The rebels stayed at Lincoln all Saturday. Early in the morning they mustered at New Port, and it was agreed to send another letter to the King, as no answer had been received to the first[570]. The men of worship held a council at Mile Cross towards Nettleham apart from the host, and drew up a new set of articles, because they considered those made at Horncastle “wondrous unreasonable and foolish.”[571] As a matter of fact the new articles seem to have differed very little from the old, unless others had been inserted among the Horncastle articles besides the four given above. The wandering bands brought in gentlemen from the surrounding country,—Sir John Sutton, Robert Sutton and the Disneys[572]. The Abbot of Barlings came with six of his canons, all in harness; but he only delivered his men and went straight home again[573]. Several monks came from Bardney[574], and those pressed at Kirkstead were still with the host.
On Sunday 8 October the host mustered at Lincoln; they had changed Lyon Dymmoke’s banner for a white cloth to which was pinned a picture of the Trinity painted on parchment[575]. The commons were growing impatient at the delay, but the gentlemen were undecided as to what course of action they should follow, and wished to hear more of the King’s preparations before committing themselves to an advance. The great muster on Ancaster Heath had been appointed for this day, but the gentlemen postponed it, saying they must await the King’s answer[576].
The articles which had been prepared the day before were read aloud to the whole host by George Staines, who offered himself as a messenger to take them to the King[577]. No complete copy of these articles has been preserved, but they seem to have been seven in number, as follows:
(1) that the King should demand no more taxes of the nation, except in time of war.
(2) that the Statute of Uses should be repealed.
(3) that the Church should enjoy its ancient liberties and that tenths and first fruits should not be taken from the clergy by the government.
(4) that no more abbeys should be suppressed.
(5) that the realm should be purged of heresy, and the heretic bishops, such as Cranmer, Latimer, and Longland should be deprived and punished.
(6) that the King should take noblemen for his councillors, and give up Cromwell, Riche, Legh and Layton to the vengeance of the commons, or else banish them.
(7) that all who had taken part in the insurrection should be pardoned[578].
The host accepted the articles, but they were not yet despatched to the King.
The gentlemen had established themselves apart from the commons; their lodgings were in the Close and their meeting-place was the Chapter House of the Cathedral, where on Sunday evening they received two letters of the greatest moment. The first was brought by William Woodmansey; it was under the common seal of the town of Beverley and addressed to the people of Lincolnshire. It informed them that, hearing of their rising, the townsmen of Beverley had also taken up arms; they wished to know the Lincolnshire articles and were ready to send help. The gentlemen were obliged to reply, and wrote a letter enclosing the new articles. The papers were entrusted to Guy Kyme and Thomas Donne, who probably set out for Yorkshire with Woodmansey next morning. Meanwhile the news from Beverley had spread, and the whole city of Lincoln was humming with excitement. The commons’ one thought was to set forward without delay. Their rear was safe,—why should they loiter? The leaders still insisted that they must wait for the King’s reply. In the midst of these discussions two more messengers arrived and came before the meeting in the Chapter House. They were from Halifax, and brought word that their country was up and ready to do as the men of Lincolnshire did. It was a wonder that the gentlemen themselves were not carried away by the surging enthusiasm of the commons. When they had already risked so much they might in that moment of triumph have brought themselves to stake all. But they still counselled prudence. They assured their followers that it would be high treason to march against the King’s troops before the King’s answer came. It speaks poorly for the intelligence of the host that this ridiculous reason was enough to turn them from their purpose. George Staines was at length despatched to London with the new set of articles. The commons were heartily tired of Lincoln and inaction, but they consented to stay there another day on the understanding that they should be allowed to spoil the goods of any man who did not join the host when summoned[579].
Note A. The conduct of the Percys in Northumberland was outrageous enough, but, as good luck would have it, no one was murdered. Moreover the Percys and the thieves of Tynedale were responsible for this, not the gentlemen and commons of the county as a body.
Note B. When one of the lesser monasteries was suppressed, the monks were given a choice of two courses; they might either be transferred to one of the large houses of the same Order, which was not yet suppressed, or they might receive a paper from the King by which they were released from their vows and received licence to begin life over again as ordinary laymen. These were called “capacities.”
Note C. Holinshed identified the Abbot of Barlings with Captain Cobbler. There is no hint of this in any contemporary chronicle, and the most cursory reference to the State Papers shows that it was a mistake. Nevertheless the error has been very generally copied[580].
Note D. There is a curious story that Shrewsbury was very uneasy lest he should be accused of treason for levying men to resist the rebels. It is first told by Holinshed (1577), but no foundation for it can be discovered in contemporary chronicles and documents. Holinshed asserted that he had been told it by “men of good credit that were then present.” According to this story, the Earl consulted his friends and legal advisers as to whether he might lawfully muster men. They replied that he might do so. He retorted, “Ye are fools. I know it in substance to be treason, and I would think myself in a hard case, if I thought I had not my pardon coming.” Thereupon he sent out orders for the muster, and wrote to the King begging for a pardon. The King sent him both a pardon and thanks. The men assembled expecting the Earl to lead them to join the rebels, but he took a solemn oath before them all that he was true to the King alone[581]. The baselessness of this story appears when it is compared with Shrewsbury’s letters. On 4 Oct. he sent news of the rising and asked for orders[582]; at the same time he sent out a summons to the neighbouring gentlemen to muster at Mansfield next day[583]. On the 6th he acknowledged the receipt of the King’s letters missive, containing orders to assemble his men, and described the musters which he had appointed[584]. Cromwell wrote a flowery letter of compliments and thanks to him on the 9th, but without a suggestion that any pardon was needed[585]. The King sent him further orders and a new commission on the 15th, but without hinting that he had been over zealous[586]. Noblemen were expected to suppress riots without waiting for orders, and it was made a charge against Hussey that he did not muster his men at the first alarm. The only foundation which there can be for Holinshed’s story is some vague memory that the Earl’s attitude at the beginning of the rising awakened doubt. He was a devout man, and very much opposed to innovations in any form[587]. Personal loyalty kept him true to the King, but there is every reason to believe that he had much stronger sympathy for the rebels than for Cromwell.
Note E. The reduplication of names is very confusing. Sir Marmaduke Constable was the cousin of Sir Robert Constable of Flamborough, not his brother or his son, although they both bore the same name. Robert Tyrwhit was a different person from Sir Robert Tyrwhit, the commissioner who was taken at Caistor. Christopher Askew, again, was a different person from Sir Christopher Askew, one of the Lincolnshire gentlemen who was most enthusiastic in the rebels’ cause.