[453] Magnin, Marionnettes; J. Feller, Le Bethléem verviétois (Bull. de la Soc. verviétoise d’Arch. et d’Hist. 1900).
[454] Cf. vol. i. p. 71.
[455] Morley, passim; Hone, 229; Strutt, 164; T. Frost, Old Showmen and Old London Fairs (1874); W. B. Boulton, Amusements of Old London, ii. 49, 224.
[456] The term ‘motion’ is not, however, confined to puppet-plays. Bacon, Essay xxxvii, uses it of the dumb-shows of masquers, and Jonson, Tale of a Tub, v. 1, of shadow-plays.
[457] P. C. Acts, viii. 131.
[458] Winter’s Tale, iv. 3. 102.
[459] Bartholomew Fair, v. 3; cf. v. 1. 8 ‘O, the motions that I, Lanthorn Leatherhead, have given light to in my time, since my master Pod died! Jerusalem was a stately thing, and so was Nineveh, and the City of Norwich, and Sodom and Gomorrah, with the rising of the prentices and pulling down the bawdy-houses there upon Shrove-Tuesday; but the Gunpowder Plot, there was a get-penny! I have presented that to an eighteen or twenty pence audience, nine times in an afternoon’; also Every Man out of His Humour, Induction:
[460] Lanthorn Leatherhead says of his puppets, ‘I am the mouth of them all’; cf. Hamlet, iii. 2. 256 ‘I could interpret between you and your love, if I could see the puppets dallying’; Two Gentlemen of Verona, ii. 1. 100 ‘O excellent motion! O exceeding puppet! Now will he interpret to her.’
[461] Morley, 179, 187, 190, 247, 261, 273, 304, 321, records ‘Patient Grisel’ (1655, 1677), ‘Susanna’ (1655), ‘Sodom and Gomorrah’ (1656), ‘Judith and Holophernes’ (1664), ‘Jephtha’s Rash Vow’ (1697, 1698, 1701, 1704, 1733), ‘The Creation of the World’ (1701).
[462] Powell’s performances of the ‘Creation of the World’ at Bath and ‘Susanna’ at Covent Garden are referred to in the Tatler for May 14, 1709, and the Spectator for March 16, 1711.
[463] Hone, 230, describes a ‘gallantee show’ of the Prodigal Son and of Noah’s Ark with a scene of ‘Pull Devil, Pull Baker,’ showing the judgement upon a baker who gave short weight (cf. the cut in Morley, 356), seen by him in London in 1818. This was an exhibition of ombres chinoises rather than a puppet-play proper.
[464] A. Dieterich, Pulcinella, 234, considers Pulcinella a descendant of Maccus, derives the name from pullicenus, pulcinus, pullus, and connects the fowl-masks of Italian comedy with the cockscomb of the English fool (cf. vol. i. p. 385).
[465] Collier, Punch and Judy (1870), 11 sqq.; Frost, The Old Showmen and the Old London Fairs, 29. The earliest English notice of Punch in England is in the overseers’ books of St. Martin’s-in-the-Fields for 1666 and 1667, ‘Recᵈ of Punchinello, yᵉ Italian popet player, for his booth at Charing Cross.’ In a Bartholomew Fair playbill of the early eighteenth century, ‘the merry conceits of Squire Punch and Sir John Spendall’ were attached to the puppet-show of the Creation of the World. Punch was also amongst the dramatis personae of Robert Powell. The nature of these earlier Punch plays is unknown. That now traditional in England is implied by the ballad of Punch’s Pranks (†1790). Collier, who prints it as given by one Piccini in Drury Lane, with cuts by Cruikshank, considers it to be derived from Don Juan. But it seems to me to come still nearer to the morality plays. French Punch plays have many other themes.
[467] Printed by Halliwell, Minor Poems of Lydgate (Percy Soc.), 95, from Shirley’s Harl. 2251, f. 293, as a Processioune of Corpus Cristi, with a note at the end that ‘Shirley kowde fynde no more.’ It is also, with the same note, in Shirley’s Trin. Coll. Camb. MS. R. 3. 20, f. 348, with the heading, ‘Ordenaunce of a p’cessyoun of the feste of Corpus Cristi, made in London by Daun John Lydegate’ (E. P. Hammond, in Anglia, xxii. 364), and is copied thence by John Stowe in B. M. Add. MS. 29, 729, f. 166. The piece is nᵒ. 153 in the list of Lydgate’s works given by Ritson, Bibl. Poet. 79. It may be doubted whether Ritson’s nᵒ. 152 ‘A Procession of pageants from the creation’ is really distinct. Lydgate describes to his hearers ‘figures shewed in your presence’ which embody ‘gracious mysteries grounded in Scripture.’ Of course ‘mysteries’ has no technical dramatic sense here. Lydgate’s method of ‘interpreting’ may have been based on the incorrect mediaeval notion of the methods of the classical stage, which he adopts in his Troy Book (cf. p. 208). The ‘figures’ represented twenty-seven persons whose utterances revealed the mystery of the Mass. There were eight patriarchs, the Ecclesiast, four prophets, the Baptist, four evangelists, St. Paul, and seven Christian doctors.
[468] Sharp, 172, quotes from a contemporary writer a passage showing that the Dublin procession, like those of Coventry and Shrewsbury, lasted to a recent date: ‘The Fringes was a procession of the trades and corporations, performed in Ireland on Corpus Christi day, even within the author’s recollection. King Solomon, Queen of Sheba, with Vulcan, Venus, and Cupid, were leading persons upon this occasion.’
[469] Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 211; Davidson, 219.
[470] The following is from an account of a continental Corpus Christi procession in Barnabe Googe’s translation of Naogeorgos’ Popish Kingdom (1553), iv. 699 (Stubbes, i. 337):
[471] Sharp, 217, records a play of the Golden Fleece provided by Robert Crowe for the Cappers’ Candlemas Dinner in 1525; the London drapers had a pageant with the same title in 1522 (cf. p. 165).
[473] Toulmin Smith, English Guilds, 149.
[474] Ibid. 148.
[475] Ibid. 30.
[476] Kelly, 7, 11.
[477] Cf. Representations, s.v. Canterbury.
[478] The ‘pagent’s paynted and lemenyd with gold’ of the Holy Trinity, Saints Fabian, Sebastian, and Botulph, ‘and the last pagent of the terement, & gen’all obyte, of the brether’n and suster’n, that be passed to God,’ which the London guild of the Holy Trinity had on a ‘rolle of velom, cou’ed with a golde-skyn’ in 1463 (Hone, 81), were probably not, as Davidson, 224, thinks, ‘a description and representation of the pageants which were carried in procession by the guild,’ but illuminated pages (paginae). For a similar misunderstanding cf. p. 401, n. 1. Abp. Thoresby (†1357) circulated a ‘tretys in Englisce ... in smale pagynes’ (Shirley, Fasciculi Zizaniorum, xiii).
[480] Dyer, 60.
[481] Cf. vol. i. p. 221.
[482] Cf. vol. i. pp. 118, 120.
[484] J. G. Nichols, London Pageants (1837); F. W. Fairholt, Lord Mayor’s Pageants (1843-4, Percy Soc. nᵒˢ. 38, 43), and The Civic Garland (Percy Soc. 1845).
[485] Herbert, i. 457. The same writer quotes a payment from the drapers’ accounts of 1516 of £13 4s. 7d. for ‘Sir Laurens Aylmer’s Pageant.’ But this cannot have been intended for a lord mayor’s show, for Aylmer’s only mayoralty was in 1507-8, and a grocer, not a draper, was mayor in 1515-6 and in 1516-7.
[486] Malcolm, Londinium Redivivum, ii. 42; W. C. Hazlitt, Livery Companies (1892), 310.
[487] Herbert, i. 199.
[488] W. Smith, A breffe description of the Royall Citie of London (1575), quoted by Nichols, 95.
[489] The Annales Londonienses record at the visit of the Emperor Otho to King John in 1207 ‘tota civitas Londoniae induit solempnitatem pallis et aliis ornamentis circumornata,’ and at the entry of Edward II after his marriage in 1308 ‘tapeti aurei’ and the city dignitaries ‘coram rege et regina karolantes’ (Chronicles of the Reigns of Edw. I and Edw. II, R. S. i. 13, 152). At the coronation of Henry IV in 1399 was an ‘equitatio magnifica’ (Annales Hen. IV, R. S. 291), and the streets were hung with ‘paremens,’ and there were ‘nœuf broucherons a manière de fontaines en Cep a Londres, courans par plusieurs conduits, jettans vin blanc et vermeil’ (Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Kervyn de Lettynhove, xvi. 205).
[490] M. Paris, Chronica Maiora (R. S.), iii. 336 ‘quibusdam prodigiosis ingeniis et portentis.’
[491] Stowe, Annals, 207. The authority quoted in the margin is ‘Chro. Dun.,’ which I cannot identify. It is not the Dunstable Annals in the Annales monastici (R. S.), vol. iii.
[492] Annales Londonienses (Chron. of Edw. I and Edw. II, R. S.), i. 221 ‘quaedam navis, quodam mirabili ingenio operata, cum malo et velo erectis, et depictis de supradictis armis [of England and France] et varietate plurima’; cf. H. T. Riley, Memorials of London, 107, from Corporation Letter Book D. f. 168.
[493] T. Walsingham, Hist. Anglica (R. S.), i. 331.
[494] Fabyan, 538; H. Knighton, Chronicon (R. S.), ii. 320; Richard Maydiston, De concordia inter regem Ricardum II et civitatem London (Political Poems, R. S. i. 282).
[495] Full contemporary accounts in Gesta Henrici Quinti (Eng. Hist. Soc.), 61, and a set of verses by John Lydgate printed in London Chronicle, 214, and H. Nicolas, Hist. of Agincourt (1833), 326; more briefly in London Chronicle, 103; T. Walsingham, Hist. Anglic. (R. S.), ii. 314; cf. C. L. Kingsford, Henry V, 156.
[496] T. Walsingham, Hist. Anglica (R. S.), ii. 336 ‘ludicis et vario apparatu.’
[498] Printed from Corp. Letter Book K. f. 103ᵛ, by H. T. Riley, Liber Albus (R. S.), iii. 457; cf. descriptive verses by Lydgate, Minor Works (Percy Soc.), 2; London Chronicle, 119; Fabyan, 603; Gregory, 173.
[499] Carpenter uses the term pagina, which here occurs for the first time in connexion with these London receptions. Mr. Riley quite unnecessarily proposes to read machina.
[500] A pun was concealed here, for John de Welles, grocer, was mayor, and the ‘oranges, almonds, and the pomegranade’ on the trees were the grocers’ wares. Cf. the tree of the Norwich grocers in the Corpus Christi procession (p. 163).
[501] Stowe, Annals, 385; cf. London Chronicle, 134 ‘goodly sights ayenst her coming’; Fabyan, 617 ‘sumptuous and costly pagentes, and resemblaunce of dyuerse olde hystoryes’; Gregory, 186 ‘many notabylle devysys in the cytte.’ According to Stowe, Lydgate wrote verses for these pageants.
[502] A memorandum of ceremonial As ffor the ressaunge off a Quene and her Crownacion of the reign of Henry VII (Antiquarian Repertory, i. 302) has the following direction for the riding from the Tower to Westminster, ‘at the condit in Cornylle ther must be ordined a sight wᵗ angelles singinge and freche balettes yʳon in latene, engliche and ffrenche, mad by the wyseste docturs of this realme; and the condyt of Chepe in the same wyse; and the condit must ryn bothe red wyn and whit wyne; and the crosse in Chepe muste be araid in yᵉ most rialle wyse that might be thought; and the condit next Poules in the same wyse.’
[503] Contemporary account in Leland, Collectanea (ed. Hearne), iv. 218, and J. Ives, Select Papers (1773), 127.
[504] Minutely detailed contemporary account in Antiquarian Repertory, ii. 248; cf. Stowe, Annals, 483; Hazlitt-Warton, iii. 160.
[506] Minutely detailed contemporary account in Antiquarian Repertory, ii. 232; Hall, 801; Collier, ii. 353. Leland’s and Udall’s verses for the pageants are in Ballads from MSS., i. 378 (Ballad Soc.).
[507] Contemporary account in Leland, Collectanea (ed. Hearne), iv. 313.
[508] Stowe, Annals, 616; cf. Texts, s.v. John Heywood.
[509] Holinshed, iii. 1121.
[510] Contemporary account in Nichols, Progresses of Elizabeth, i. 38.
[511] Cf. vol. i. p. 121.
[512] Warton, iii. 158, says that ‘Speakers seem to have been admitted into our pageants about the reign of Henry VI.’ But there were songs, and for all we know, speeches also in 1377 and 1415. Verses such as Lydgate wrote for pageants were often fastened on them, and read or not read aloud when the visitor approached, as might be convenient.
[514] Wheatley-Cunningham, London Past and Present, i. 373, 458; iii. 409.
[515] Julleville, Les Myst. i. 196; ii. 186.
[516] Sharp, 145.
[517] Davies, 162, 171, 282.
[518] J. Raine, English Miscellanies (Surtees Soc., vol. lxxxv), 53, from Corporation House Book, vi. 15.
[519] Contemporary account in Leland, Collectanea (ed. Hearne), iv. 185. A description of an earlier reception of Edward IV at Bristol with ‘Wylliam conquerour,’ ‘a greet Gyaunt delyueryng the Keyes,’ and St. George is in Furnivall, Political, Religious, and Love Poems (E. E. T. S.), 5.
[520] Leland, Collectanea, iv. 263.
[522] Cf. vol. i. p. 398.
[523] Symonds, Renaissance in Italy, iv. 338.
[524] Cf. vol. i. p. 86.
[525] Ward, i. 108. The limitation by Collier, ii. 299, of ‘what may be properly, and strictly, called Interludes’ to farces of the type affected by John Heywood has introduced a most inconvenient semi-technical term into literary nomenclature. I do not so limit the word.
[526] Gawain and the G. K. 472:
[527] Cf. vol. i. p. 93.
[528] Hazlitt, E. D. S. 80 ‘How thanne may a prist pleyn in entirlodies?’ In Barbour, Bruce (†1375), x. 145 ‘now may ȝe heir ... Interludys and iuperdys, þat men assayit on mony vis Castellis and pelis for till ta,’ the sense is metaphorical, as in ‘ioculando et talia verba asserendo interludia fuisse vanitatis’ quoted by Ducange from Vit. Abb. S. Alb., i.e. probably Thomas Walsingham (†1422), not Matthew Paris (†1249). The reading is doubtful in Anastasius Bibliothecarius (9th cent.), Hist. Pontif. (P. L. lxxx. 1352), ‘quem iussit sibi praesentari in interludo noctu ante templum Palladis.’
[529] For probable 1385 cases, cf. Representations, s.v. King’s Lynn.
[530] A ‘vyce’ made pastime before and after a play at Bungay, but this was not until 1566.
[531] Julleville, Les Com. 97. These performances were known as les pois pilés and began about the middle of the fourteenth century. The Anglo-French entrelude, asterisked by the N. E. D., is found in 1427 (cf. p. 186). Collier’s theory receives some support from the Spanish use of the term entremes for a comic piece played in conjunction with a serious auto. But the earlier sense of entremes itself appears to be for an independent farce played at banquets (Ticknor, Hist. of Span. Lit. (ed. 1888), i. 231; ii. 449).
[532] Cf. the accounts in Leland, Collectanea, iv. 228, 236, of the court of Henry VII. Douglas, Palace of Honour, ii. 410 ‘At eis they eit with interludis betwene,’ dates from 1501. Horman, Vulgaria (1519), quoted on p. 137, speaks of the ‘paiantis’ of a play as corresponding in number to the courses of a feast. Much earlier Raoul de Presles (†1374) in his Exposicion to Augustine, de Civ. Dei, ii. 8 (Abbeville, 1486), says that comedies ‘sont proprement apellez interludia, pour ce quilz se font entre les deux mengiers.’ But the use of interludere by Ausonius, Idyll, x. 76, ‘interludentes, examina lubrica, pisces,’ and Ambrose, Epist. xlvii. 4, ‘interludamus epistolis,’ supports my view.
[533] For a curious distinction, probably neither original nor permanent, drawn about 1530 between ‘stage playes’ (presumably out of doors) in the summer and ‘interludes’ (presumably indoors) in the winter, cf. the documents printed by H. R. Plomer, in Trans. of Bibliographical Society, iv. (1898), 153, and A. W. Pollard in Fifteenth Century Prose and Verse, 305, about a suit between John Rastell, lawyer, printer, and playwright, and one Henry Walton. Rastell, going on a visit to France about 1525, had left with Walton a number of players’ garments. These are fully described. They were mostly of say or sarcenet, and the tailor, who with the help of Rastell’s wife had made them, valued them at 20s. apiece. Walton failed to restore them, and for some years let them on hire, to his own profit. Evidence to this effect was given by John Redman, stationer, and by George Mayler, merchant tailor, and George Birche, coriar, two of the king’s players. These men had played in the garments themselves and had seen them used in ‘stage pleyes’ when the king’s banquet was at Greenwich [in 1527; cf. vol. i. p. 400]. They had been used at least twenty times in stage plays every summer and twenty times in interludes every winter, and Walton had taken, as the ‘common custume’ was, at a stage play ‘sumtyme xlᵈ., sometyme ijˢ., as they couth agree, and at an interlude viijᵈ for every tyme.’ Rastell had brought a previous suit in the mayor’s court, but could only receive 35s. 9d., at which the goods had been officially appraised. But they were then ‘rotten and torne,’ whereas Rastell alleged that they were nearly new when delivered to Walton and worth 20 marks. Walton relied on the official appraisement, and had a counter-claim for 40s. balance of a bill for 50s. costs ‘in making of stage for player in Restall’s grounde beside Fyndesbury, in tymbre, bourde, nayle, lath, sprigge and other thyngs.’ He held the clothes against payment of this amount, which Rastell challenged.
[534] In 1503 a Magi was given in Canterbury guildhall. Some of the crafts of Coventry (1478-1568) and Newcastle (1536) had plays at their guild feasts. The indoor performances of Chester plays in 1567 and 1576 are late and exceptional.
[535] Cf. Appendix E, ii (Maxstoke), iii (Thetford), vii (Howard), viii (Tudor Court). ‘Moleyn’s wedding’ attended by Lord Howard, is the first of many at which the players are recorded to have made the mirth. Some of the entries may imply visits to the plays, rather than of the plays, and this I suppose to be the case with Henry VII’s payment ‘to the players at Myles End.’ It is perhaps a little arbitrary to assume, as I have done, that players locally named are never professional. Thus the lusores de Writhill paid by the duke of Buckingham on Jan. 6, 1508, are almost certainly identical with the lusores Dñi de Wrisell (his brother-in-law, the earl of Northumberland) paid by him at Xmas, 1507 (Archaeologia, xxv. 318, 324), although it happens curiously enough that the Chelmsford wardrobe was drawn upon by players of Writtle in 1571-2. The local designation of members of the minstrel class is exceptional; but cf. the York example in the next note. The locally named lusores may, however, sometimes have acted not a miracle, but a May-game or sword-dance; e.g., at Winchester College in 1400 when they came ‘cum tripudio suo’ (App. E, iv).
[536] I have taken lusores in the computi as always meaning performers of a dramatic ludus. This is often demonstrably correct and never demonstrably incorrect, except that when Colet in his Oratio ad Clerum of 1511 quotes the canon ‘ne sit publicus lusor’ he seems to use the term in its canonical sense of ‘gambler.’ The English version (1661) has ‘common gamer or player.’ A similar ambiguity is, I think, the only one which attaches itself to ‘player’ where it is a technical term after the middle of the fourteenth century. Lydgate in his Interpretacyon of the names of Goddys and Goddesses (quoted by Collier, i. 31) uses it of an actor, although an older sense is preserved by the Promptorium Parvulorum (1440), ‘Bordyoure or pleyere, ioculator.’ The sense of ludentes, I think, is wide. The ludentes ‘de Donyngton’ and ‘de Wakefield’ paid by the York corporation in 1446 (York Plays, xxxviii) are more likely to have been minstrels whom the corporation did provide for the plays than actors whom they did not. On the other hand about interludentes and interlusores, neither of them very common terms, there can be no doubt. Lusiatores occurs as a synonym for lusores at Shrewsbury only. Mimi and histriones I have uniformly treated as merely minstrels. At a late date they might, I suppose, be actors, but it is impossible to differentiate.
[537] Plays were sometimes read, even in the fifteenth century. The prologue of The Burial and Resurrection has ‘Rede this treyte,’ although it was also converted into ‘a play to be playede’; and the epilogue of the Digby St. Mary Magdalen has ‘I desyer the redars to be my frynd.’ Thomas Wylley in 1537 describes some of his plays to Cromwell as ‘never to be seen, but of your Lordshyp’s eye.’ Prynne, 834, asserts that ‘Bernardinus Ochin his Tragedy of Freewil, Plessie Morney his Tragedie of Jeptha his daughter, Edward the 6 his Comedie de meretrice Babilonica, Iohn Bale his Comedies de Christo et de Lazaro, Skelton’s Comedies, de Virtute, de Magnificentia, et de bono Ordine, Nicholaus Grimoaldus, de Archiprophetae Tragedia ... were penned only to be read, not acted’; but this is incorrect as regards Bale and Skelton and probably as regards others. The earliest printed plays are perhaps Mundus et Infans (1522) and Hickscorner (n.d.) both by Wynkyn de Worde (1501-35), Everyman (n.d.) by Richard Pynson (1509-27). If a Nigramansir, by Skelton, was really, as Warton asserts, printed by Wynkyn de Worde in 1504, it might take precedence.
[538] Cf. Appendix E.
[539] 3 Edw. IV, c. 5; cf. vol. i. p. 45. This was continued by 1 Hen. VIII, c. 14, 6 Hen. VIII, c. 1, and 24 Hen. VIII, c. 13.
[540] Cf. Appendix E; Hist. MSS. v. 548.
[541] Percy, N. H. B. 22, 158, 339. An estimate for 1511-12 includes ‘for rewardes to Players for Playes playd in Christynmas by Stranegers in my house after xxᵈ every play by estimacion. Somme xxxiijˢ iiijᵈ.’ Another of 1514-15 has ‘for Rewards to Players in Cristynmas lxxijˢ.’ By 1522-3 the customary fee had largely grown, for a list of ‘Al maner of Rewardis’ of about that date has ‘Item. My Lorde usith and accustometh to gif yerely when his Lordshipp is at home to every Erlis Players that comes to his Lordshipe bitwixt Cristynmas ande Candelmas If he be his ˢpeciall Lorde and Frende ande Kynsman, xxˢ ... to every Lordis Players, xˢ.’
[542] Leland, Collectanea (ed. Hearne), iv. 265. The computi of James IV (L. H. T. Accts. ii. 131, 387; iii. 361) contain entries for plays before him by ‘gysaris’ including one at this wedding; but there is no evidence of a regular royal company at the Scottish court. In 1488 occurs a payment to ‘Patrik Johnson and the playaris of Lythgow that playt to the King,’ and in 1489 one to ‘Patrick Johnson and his fallowis that playt a play to the kyng in Lythqow.’ This Johnson or Johnstone, celebrated in Dunbar’s Lament for the Makaris, seems to have held some post, possibly as a minstrel, at court (L. H. T. Accts. i. c, cxcviii, ccxliv, 91, 118; ii. 131; Dunbar, Poems (ed. S. T. S.), i. ccxxxvii).
[543] Collier, i. 44 and passim; Henry, Hist. of Britain, 454; cf. Appendix E, viii. The Transactions of the New Shakspere Soc. (1877-9), 425, contain papers about a dispute in 1529 between one of the company George Maller, glazier, and his apprentice, who left him and went travelling on his own account. From these it appears that ‘the Kinge’s plaierz’ wore ‘the Kinge’s bage.’ George Maller is the same player who appeared as a witness in the Rastell suit (cf. p. 184). There he is described as a merchant tailor; here as a glazier. That a king’s player should have a handicraft, even if it were only nominal, at all, looks as if the professional actors were not invariably of the minstrel type. Perhaps the glamour of a royal ‘bage’ made even minstrelsy respectable. Arthur, prince of Wales, had his own company in 1498 (Black Book of Lincoln’s Inn, i. 119), and Henry, prince of Wales, his by 1506.
[544] Medwall’s Nature is divided into two parts, for performance on different days. But Medwall was a tedious person. Another interlude of his played in 1514 was so long and dull that Henry VIII went out before the end. The Four Elements was intended to take an hour and a half ‘but if you list you may leave out much of the said matter ... and then it will not be past three quarters of an hour of length.’
[545] This method begins with the Croxton Sacrament, which has twelve parts, but ‘ix may play it at ease.’ Bale’s Three Laws claims to require five players and Lusty Juventus four. Several of the early Elizabethan interludes have similar indications.
[546] A Winchester computus of 1579 (Hazlitt-Warton, ii. 234) has ‘pro diversis expensis circa Scaffoldam erigendam et deponendam, et pro domunculis de novo compositis cum carriagio et recarriagio ly joystes et aliorum mutuatorum ad eandem Scaffoldam, cum vj linckes et jᵒ duodeno candelarum, pro lumine expensis, tribus noctibus in ludis comediarum et tragediarum xxvˢ viijᵈ.’
[548] Brewer, iv. 1390, 1393, 1394; Hall, 723; Collier, i. 98.