At some time in the course of the year 1534, having completed the canonical age, George de Selve was consecrated bishop.⁠[334] Whether this took place in France before his departure for Italy, whether he visited Rome expressly for the purpose, or received consecration at Venice, there are no means of judging. Our next glimpse of him is as French ambassador in the last-named city.

It would be tedious to record in detail the minute variations of Italian politics which it was the duty of the Bishop of Lavaur to note and report to the French Court. During part of the time he spent at Venice, which extended over fully three years, George d’Armagnac, Bishop of Rodez, was associated with him as ambassador. Many of the despatches sent to France are jointly signed by the two prelates. They give a lively idea of the rival endeavours of Francis I. and Charles V. to secure the friendship of the Italian princes, and of the steps taken by the King of France on his part to achieve that desirable end. Every movement of the Italians, more especially of the Pope, was watched as a cat watches a mouse. Every hair’s-breadth of supposed deviation on their part to the Imperial side was made the subject of a report. The relations of Venice with the Turk, with whom Francis I. was now on the verge of a definite alliance, is another point of interest. Again, in 1536, when war broke out between France and the Empire, details gleaned from Italian sources of the supposed projects of Charles for the conduct of the campaign form a considerable item in the despatches.

It would be more interesting, if it were possible, to follow the private pursuits, the friendships and correspondences of George de Selve during his stay in Italy.

The Aldine press, under the guidance of Paolo Manuzio, was in full swing. Learned men, lay and ecclesiastic, of all types and nations crowded the quays of Venice; and a further element of intellectual life was added by the constant intercourse with the neighbouring university of Padua. Moreover, Venice was the high road to the East; and, whether bent on the purchase of rare Greek manuscripts, or on some secret mission from the King of France to the Turk, or merely on the active exchange of rich merchandise, all passed by her port.

A scholar of high reputation himself, it would have been impossible for Selve to breathe such an atmosphere without in some degree imbibing its tone. He threw himself keenly into the learned interests by which he was surrounded, displaying special eagerness in the collection of classical manuscripts. Pierre Danès, to whom he was chiefly indebted for his brilliant acquaintance with the ancient languages, had accompanied him to Venice, where, says Thevet, “il n’y eut antiquité, cabinet ou rareté,” which Danès did not visit.⁠[335] Here, also, the Bishop attached to himself another savant, Pierre Bunel, who had long sojourned in the City of the Lagoons in the service of Selve’s predecessor, Lazare de Baif.⁠[336]

Other friendships which George de Selve contracted while in Italy are known principally from his letters. Reginald Pole,⁠[337] Cardinal Bembo,⁠[338] Sadoleto, Bishop of Carpentras,⁠[339] were counted amongst the most intimate of these. It might almost be thought, indeed, that Selve had taken the great and gentle Sadoleto for his episcopal model, so many are the points of resemblance between the two churchmen.

The first letter we possess written by the bishop himself from the beautiful city on the Adriatic is dated in February, 1534, and is addressed to the Duchesse de Chartres.⁠[340] George de Selve expresses his delight at the prospect of shortly seeing that princess at Venice. The tone of this letter and of others indited by him to the same princess during his residence in Italy is one of genuine friendliness, notwithstanding the sympathies which Renée was well known to harbour for the Reformers.⁠[341] But at her Court at Ferrara all classes of her countrymen were sure of a welcome. Indeed, the partiality she evinced for them was regarded with small favour in the land of her adoption, where her path was often a thorny one.

A yet earlier indication of the presence of the Bishop at Venice exists in a letter addressed by Bunel to a younger brother of the new ambassador, Odet de Selve,⁠[342] who appears at this time to have been studying at Padua. Bunel had evidently become acquainted with the latter before the arrival of the Bishop of Lavaur, as he alludes in a friendly manner to a day recently spent with Odet at the university. The letter dilates in warm terms on the piety of the Bishop of Lavaur and on the courtesy and frankness of Pole, in which encomium Sadoleto is included. The writer adds a special note of admiration for the principles which, in his opinion, have enabled Pole to place spiritual objects above all mundane philosophy or temporal advantage.⁠[343] Some such estimate of the character of the future Cardinal seems to have been formed at this time by many of his friends in Italy, and explains the warm regard entertained for him by so unworldly a man as George de Selve. The intimacy with Pole became indeed one of the salient features of the Bishop of Lavaur’s stay in Italy, and there will often be occasion to revert to it.

In other letters addressed by Bunel to various correspondents the striking impression made by Selve himself in his new sphere is vividly reflected. As soon, says the writer, as he, Bunel, had set eyes on him, concerning whose surpassing sanctity, learning, and benevolence he had heard such great things, and from so many persons, his one thought became to obtain permission to remain near him. Never did he receive holier nor sweeter counsel than from this bishop. Again, when, at a later date, Bunel wearied of Italy and desired to return to France, the single fact that lightened for him the term of waiting was that he dwelt with a patron “whose disposition and conduct, as they are of the most virtuous, so also are they gracious in a surpassing degree; to whose manner of life there could cling not the very shadow or suspicion of aught unseemly; in whose every word and deed is nought but gentleness....” He goes on to speak of the bishop’s “astounding sagacity in the transacting of business, which doth surpass both his years and the credence of all men, of his great learning in the Greek tongue, of his wonderful eloquence....”⁠[344] Such language may contain for modern ears a ring of exaggeration. But it is necessary to quote such passages in order to understand the extraordinary estimate of the character and abilities of George de Selve entertained by all his contemporaries.

What were his relations with the world of art? Was it possible to dwell at Venice when the fame of Titian was at its zenith, when the frescoes jointly executed by him with Giorgione on the Fondaco dei Tedeschi shone out in pristine freshness, undimmed, as yet, by the hand of time and decay, when the beautifying of outward life was a passion with all men, when most of those with whom the bishop lived in daily intercourse, private or official, were enthusiastic patrons of art,—was it possible, under such circumstances, to remain an uninterested spectator?

Indifferent so gifted and sensitive a man was surely not. But the ascetic tendencies implanted in him by nature and deepened by rigorous and persistent training, stood in sharp contrast to the luxurious vitality of Venice. Outside the limits of that religious vocation which absorbed almost his whole soul, his love of literature and profound interest in the classics formed probably his nearest point of contact with the tastes of the fashionable dilettanti.

Towards the end of the year 1536 Pole was made a Cardinal, and the Bishop of Lavaur wrote to congratulate his friend on his new honour.⁠[345] In the following February (1537) Cardinal Pole was appointed Papal Legate to England,⁠[346] and started on the abortive expedition intended to raise the English people in rebellion against Henry VIII.⁠[347] Another letter from Selve addressed to him on this occasion shows how firm a root the friendship with Pole had taken in his heart. He has heard, he says, by letters which Danès has received, that Pole is about to make a journey through “our France,” and he offers him his house and fortune. He has also written to the Grand-Maître of France; not that he thought his letters would have more influence than the name of Legate and the fame of Pole’s virtues, but to satisfy his own mind. He incloses the letters to be delivered if Pole thinks fit.⁠[348] Of the political objects of Pole’s mission he makes no mention.

It is plain that the position of the Bishop of Lavaur must by now have assumed considerable importance, if he was able to send letters of recommendation of a Papal Legate to Anne de Montmorency. He was in fact rapidly advancing to the front rank of his profession. His success was due to sheer merit, for he detested the intrigues by which many ecclesiastics sought to obtain promotion. The capacity he had displayed for public affairs had gradually been pointing him out for a more conspicuous post; and at the very moment of Pole’s journey to the north, George de Selve was named French ambassador to the Holy See, in conjunction with Cardinal Mâcon. The payments for his new office began on the 20th February, 1537.⁠[349]

The mission to Rome seems at first to have been intended to last only till the summer.⁠[350] In point of fact, it extended over a very much longer time. It is probable, however, that in the autumn the Bishop was able to absent himself for some months from his post, as there is a gap in the letters dated from Rome, which extends from August to November.⁠[351] No doubt he took advantage of this interval to visit his diocese, as well as to report to the French Court the results of his diplomatic labours.

Throughout the period in which Selve was accredited to the Court of Rome, the long-deferred General Council, which was to settle the differences of religion, formed a constant subject of negotiation between the Powers. The Pope had actually fixed a date on which the Council was to assemble; but the war between Francis I. and Charles V. hindered the accomplishment of the plan. For this reason, amongst others, it was the urgent desire of Paul III. to bring about a peace between the rival sovereigns. So keenly did he feel upon this point, that at one moment he actually intended to hurl the thunders of the Church upon whichever of the contending parties might decline to assent to his proposals. The Cardinals were invited to pronounce upon this policy. But it was quickly seen that such a course would destroy the position of neutrality which the Pontiff desired to maintain; and the idea was therefore abandoned.⁠[352]

Early in the year 1538 Cardinal Carpi, the most intimate confidant of Paul III., was sent on a special mission to France, for the purpose of inducing the king to consent to make peace with his rival. While heartily concurring in the object proposed, the two French ambassadors at Rome had their doubts as to the trustworthiness of the Papal messenger. They sent a note of warning to Montmorency some weeks before the departure of the Cardinal, to bid him be careful in dealing with this Legate, who was “the soul of the Pope.” Moreover, they suspected Carpi of a secret understanding with the Imperial party, and doubted the sincerity of his professed goodwill towards France. They were careful to add, however, that his overtures should be met with due cordiality, while recollecting caution.

It is a curious fact that at this time Paul contemplated, or pretended to contemplate, the re-establishment of peace between the rival sovereigns on the basis of the restitution of the Duchy of Milan to France. Whether this was merely a bait held out to catch the French king, and thus inveigle him into the peace so ardently desired by the Pope, it is impossible to say. It is certain that, at a later date, when Francis was still scheming to obtain that much-coveted possession, Paul expressed his conviction that the Emperor would never yield it up.

The spring of 1538 passed in inconclusive negotiations. The truce of ten months between France and the Netherlands, agreed upon at Bomy in July of the previous year, had been followed by the shorter suspension of arms in the southern campaign, arranged at the end of November. Both agreements were now drawing to a close. But such was the mutual distrust of the two monarchs, that no permanent peace had been arranged in the interval, as had been intended. The Pope resolved to take the matter in hand himself. Besides the assembling of the General Council, his heart was bent on a coalition scheme by which Francis and Charles should jointly oppose the Turk.⁠[353] To both objects the establishment of peace was a necessary preliminary. Paul therefore proposed a meeting between the two sovereigns, at which he would himself assist and endeavour to bring them to terms.

While the triple interview between the King of France, the Emperor of Germany, and the Pope, was impending, an intrigue had been set on foot at the Court of Rome which went far to justify the distrust felt by the French ambassador and his colleague⁠[354] for Cardinal Carpi. The latter professed to have obtained possession, probably during his mission to France, of a copy of a letter written by Cardinal Mâcon and the Bishop of Lavaur to Cardinal Tournon,⁠[355] in which Carpi’s sincerity and the reasons of his journey were made the subjects of unfavourable comment. The letter, so Cardinal Carpi asserted, had come miraculously to his hands. He hastened to lay it before the Pope. Cardinal Tournon, who was at this time in Spain, vehemently denied the authenticity of the document as soon as news of the affair had reached his ears. He severely upbraided Cardinal Carpi, saying the letter was a hoax, and that the Cardinal, if he had not forged it himself, had been rash to show it.⁠[356]

Be that as it may, the manœuvre was sufficiently cunningly contrived to produce exactly the effect intended by its designer. In an indignant despatch addressed to Montmorency on the 1st May, Cardinal Mâcon and the Bishop of Lavaur beg to be instantly recalled, in order that they may explain by word of mouth the treatment to which they have been subjected. The Papal Court, accompanied by the two French ambassadors, was at this time at Piacenza, on the way to Nice, where the coming interview was to take place. The Frenchmen, so they related, were here suddenly summoned into the presence of his Holiness. Cardinal Trivulzi, a faithful servant of French interests at the Vatican, was sent for at the same time. Carpi then turned upon the French envoys, in the presence of the Pope’s relation, Cardinal Farnese, such a torrent of malevolent accusation that they could only feel their position as the representatives of France at the Holy See henceforth rendered impossible. The Legate had declared that, by their “méchans et deshonnestes offices contre sa Sainteté,” they had utterly frustrated the purposes of his mission to France. To justify his reproaches he had read aloud their supposed letter; declining, however, to let them see it, or to show their double signature, which it must have borne had it been genuine. For all their asserted machinations, Cardinal Carpi threw the blame on Trivulzi, on whom he heaped yet more violent invective than on the ambassadors themselves.

On the same day Cardinal Carpi himself wrote to the French Court, protesting against the calumnies of the supposed letter and loudly asseverating the honesty of his intentions towards France.⁠[357]

A very pretty tangle on the eve of a meeting at which it was intended to proclaim general peace. The motive of Cardinal Carpi is tolerably clear. The intrigue was a clever attempt to undermine in the eyes of the Pope the credit of the three principal cardinals attached to the interests of France, Tournon, Mâcon and Trivulzi. That it took place immediately before the interview with the King and Emperor at Nice was no doubt a matter of subtle calculation. The French ambassadors had, it seems, not been far wrong when they suspected Cardinal Carpi of manœuvring in the Imperial interest.

The Nuncio in France, on his side, informed Montmorency of the events which were going forward at the Papal Court. The Connétable warmly espoused the cause of his countrymen, declaring that an offence offered to the kings ambassadors was an offence offered to the king himself. He wrote to the two envoys, telling them what had passed, and directing the Bishop of Lavaur to leave for France immediately in order to report upon the circumstances. Cardinal Mâcon was enjoined to use the greatest prudence while conducting affairs single-handed. Meanwhile the King of France would remain near Romans and Valence, postponing the meeting with the Pope and Emperor until Selve’s report had been first heard. So dangerous did Montmorency consider the position of Cardinal Trivulzi, that he adds an express message to him to beware of poison in his food, or of any other attempt against his person.⁠[358]

Selve reached Avignon on the 14th May,⁠[359] three days after his departure from Savona,⁠[360] having probably taken ship as far as Marseilles to accelerate his journey. In the conditions of those times and the bad state of the coast-roads of the Riviera, it would hardly have been possible to cover the distance by land in so short a period.

We are left in ignorance as to the results of the communication he had to make to his sovereign. The proposed meeting duly came off at Nice in the following month.⁠[361] But all the efforts of the Pontiff proved unavailing to effect a permanent treaty of peace. The most that could be achieved was a suspension of arms for ten years, known in history as the Truce of Nice.⁠[362]

Francis and Charles did not, in point of fact, see each other at all until the agreement was signed and the Pope had departed. They then arranged an interview at Aigues-Mortes which led to conversations of some apparent cordiality, and seemed to promise greater practical results.

The Duchy of Milan was, as usual, the central topic of discussion between the two sovereigns. A marriage had been discussed at Nice, to take place between the Duke of Orleans and the Infanta of Spain. Francis now parted from his rival at Aigues-Mortes persuaded that the fulfilment of this project would at last restore the Milanese territory to the House of Valois, as part of the dowry of the Emperor’s daughter.

The termination of the conference at Nice saw the conclusion of Selve’s mission to the Papal Court. Intrigue of the type which marked the final period of his embassy must have been peculiarly noxious to a man of his sternly upright disposition, who, at the best, bestowed his time on secular matters only from a sense of duty towards his sovereign, and, as it were, under compulsion. His heart was in his diocese, whither he now joyfully turned his steps.⁠[363]

Curiously enough he thus left Italy but a few months before the Dinteville brothers fled thither as exiles. What a difference might have been effected by the presence there of so true a friend during their years of banishment! So few of the private letters of George de Selve have been preserved that little is known of the intercourse between the families during the period we are now considering. The year 1537, however, throws a chance light on the subject, the preservation of which is due to the official nature of the correspondence in which it is found.

The Count of La Mirandola, a descendant of the celebrated Giovanni Pico, was a firm friend of France, or, in other words, was probably in receipt of a French pension. His city and castle,⁠[364] situated in a fertile plain at about twenty miles from Modena, formed a valuable strategical point in the event of any outbreak of hostilities; and, early in 1537, Guillaume de Dinteville, Seigneur Deschenetz, was despatched to La Mirandola to strengthen and increase the fortifications.⁠[365] The Count meanwhile was absent in France, busy with the various arrangements rendered necessary by his alliance with the king.

These circumstances form the subject of two letters written by George de Selve from Italy. One, signed in conjunction with the Bishop of Rodez, was despatched to the French Court from Venice just before Selve’s promotion to Rome. The second is addressed a few months later to Deschenetz himself, and shows the good offices in which the ambassadors at Rome were engaged on his behalf with the Pope. The writers foretell honour and profit to him from his work at La Mirandola; they have complained to the ambassador of the Duke of Ferrara of the animosity displayed by the duke towards Deschenetz; they have even obtained the permission of the Pope to write direct to the duke himself. In short, it is easy to read between the lines of the ambassadorial communication, the personal friendship which inspired its contents.⁠[366]