1289. See R. Hoveden. Scriptt. p. Bed. 320. Rad. de Dic. X Scriptt. c. 598. R. Wend. ii. 387. Gervase (X Scriptt. 1434). Cf. Vita Haroldi (Chron. A. N. ii. 164).
1291. De Inv. c. 14. There is something strange in the statement of the Waltham writer that Æthelstan did not succeed to all his father’s estates, but only to those attached to the stallership.
1293. De Inv. c. 14. “Adelstanus, pater Esegari qui stalre inventus est in Angliæ conquisitione à Normannis.” He was staller as early as 1044, as appears from a writ in Cod. Dipl. iv. 221, where he is addressed along with Bishop Ælfwold, who died in that year. He signs many charters, among others the Waltham charter of 1062 (Cod. Dipl. iv. 159), with the title of “regiæ procurator aulæ,” equivalent, according to Professor Stubbs, to “dapifer.” See his note to De Inv. c. 14.
1294. De Inv. c. 14. So in the Waltham Charter (iv. 155), “Cuidam meorum Comitum, onomate Haroldo, quamdam terram quæ antiquitùs ab incolis illius loci nuncupatur Waltham, hæreditario jure concessi.”
1295. The building of the church is affirmed in the Charter (iv. 155); “In præscripto loco monasterium ad laudem Domini nostri Jesu Christi et sanctæ Crucis construxit ... fundatum ... monasterium ... dedicari fecit.” So De Inv. 16; “Venusto enim admodum opere a fundamentis constructam [ecclesiam].” The romantic Biographer (p. 161) is much fuller in his description. On the application of the word “monasterium” to a secular church, see vol. i. p. 472.
1296. See Appendix EE.
1297. The nature of the foundation, the offices of its several members, and the discipline to be observed, are set forth at large in the 15th chapter of the De Inventione, and are fully commented on by Professor Stubbs in his Preface, pp. xiii. xiv.
1298. The charter first mentions the building of the church, then adds, “Primum concedens ei terram quæ vocatur Norðlande, unde ecclesiam villæ antiquitùs dotatam invenit;” then comes the consecration, then the ornaments and the relics; then “Quid plura? suæ denique conditionis non immemor, ibidem quorumdam catervulam fratrum secundum auctoritatem sanctorum patrum canonicæ regulæ [canonical, as opposed to monastic] subjectam constituit.” Cod. Dipl. iv. 155.
1299. The legendary Biographer very well describes the object of the foundation (pp. 160–161); “At vir magnificus, locum et loci cultum omnimodis cupiens cum suis cultoribus sublimare, novam ibi basilicam fabricare, ministrorum augere numerum, redditusque eorum proponit ampliare; utque celebriorem famâ, illustriorem clericorum frequentiâ, cœlestibus nobilitatam muneribus, locum terrigenis exhibet, scholas ibidem instituere ... dispositione satagebat prudenti.”
1301. On Adelard see De Inv. c. 15, and Stubbs, Preface, p. ix. In c. 25 the author calls Adelard, “institutor et ordinator præsentis ecclesiæ.” The Biographer (pp. 155–9) has a legend, which makes him a physician, sent over by the Emperor to cure Harold of a paralysis, which baffled the skill of English doctors. It baffled the skill of Adelard also, but, being a devout man, he recommends the Holy Rood of Waltham as the best resource, and by its virtue Harold is cured. Harold then founds the College, and puts Adelard at the head of the school. All this is made to follow Harold’s great Welsh campaign of 1063. The writer may have confounded it with the campaign of 1055. Harold, as we shall see, did suffer from the gout.
1302. De Inv. 25. His son Peter was Master when the author was a boy. He was a “fons uberrimus disciplinis doctrinam scaturiens.”
1303. Cod. Dipl. iv. 155. “Ut non solùm Dei cultor efficiatur, verùm etiam canonicæ regulæ strenuus institutor fieri credatur.”
1304. In 1857 I showed that the year must have been either 1059 or 1060. Professor Stubbs has now incontestably fixed it to the latter year.
1305. Professor Stubbs shows that the list of persons present at the consecration, as given in the De Inventione, c. 16, is taken from the list of signatures to the Charter. The author evidently thought that it was drawn up and signed at Waltham at the time. But he has thus fallen into some mistakes, as he introduces Walter and Gisa as Bishops, which they were in 1062, and therefore sign the charter as such, but which they were not in 1060. He also calls Gisa Bishop of Chichester instead of Wells.
1307. The Waltham writer (De Inv. c. 16) goes so far as to say that Cynesige officiated “quia tunc vacabat sedes Cantuariæ.” See Appendix U.
1308. Chronn. Wig. and Petrib. 1060. Flor. Wig. 1060. Hugo Candidus (Sparke, 45). This last writer is loud in Cynesige’s praise, and records his gifts to Peterborough, which the Lady Eadgyth took away.
1309. Fl. Wig. 1060. “Wigornensis episcopus Aldredus ad archiepiscopatum in Nativitate Domini eligitur.” It may perhaps be thought that such speed is impossible, and that “eligitur” must be taken of a capitular election at York on Christmas-Day, which would be confirmed by the King and his Witan at some later Gemót. We have certainly heard of capitular elections thus confirmed or rejected, in one case at Durham (vol. i. p. 565) and in one case at Canterbury (see above, p. 119); but the grant of the Bishoprick of Hereford to Walter is so clearly connected with the promotion of Ealdred to York that we must suppose the two to have taken place in the same Assembly. I do not know why “eligere” may not be said of the Witan as well as of the Chapter; or, if any one pleases, it is quite possible that enough members of the Church of York may have been present in the Gemót to go through a canonical election at Gloucester, which the King and his Witan would at once confirm.
1310. Flor. Wig. 1060. “Herefordensis præsulatus ... capellano Edgithæ Reginæ Waltero Lotharingo est datus.” His writ of appointment is given in Cod. Dipl. iv. 194.
1311. In 1060, according to the Worcester Chronicle and Florence; in 1061 according to the Peterborough Chronicle.
1312. Flor. Wig. 1060. His writ is given in Cod. Dipl. iv. 195. The local historian of Wells (Ang. Sac. i. 559), with the notions of the fifteenth century, makes Gisa receive his appointment, as well as his consecration, from the Pope; “Hic quum in quâdam ambassiatâ cum aliis à dicto Rege ad Apostolicam Sedem missus fuisset pro quibusdam negotiis conscientiam dicti Regis moventibus, Apostolicus sibi contulit sedem Wellensem.” Gisa was born (see his own account, Ecclesiastical Documents, p. 16) at Saint Trudo, a town of the district of Hasbain in the Bishoprick of Lüttich. Florence says of Duduc and Gisa that they were “ambo de Lotharingiâ oriundi,” but Duduc was certainly a Saxon.
1313. On the dispute between Harold and Gisa, see Appendix FF.
1315. Matth. Paris. Vitt. xxiii. Abb. ii. 47.
1316. Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. Scriptt. p. Bed. 163.
1317. Hist. Ep. Som. 16–19. “Tunc ecclesiam sedis meæ perspiciens esse mediocrem, clericos quoque quatuor vel quinque absque claustro et refectorio esse ibidem ... Quos publicè vivere et inhonestè mendicare necessariorum inopia antea coegerat.”
1318. See Appendix FF.
1319. Among other things, he bought Combe from “Arsere” (p. 18), who on reference to Domesday (89) appears as Azor, seemingly the same Thegn of whom Earl Godwine bought Woodchester in Gloucestershire. See Appendix E. Azor signs many charters, and in the Waltham document (Cod. Dipl. iv. 159) he appears as “Regis dapifer.”
1321. On these synods, held April 13th and May 1st, 1059, see Stubbs, Mosheim, ii. 47.
1322. We have seen that he found his Canons “absque claustro et refectorio,” things with which they could perfectly well dispense. Then he goes on (p. 19), “Quos publice vivere ... canonicali, ditatos, instruxi obedientiâ. Claustrum verò et refectorium et dormitorium illis præparavi, et omnia quæ ad hæc necessaria et competentia fore cognovi, ad modum patriæ meæ laudabiliter advocavi.” On the Provostship of Wells, part of this institution, see Professor Stubbs in Gentleman’s Magazine, November 1864, p. 624.
1324. Fl. Wig. 1061. Vita Eadw. 411. Æthelred Riev. X Scriptt. 387. The reason for these Bishops going to Rome for consecration is most clearly expressed in an incidental entry in Florence under the year 1070; “Ambo Romæ à Nicolao Papâ ordinati sunt, quando Aldredus Eboracensium archiepiscopus pallium suscepit: vitabant enim a Stigando, qui tunc archiepiscopatui Doruberniæ præsidebat, ordinari, quia illum noverant non canonicè pallium suscepisse.” See Appendix U. The King’s orders seem implied in the words of Gisa himself (Hist. Ep. Som. 16); “Ego quem Rex Edwardus, licet vitæ meritis indignum, Romæ direxit et à Nicolao Papâ ordinatum ... honorificè recepit.”
1326. W. Thorn. X Scriptt. 1785.
1327. Chron. Petrib. 1061. “And on þam sylfan geare forðferde Wulfric abbod æt Sc̃e Augustine innon þære Easter wucan on xiv. Kal. Mai.” It is remarkable how many eminent persons—Earl Godwine, Archbishop Cynesige, and King Eadward himself are the most remarkable—died while the Witan were actually sitting, to the great convenience of those who had to elect their successors.
1328. The story continues, “Ða com þam cynge word þæt se abbot Wulfric forðgefaren wæs, þa geceas he [no mention of capitular election] Æðelsige munuc þærto.” On Windsor see Cod. Dipl. iv. 178, 209, 227.
1330. Hist. Rams. c. 119. We shall hear of Æthelsige again.
1331. Chron. Wig. 1061. “Her for Ealdred biscop to Rome æfter his pallium.”
1332. The Worcester Chronicle merely says, “And se Eorl Tostig and his wif eac foron to Rome.” The Biographer (410, 411) adds Gyrth, Gospatric, and others, as their companions. On Burchard, son of Ælfgar, see Appendix BB.
1333. Vita Eadw. 410. “Transfretavit, et per Saxoniam et superiores Rheni fines Romam tetendit.”
1334. Ib. 411. “Venerant quoque ex præcepto Regis ... Gyso et Walterius.”
1335. Æthel. Riev. 386. Est. de Seint Ædward, 2324 et seqq. But the fact rests on better authority. The Biographer (411) speaks of Ealdred as going to Rome—“ut ibi scilicet et regiæ legationis caussam peroraret, et usum pallii obtineret.” So Gisa himself (Hist. Ep. Som. 16) says that he came back “privilegium apostolicæ auctoritatis mecum deferens.”
1336. Vita Eadw. 410. “Romæ ab Apostolico Nicolao, honore quo decebat susceptus, à latere ejus in ipsâ Romanâ synodo ab eo coactus sedit secundus.” So Gisa (u. s.) says “post peractam ibi synodum.” William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 154) calls it “synodus quam contra simoniacos coegerat [Nicolaus].” He also mentions the honours shown to Tostig. But this synod cannot have been, as Æthelred (387) makes it, the Second Lateran Council. That assembly, according to the Chronicle of Bernold of Constanz (Pertz, v. 427), was held in 1060, but the real date was April 13, 1059. See its Acts in Pertz, Legg. ii. Ap. 177. Milman, iii. 49. And cf. above, p. 452.
1337. See what profess to be the letters in Cod. Dipl. iv. 183.
1338. Gisa himself (u. s.) fixes the day to April 15th.
1339. Vita Eadw. 411. “Apostolicis et pontificalibus decretis examinantibus et omni synodo censente, à petitione suâ repulsus, non solùm usum pallii non obtinuit, verùm ab episcopatûs gradu dejectus in hâc confusione recedere habuit.”
1340. Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 154. “Gisonem et Walterum voti compotes reddidit, qui essent non usquequaque contemnendæ scientiæ et nullius notati ignominiâ simoniæ. Aldredum suâpte responsione culpabilem utrobique repertum omni honore severus exspoliavit.” But, in his Life of Wulfstan (Ang. Sac. ii. 250), he says, “Nam nec ille Wigornensi præsulatui renunciare, nec Papa nisi cederet Eboracensi eum pallio insignire volebat.” The Biographer (411) is not very clear, but he seems rather to make the translation the objection; “Perscrutatus ergo qualiter ad sacros accessisset ordines, eo gratuitu confitente inventus est à primo ordinationis suæ Episcopo [episcopatu?] ad alium [aliud MS.] commigrâsse contra canones.”
1341. Vita Eadw. 412. “Quum caussâ Aldredi Episcopi Dux in Româ prehendinaret diutiùs, uxorem suam et omnem regiæ dignitatis suæ comitatum præmiserat cum suis majoris numeri hominibus, et hi processerant prosperè.”
1342. The Biographer, who first (411) calls them “latrones,” afterwards (412) promotes them into “militares.”
1343. “Adolescens Gaius Patricius nomine” (411). The same strange perversion of the name is made by Orderic (512 C). This may be the Gospatric mentioned there as taking a part in the resistance to William in Northumberland. It is to be hoped for Tostig’s sake that it was.
1344. “Suis propriis rebus donatus,” says the Biographer, 412.
1345. Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 154. “Ita differenti effectu quum regrederentur [he conceives Gisa and Walter to have been of the party], una pariter ærumna omnes involvit; nam prædonibus irruentibus, præter simplices vestes exspoliatis omnibus, ad nummum valens corporibus tamen illæsis Romam refugere.”
1346. Vita Eadw. 412. “Confusè ergo et miserabiliter reversis Romana pietas indoluit, veritusque Dominus Papa maximè clarissimi Ducis petitionem,” &c.
1347. Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 154. “Futurum ut hæc Rex Anglorum audiens tributum Sancti Petri meritò Nicolao subtraheret, se non defuturum rerum veritati exaggerendæ. Hoc minarum fulmine Romani territi Papam flexerunt.” This follows a good hearty English denunciation, of which I have given the substance in the text. To the same effect in the Life of Wulfstan, ii. 250.
1348. Such is William of Malmesbury’s account. The Biographer, in his rhetoric, leaves out the condition.
1349. Vita Eadw. 412. “Ducem consolatus est caritativâ allocutione, allatis insuper magis xeniis ex beati Petri largitate.”
1350. See Appendix BB.
1352. Sim. Dun. Gest. Regg. 1061. “Interim Rex Scottorum Malcolmus sui conjuncti fratris, scilicet Comitis Tostii, comitatum ferociter depopulatus est, violatâ pace sancti Cuthberti in Lindisfarnensi insulâ.”
1353. Vita Wlst. 250. Ealdred is to resign Worcester, and a good successor is to be chosen; “Hujus igitur conditionis arbitros, et quædam alia ecclesiastica negotia in Angliâ expedituros, Cardinales adductos Archiepiscopus Regi exhibuit.” Florence (1062) calls them “legatos sedis apostolicæ ... Armenfredum scilicet, Sedunensem Episcopum, et alium, qui a Domino Papâ Alexandro pro responsis ecclesiasticis ad Regem Anglorum Eadwardum missi ... Wigorniæ ... degebant.” I quote the fuller Life by William of Malmesbury as “Vita Wlstani,” and the shorter one by Heming by name.
1354. Vita Wlst. 250. “Adeò illum amor Wigorniæ devinxerat.”
1355. Florence mentions their sojourn at Worcester, and their admiration of Wulfstan; the Life makes them actually his guests.
1356. Fl. Wig. “Exspectantes responsum suæ legationis usque ad curiam regalem proximi Paschæ.” So the Life, but less clearly.
1358. Vita Wlst. 251. “Maximæ quantùm ad sæculum prudentiæ, quantùm ad religionem non minimæ.” But the Evesham historian (p. 87) calls him “honestis moribus valde probatum, tam generis nobilitate quàm divinâ lege ac sæculari prudentiâ plurimum valentem.”
1360. Vit. Wlst. 251. “Quamvis Æthelwius sollicitè anniteretur partibus.”
1361. Ib. “Aldredus, pro pacto quod fecerat Apostolico, nonnullo tempore fluctaverat animo; utrum ad episcopatum eligeret Ethelwii perspicacem industriam in sæculo, an Wlstani simplicem religionem in Deo. Erant enim illi viri Wigornensis diœcesis diverso respectu præstantissimi.”
1362. Flor. Wig. 1062. “Anno ætatis suæ plus quinquagesimo.”
1363. Æthelstan in the Life, Eatstan according to Florence.
1364. Vita Wlst. 244. Ervenius was a skilful illuminator, and wrote a Sacramentary for King Cnut and a Psalter for the Lady Emma. Cnut (249) gave both the books to the Emperor Conrad; his son Henry the Third gave them to Ealdred, who brought them back from Köln and gave them to Wulfstan. Emma had another Psalter whose adventures in Normandy we have already come across. See above, p. 233.
1366. Brihtheah was Bishop from 1033 to 1038 (Chron. Wig. 1033. Ab. 1038). This fixes the date of Wulfstan’s ordination and profession. Brihtheah was one of the embassy which took Gunhild to Germany (Heming, Cart. 267). He had a brother Æthelwig, who enlarged the presbytery of Saint Peter’s Church in Worcester (Ib. 342).
1367. Vita Wlst. 246. “Obtulit ei plusquam semel Antistes ecclesiam suburbanam, cujus opulenti reditus ad quotidianam stipem satis superque sufficerent.”
1368. Ib. 247. “Præpositus, ut tunc, Prior, ut nunc dicitur, monachorum constitutus.” “Prior et pater congregationis,” says Florence, adding “ab Aldredo episcopo ponitur.” It will be remembered that, in a cathedral monastery, the Bishop was Abbot, so the Prior was the immediate head of the society.
1369. Ib. 248. “Jam enim venalitas ex infernalibus umbris emerserat, ut nec illud gratis presbyteri præberent infantibus sacramentum, si non infarcirent parentes marsupium.” Adam of Bremen (iv. 30) brings the same charge against the Norwegian and Danish clergy; but he allows it to be their only fault, and attributes it to the unwillingness of the “barbarians” to pay tithe.
1370. Heming, Vita Wlst. Angl. Sacr. i. 541. “Venerabilis interea Comitissa Godgiva, famâ bonitatis ejus auditâ, totis illum cœpit diligere visceribus, et diversis hujus sæculi subvenire necessitatibus.” See Appendix E.
1372. Fl. Wig. 1062. “Fit unanimis consensus tam cleri quam etiam totius plebis in ejus electione, Rege videlicet annuente ut quem sibi vellent præsulem eligerent.” He goes on to mention the coming of the Legates and their visit to Worcester, and adds; “Hi videntes, dum ibi morabantur, ejus laudabilem conversationem, in ejus electione non tantùm consentiebant, immo etiam tam clerum quam plebem maximè ad hoc instigabant, suâque auctoritate ejus electionem firmabant.” This seems, especially considering the passage about the King, certainly to imply a preliminary election by the clergy and people of Worcester, which the Witan had to confirm or reject. It is hardly possible that by “clerus et plebs” he can mean the Gemót itself. He speaks of the Legates waiting for the Gemót, but it is from the Life that we get the details of the debate.
1373. Vita Wlst. 251. “Ad Curiam reversi, dum Wigornensis Episcopi ventilaretur electio, nomen ejus tulerunt in medium.” It must have been a wholesome thing for Roman Cardinals to come face to face with an Assembly in whose proceedings order and freedom had already learned to kiss one another.
1374. Ib. “Adstipulabantur votis Cardinalium Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis et Eboracensis, ille favore, iste testimonio [I suppose this means that Ealdred spoke from his own knowledge, and Stigand from the report of others], ambo judicio. Accedebant laudibus etiam Comites Haraldus et Elgarus, par insigne fortitudinis, non ita religionis.”
1375. Ib. “Sanctus ergo ad Curiam exhibitus jubetur suscipere donum Episcopatûs [the King’s writ?]. Contra ille niti, et se honori tanto imparem cunctis reclamantibus clamitare.”
1376. Fl. Wig. 1262. “Illo obstinatissimè renuente, seque indignum acclamante et cum sacramento etiam affirmante se multò libentiùs decollationi quàm tam altæ ordinationi succumbere velle.”
1377. “Frustra Cardinales cum Archiepiscopis trivissent operam, nisi refugienti prætendissent Papæ obedientiam.” So says the Life, p. 251, and the argument is one which would doubtless be used, though one may doubt whether Stigand was specially eloquent on behalf of the Papal claims. But the matter was clearly not settled at once in the Easter Gemót. Florence witnesses to the final persuasion wrought by the “inclusus” Wulfsige, who, after his long solitude, was not likely to be among the assembled Witan. (We shall hear of Wulfsige again.) The dates also prove the delay. Florence tells us that the canonical confirmation was on August 29th, the consecration on September 8th.
1378. See Appendix U.
1379. Fl. Wig. 1062. “Coram Rege et regni optimatibus.” Or, as Florence, when he speaks of the Witan, is rather fond of using popular language, this may mean some smaller Council.
1380. Ib. “Se nullum jus ecclesiasticæ seu sæcularis subjectionis super eum deinceps velle clamare, nec propter quod ab eo consecratus est, nec quia ante consecrationem ejus monachus factus est.”
1381. Vita Wlst. 251. “Rex ergo Edwardus Wlstanum Wigornensi episcopatu ex solido investivit; licet illum Aldredus potentiâ quâ vigebat multis et penè omnibus ... prædiis vellicaverit.” The Gloucester historian (i. 9) charges him with having dealt in the same way with that Monastery on his appointing the other Wulfstan to be its Abbot.
1382. This is the charter in Cod. Dipl. iv. 154, already so often quoted. The signatures are very numerous. Stigand, though excluded from the consecration of the minster, signs the charter; so does the Norman Bishop William, also Bishop Gisa, various French courtiers, Esegar the Staller, and Earl Ælfgar. Harold’s own signature takes a very practical shape; “Ego Haroldus Dux operando consolido.”
1383. See Appendix GG.
1384. This seems implied in the verses of the Biographer, p. 425;
1385. This is implied in the Worcester Chronicle, 1063. “On þissum geare for Harold Eorl æfter Middanwintre of Gleaweceastre to Rudelan.” Florence is fuller. Harold goes “jussu Regis Eadwardi,” and the reason assigned is “ut Regem Walanorum Griffinum, propter frequentes depopulationes quas in Anglorum finibus agebat, ac verecundias quas domino suo Regi Eadwardo sæpe faciebat, occideret.” A bill of attainder was seemingly passed against Gruffydd, just like that which, at another Gloucester Gemót, nine years before, had been passed against Rhys, the brother of the other Gruffydd. See above, p. 349.
1386. Fl. Wig. 1063. “Equitatu non multo secum assumpto.” The Housecarls were clearly the only troops fitted for a sudden enterprise of this kind. Riding to the field, but fighting on foot, they were dragoons in the earlier sense of the word.
1387. Flor. Wig. “Eodemque die rediit.”
1388. Joan. Sarisb. Polyc. vi. 6 (iv. 16—18 Giles). His general argument is, “Videsne quantùm electio ducis et exercitium juventutis militiæ conferant?” He introduces Harold thus; “Anglorum recens narrat historia, quod, quum Britones, irruptione factâ, Angliam depopularentur, à piissimo Rege Edwardo ad eos expugnandos missus est Dux Haraldus, vir quidem in armis strenuus [his common epithet with Florence], et laudabilium operum fulgens insignibus, et qui tam suam quam suorum posset apud posteros gloriam dilatare, nisi meritorum titulos, nequitiam patris imitans, perfidè præsumpto regno, decoloraret.”
1389. He enlarges at some length on the inadequate preparations made in his time to resist the invaders; “Nivicollini Britones irruunt, et jam protendunt terminos suos, et egressi de cavernis suis latebrisque silvarum, plana occupant, nobilium procerum, videntibus ipsis, impugnant, expugnant, et diruunt, aut sibi retinent, munitiones.” After some rhetorical complaints of the luxury of his own age, he goes on, “Depopulantur illi fines nostros; dum juventus nostra instruitur, et dum nobis miles armatur, hostis evadit.” Presently comes the account of Harold.
1390. De Illaud. Walliæ, ii. 7, ap. Ang. Sacr. ii. 451. He describes Harold’s campaign, and adds, “Ob has igitur tam cruentas tamque recentes Anglorum de hâc gente victorias primi tres Normannorum Reges in tantâ subjectione tamque pacificam suis diebus Walliam tenuere.”
1391. Fl. Wig. 1063. “Frater suus Comes Tostinus, ut Rex mandârat, cum equestri occurrit exercitu.” The Worcester Chronicle says, “Tostig fór mid landferde ongean.” “Landferd” is here opposed to Harold’s fleet. Tostig had probably troops of both kinds in his army, but the “equestris exercitus” implies that some were Housecarls.
1393. Giraldus (Angl. Sacr. ii. 452), in his very curious remarks on the right way to carry on a Welsh war, enlarges on the necessity of being prepared for poor fare. The Marchers are “Gens ... cibo potuque non delicata, tam Cerere quam Baccho caussis urgentibus abstinere parata.” It was now no doubt that Harold showed that power of enduring “infinitos labores, vigilias, et inediam,” of which the Biographer had spoken, p. 409. See above, p. 38.