rationabiles caussas.” This distinct statement cannot be shaken by the vastly inferior authority of Henry of Huntingdon (M. H. B. p. 759 C), who says, “Quosdam exsulavit, quosdam corpore minuit.”
807. Compare the remarks of Palgrave, iii. 78.
808. William of Poitiers, speaking of a somewhat later stage of his life, has the words (p. 93), “More suo illo optimo, rem optans absque cruore confectum iri;” and he continues at length (94); “Monet equidem digna ratio et hoc memoriæ prodere, quàm piâ continentiâ cædem semper vitaverit, nisi bellicâ vi aut aliâ gravi necessitudine urgente. Exsilio, carcere, item aliâ animadversione quæ vitam non adimeret, ulcisci malebat: quos juxta ritum sive legum instituta cæteri principes gladio absumunt, bello captos vel domi criminum capitalium manifestos.” The words in Italics are clearly an euphemism for mutilation, as we shall see by his conduct at Alençon. So the Abingdon Chronicler (1076), speaking of his worst doings, tells us; “Sume hi wurdon geblende, and sume wrecen of lande, and sume getawod to scande. Þus wurdon þæs kyninges swican genyðerade.” Here is no mention of capital punishment, save in the case of Waltheof only.
809. Will. Pict. 82. “Dein ad jussum ejus festinanter ac funditùs destruxere munitiones novarum rerum studio constructas.” Will. Gem. vii. 17. “Conspicientes itaque cuncti optimates qui deviârant à Ducis fidelitate illum omne præsidium fugæ partìm destruxisse, partìm interclusisse, datis obsidibus, rigida colla ei ut domino suo subdidere. Sic castellis ubique eversis, nullus ultra ausus est contra eum rebellem animum detegere.”
810. Will. Pict. u. s. “Nigellum alio tempore [I do not understand this], quoniam improbè offensabat, exsilio punitum fuisse comperio.” Wace (9311) gives the place of his exile;
Notwithstanding Wace’s “lungement,” he must have been restored in the next year, when we find him consenting to certain grants to the Abbey of Marmoutier which the Duke had made out of his estates in Guernsey (insula quæ appellatur Grenesodium) during his banishment. See the Charters in Delisle, Preuves, 21–25. By some evident slip of dictation or copying, Neel is made in Palgrave, iii. 217, to defend himself at Brionne instead of Guy. He died in 1092. Delisle, p. 24.
811. Will. Pict. u. s. “Guido in Burgundiam sponte rediit propter molestiam probri. Ferre apud Normannos pigebat vilem se cunctis, odiosum esse multis.”
812. Will. Pict. 82. Will. Malms. iii. 230. Mr. Thomas Roscoe, on the other hand (History of William the Conqueror, p. 61), tells us that “at a subsequent period he highly distinguished himself in the service of the duke, and headed a large body of veteran troops at the famous battle of Hastings.”
813. Roman de Rou, 9346;
814. Ib. 9362;
See Pluquet and Taylor’s notes. The “abéie” must mean the cathedral church, but it was a great sacrifice to the rhyme for one of its canons to speak of it as an abbey. The grant of Plessis and other possessions “Grimoldi perfidi” to Odo and his successors in the see of Bayeux will be found in Gallia Christiana, xi. 64.
815. Will. Pict. 82. “Normanni superati semel universi colla subdidere domino suo, atque obsides dedere plurimi.”
816. Ib. 113. “Ejus animadversione et legibus è Normanniâ sunt exterminati latrones, homicidæ, malefici.... Caussam viduæ, inopis, pupilli, ipse humiliter audiebat, misericorditer agebat, rectissimè definiebat. Ejus æquitate reprimente iniquam cupiditatem vicini minùs valentis aut limitem agri movere aut rem ullam usurpare, nec potens audebat quisquam nec familiaris. Villæ, castra, urbes, jura per eum habebant stabilia et bona.”
817. The dependence of Anjou on the Duchy of France is acknowledged in a charter of Geoffrey Grisegonelle quoted in the Art de Verifier les Dates, ii. 833. He calls himself “Gratiâ Dei, et Senioris Hugonis largitione, Andegavensis Comes.”
818. On the Saxon occupation of Anjou, see Greg. Tur. ii. 18. Hist. Franc. Epit. 1, 2.
819. On the Saxons of Seez, the Saxones Diablintes, see Stapleton, i. xliii.
820. The history of the Counts of Anjou is given at length, but mixed up with much legendary matter in the early parts, in the “Gesta Consulum Andegavensium,” by an author of the time of Henry the Second, printed in D’Achery’s Spicilegium, iii. 234. It is introduced by a most curious fragment, namely a short Angevin history written or dictated by Count Fulk, nephew and successor of Geoffrey Martel. A lay historian is a phænomenon which we have not come across since the time of our own Æthelweard, and it is not to be denied that the Count shows much sounder sense, and a much nearer approach to historical criticism, than the monk of Marmoutier. He had at least one advantage in his princely rank, that he had nothing to gain by flattering his own forefathers.
821. Gest. Cons. 235. “Datus est ei et dimidius comitatus Andegavis civitatis ad defendendam regionem et urbem, sævisque prædonibus oppositus est, et Comes ibi factus.” So in the fuller account in p. 239, which adds, “quia ultrà Meduanam in Andegavo alter Comes habebatur.” The “sævi prædones” are explained to be Northmen and Bretons.
822. The authors of the Art de Verifier les Dates (ii. 828), as also Sir F. Palgrave (i. 502), place the enfeoffment of Ingelgar under Charles the Bald in the year 870. But the story in the Gesta Consulum (238 et seqq.) seems to make the reigning King to be Lewis the Stammerer. Count Fulk himself (233) describes the benefactor of his ancestor as “Rex Franciæ, non à genere impii Philippi, sed à prole Caroli Calvi.” Fulk had excellent reasons for the epithet bestowed on Philip. See Will. Malms. iii. 257.
823. Gest. Cons. 237. “Fuit vir quidam de Armoricâ Galliâ, nomine Torquatius, genus cujus olim ab Armoricâ jussu Maximi Imperatoris à Britonibus expulsum est. Iste à Britonibus, proprietatem vetusti ac Romani nominis ignorantibus, corrupto vocabulo Tortulfus dictus fuit.” We may be pretty sure that Tortulf, or something like it, of which his son’s name Tertullus seems another and happier Latinization, was the true name. Charles made Torquatius a forester, “illius forestæ quæ Nidus-meruli nuncupatur.” The writer goes on to talk about Senators and Emperors taken from the plough.
824. Gest. Cons. ib.
825. See vol. i. pp. 277, 278. The author of the Gesta Consulum becomes eloquent on this head (p. 237); “Tempore enim Caroli Calvi complures novi atque ignobiles, bono et honesto nobilibus potiores, clari et magni effecti sunt. Quos enim appetentes gloriæ militaris conspiciebat, periculis objectare et per eos fortunam temperare non dubitabat. Erant enim illis diebus homines veteris prosapiæ multarumque imaginum, qui acta majorum suorum, non sua, ostentabant; qui quum ad aliquod grave officium mittebantur, aliquem è populo monitorem sui officii sumebant, quibus quum Rex aliis imperare jussisset, ipsi sibi alium imperatorem poscebant. Ideo ex illo globo paucos secum Rex Carolus habebat; novis militaria dona et hæreditates pluribus laboribus et periculis acquisitas benignè præbebat. Ex quo genere fuit iste Tertullus, à quo Andegavorum Consulum progenies sumpsit exordium.” See Palgrave, i. 404, 500–502; cf. ii. 11.
826. Gest. Cons. 239. “Alodium enim cognationis eorum erat Ambazium villa.”
827. Count Fulk (p. 233) says, with much good sense, “Quorum quatuor Consulum virtutes et acta, quia nobis in tantum de longinquo sunt, ut etiam loca ubi corpora eorum jacent nobis incognita sunt, dignè memorare non possumus.” Ingelgar, in the legend (p. 239), slays the accuser of a slandered lady—in this case his own godmother and benefactress—much in the style of the ballad of Sir Aldingar or of the story of Queen Gunhild.
828. Gest. Cons. 235 (so 244). “Integrum comitatum, qui priùs bipertitus erat, recepit.” The Breton story (Chron. Briocense, ap. Morice, Memoires pour servir de Preuves à l’Histoire de Bretagne, pp. 29, 30) makes him—“vir maledictus et diabolicus”—marry the widow of the Breton prince Alan, and procure the death of her son Drogo.
829. See the story of Fulk and King Lewis From-beyond-Sea in the Gesta, p. 245. The proverb was a favourite with our Henry the First, and was at least approved by the Great William. See Will. Malms. v. 390.
830. “Grisa gonella” = “grisa tunica.” Gest. Cons. 246, 247.
831. See Appendix P.
832. Count Maurice, who, in the Gesta (249), comes between Geoffrey Grisegonelle and Fulk Nerra, finds no place in the list given by Fulk Rechin, and is rejected by the authors of the Art de Verifier les Dates.
833. See Appendix P.
835. According to R. Glaber (iii. 2), he sent assassins, who murdered Hugh, the courtier in question, before the King’s eyes. The murder is done, according to good English precedent, at a hunting-party, which perhaps makes the story a little suspicious. See vol. i. p. 366.
836. Fulk founded a monastery near Loches, in honour of the Cherubim and Seraphim, and applied to Hugh, Archbishop of Tours, to consecrate the church. The Primate refused, unless Fulk restored some alienated possessions of his see. Fulk then went to Rome with well stored moneybags, by the help of which he persuaded Pope John—which of all the Johns contemporary with Fulk we are not told—to send a Cardinal to consecrate it. The Bishops of Gaul were horrified at this invasion of their rights, and divine vengeance showed itself by the church being blown down on the night following its consecration. R. Glaber, ii. 4, copied in the Gesta Consulum, 251. Rudolf takes this opportunity to set forth his theory of the Papal authority, which is well worth studying, and which breathes in its fulness the spirit of the later Gallican liberties. The Bishop of Rome is the first of Bishops, but he may not interfere with the diocesan jurisdiction of any of his brethren.
837. On Fulk’s pilgrimage, see Fulc. Rech. p. 233. Gest. Consul. 252. Will. Malms. iii. 235. The Chronicler of Saint Maxentius makes him die, “ut dicitur,” on pilgrimage in 1032.
838. See at length Will. Malms. u. s.
839. See Art de Verifier les Dates, ii. 838.
840. Fulk, p. 233. “Propter quæ omnia bella, et propter magnanimitatem quam ibi exercebat, merito Martellus nominatus est, quasi suos conterens hostes.” William of Malmesbury (iii. 231) calls him “Gaufredus cognomento Martellus, quod ipse sibi usurpaverat, quia videbatur sibi felicitate quâdam omnes obsistentes contundere.” Another account makes the name derived from the trade of Geoffrey’s foster-father, a blacksmith, something like Donald of the Hammer in Scottish story.
841. On the whole story, see Appendix Q.
842. See the Chronicle in Duchèsne, Rer. Franc. Scriptt. iv. 97.
844. See Appendix P.
845. See Appendix N.
846. Fulk (p. 233) describes the cession made by Theobald to Geoffrey, and adds, “Pars autem alia Turonici pagi sibi contigerât possessione paternâ.” We have seen that the Counts of Anjou held Amboise and Loches.
847. This grant is distinctly asserted, not only by Fulk (u. s.), “Ex voluntate Regis Henrici accepit donum Turonicæ civitatis ab ipso Rege,” but also by R. Glaber (v. 2), followed by Gesta Cons. 256, “Contigit ut ... Rex, ablato ab iisdem dominio Turonicæ urbis, daret illud Gozfredo cognomento Tuditi, filio scilicet Fulconis jam dicti Andegavorum comitis.” The Norman writers of course know nothing of all this, and make Geoffrey an unprovoked aggressor.
848. R. Glaber (v. 2) describes Geoffrey’s victory and the captivity of Theobald, and adds, “Nulli dubium est, beato Martino auxiliante, qui illum piè invocaverat, suorum inimicorum victorem exstitisse.”
849. On the captivity of Theobald, see Fulk, p. 233. Gesta Cons. (largely after R. Glaber), 256. Chronn. Andd. a. 1044, ap. Labbe, i. 276, 287. Will. Pict. 86. Will. Gem. vii. 18. Will. Malms. iii. 231. R. Glaber is also followed by Hugo Flav. (Labbe, i. 186. Pertz, viii. 403).
850. Will. Pict. 82. “Vicissitudinem post hæc ipse Regi fide studiosissimâ reddidit, rogatus ab eo auxilium contra quosdam inimicissimos ei atque potentissimos ad officiendum.” This writer is very confused in his chronology of the war, placing the details about Domfront and Alençon at a long distance from this passage which seems to record the beginning of hostilities.
851. Ib. “Cernebant Francigenæ, quod invidia non cerni vellet, exercitum deductum è Normanniâ solâ regio majorem, omnique collegio, quantum adduxerant vel miserant Comites plurimi.”
852. Ib. 83. “Rex ei quam libenter proponebat consultanda, et maxima quæque ad ejus gerebat sententiam, anteponens in perspicientiâ consulti melioris eum omnibus.”
853. Ib. “Unicum id redarguebat, quod nimiùm periculis objectabat se, ac plerumque pugnam quæritabat, decurrens palam cum denis aut paucioribus. Normannos etiam primates obsecrabat, ne committi prœlium vel levissimum ante municipium aliquod paterentur; metuens videlicet occasurum virtutem ostentando, in quo regni sui præsidium firmissimum et ornamentum splendidissimum reponebat.”
854. William of Poitiers’ theory of William’s rashness (83) is not very clear; “Cæterum quæ velut immoderatam fortitudinis ostentationem multoperè dissuadebat Rex atque castigabat, ea nos fervidæ atque animosæ ætati aut officio adscribimus.”
856. Gesta Dom. Ambasiens. ap. D’Achery, iii. 273. “Quidam Comes pernimium juvenis Herbertus, cognomento Evigilans Canem.” See Palgrave, iii. 240.
857. One might fancy from the words of William of Jumièges (vii. 18), “Cœpit Normanniam rapinis vehementer demoliri, intra Danfrontis castrum seditiosis custodibus immissis,” that Domfront was now Norman. But it is clear from William of Poitiers (86) that it was, as a town of Maine, in Geoffrey’s possession at the beginning of the war; “Willelmus ... adibat cum exercitu terram Andegavensem, ut reddens talionem primo abalienaret Gaufredo Damfrontum, post reciperit Alentium.” So William of Malmesbury (iii. 231), “Damfruntum, quod erat tunc comitis Andegavorum, obsidione coronavit.” So also Roman de Rou, 9382;
858. Will. Pict. 89. “Perhibent homines antiquioris memoriæ, castra hæc ambo Comitis Ricardi concessu esse fundata, unum intra alterum, proximè fines Normanniæ.”