If the agitators of the Yorkshire and Lincolnshire risings had been working together for a general rising at Michaelmas, their plans were upset; for in the first place Yorkshire did not take up arms till a week after the appointed day; and secondly the Lincolnshire movement collapsed with such incredible swiftness. It began on Sunday 1 October, and by Wednesday the 18th it was over. But when Yorkshire did rise, events moved so fast that before the insurgents south of Trent had laid down their arms, the commons of the East Riding had entered York in triumph, and so widespread was the sympathy felt for their cause that they might almost be described as masters of the six northern counties. We will now return to the beginning of the month and trace the course of the rising of Yorkshire.
When the hunting-party at William Ellerker’s house in Yorkswold broke up on 3 October, 1536[705], John and Christopher Aske rode to join Sir Ralph Ellerker the younger, who was with the King’s commissioners of the subsidy at Hemingborough[706]. Robert Aske and several of his nephews, law students, turned south and crossed the Humber into Lincolnshire, ostensibly with no other purpose than returning straight to London for the term[707]. How they were “taken” and sworn by the commons has already been related. On Friday, 6 October, the day after his meeting with Moigne at Hambleton Hill, Robert Aske left his Lincolnshire company and crossed the Trent into Marshland. Here, and in Howdenshire, north of the Ouse, where Aughton lay, Aske was in his own country, among men ready and anxious to rise at his word. He was eagerly welcomed as a bearer of news from Lincolnshire, and at the mere sight of him the bells would have been rung, had he not prevented it. All through the insurrection the ringing of bells was the special sign of the rebels—the call to arms against the Government. To sound the alarm, generally by ringing the peal backwards, was to proclaim to all the surrounding country that the parish had risen. Aske advised the men of Marshland not to be the first to stir, but to wait till they heard the bells of Howdenshire. He then crossed the Ouse into Howden and bade the people there listen for the bells of Marshland before ringing their own; and so assured himself, in the simplest way, that the alarm would not be given without his own orders. His motive for this expedition was highly characteristic. He was determined to delay the Yorkshire rising till the answer to the Lincolnshire petitions was known[708]. The King might be inclined to make concessions after all, and Aske regarded rebellion as the last expedient, to be resorted to when everything else failed. But this delay, though doubtless it seemed best at the time, when the commons once let loose might have plunged into any excess, was certainly a mistake. As the two counties had failed to rise together, the sooner Yorkshire gave its full support to Lincolnshire the better. On the other hand, as confusion reigned in the Lincolnshire host, perhaps that brief pause on the brink of rebellion made little difference in the long run.
Aske rode on to Aughton, but finding his brothers were away with the King’s commissioners, he turned back to Howden for the night. While he slept certain honest men of the town came to his bedside to tell him that Sir George Darcy “would take him if he tarried.” Next day, 7 October, he set out for Lincoln, as rumour said that the King’s answer had arrived there. Reaching the town on Saturday evening he found everything in confusion, owing to the mutual distrust of gentlemen and commons. Both parties, he was told, regarded his journey into Yorkshire as a desertion, and “if he tarried he should be slain either by the gentlemen or by the commons.” On this warning he left the sign of the Angel, where he had put up, and spent the night in hiding with the host’s brother, a priest. Early in the morning he finally turned his face northwards and rode to Burton-upon-Stather ferry. Trent was flooded by the heavy rain on Saturday[709], and he was unable to cross for two days. At length he crossed the Trent about midnight on Monday, 9 October. He had left Yorkshire on the verge of open revolt; before he returned the plunge was taken. Exactly how far he was responsible for it is one of the mysteries of the Pilgrimage.
At the first word of rising in Lincolnshire the anxiety of everyone responsible for the peace of Yorkshire became painful. Those who were honestly loyal to the King feared for their property and lives; a far larger number secretly sympathised with the rebels, but were too cautious to break with the Government until they were certain of being on the winning side; even those who entirely approved and who had (we suspect) been working for an outbreak, generally made an effort to preserve some appearance of loyalty at the last. The Archbishop of York, who in spite of all his protestations seems to have belonged to the waverers, heard the news at Cawood, his favourite residence[710]. Fearing that some of the “light heads in Yorkshire might be encouraged to do likewise,” he wrote to Darcy at Templehurst, to Dr Magnus (a member of the King’s Council), Sir George Lawson and the lord mayor of York; to Robert Crake and Sir Ralph Ellerker the younger, to “keep an eye on Beverley where there were some light heads”; he sent besides to Ripon, that in all these places the news might be published that the Earl of Shrewsbury had set forth against the insurgents[711]. Needless to point out, he was also spreading the news of revolt. Sir Ralph Ellerker already knew of the rising[712]; all the north bank of the Humber had been stirred by beacons lighted on the Lincolnshire side on Wednesday 4 October, the very night that Aske had been raising the river side[713], and Sir Ralph had reported the fact to Darcy next day.
Darcy despatched his son, Sir Arthur, to the King with news of the risings in Northumberland, Dent, Sedbergh and Wensleydale and the warning that “greater rebellions were to be feared.”[714] He then left Templehurst, his family seat, for Pontefract Castle, as it was customary for the King’s steward to repair to his post in time of unrest. The rumour, afterwards reported to the King, that he had fled there from the commons with only twelve horsemen was quite unfounded; as a matter of fact he was obliged to travel very slowly on account of his infirmity, for he was nearly eighty years old; he had as many men as he wished with him and every day more of the loyal gentlemen came in with their followers[715]. Nevertheless his position was anything but secure. Out of a garrison of 300 men hardly a hundred could be trusted if it came to a general rising[716]. The town of Pontefract, indeed all the county, favoured the rebels and hindered his efforts to buy provisions. York itself would certainly welcome any rebel force, if the King could not send troops to overawe the citizens[717]. Darcy had written to the King as early as 6 October for guns and powder[718], as even if victualled the castle was not in a state of defence. But the King had neither money nor arms to spare, and, preoccupied with the affairs of Lincolnshire, did not see fit to despatch either to Yorkshire. Moreover, Darcy’s loyalty had long been under suspicion, and Henry probably thought that if things came to the worst it would be better to lose a doubtful supporter than to send arms to a possible rebel. The most single-hearted commander might have been daunted by the prospect, and Darcy had secretly avowed to the Imperial ambassador that his object in coming north was to organize a rebellion. But whatever his motives were he now strove to keep the country quiet. He believed (or at least professed to believe) that the gentlemen were ready to serve the King[719]. He postponed all “commissions, leets and other assemblies ... till the King’s pleasure is further known”; he issued soothing messages and proclamations, but in spite of the momentary success of these endeavours, on Sunday 8 October the whole of the East Riding flamed up like a pile of dried bracken, at the first spark of open sedition.
That spark was struck in Beverley. As John and Christopher Aske were returning home from Hemingborough on Saturday 7 October, they found “the people drawn out in the fields, awaiting the ringing of Howden great bell to advance.” The brothers set out the same night and travelled along the Derwent staying the people[720]; they probably spent the night at Aughton and next day rode to Beverley and dined with Mr Babthorpe[721]; long before they left, the town was in commotion and the alarm bells ringing[722].
The special jurisdiction of Beverley had been abolished by the same act that swept away the privileges of Durham[723]. This the people bitterly resented; and they saw clearly that the days of their beloved St John were numbered. When news first came to Beverley of the Lincolnshire rising, the people in the market began to talk of going to London “to have four docepyers (deceivers?) in the realm,” and of bringing home the goods of Cheapside and the south. A gentleman was heard to say that the rebels might be sure of Holderness, where he dwelt; and on Saturday two canons arrived from Lincolnshire and put up at the Tabard Inn, where they spoke treasonable words[724]. No one could cross the Humber without a pass from the Lincolnshire rebels[725]. Either on Saturday or Sunday a letter had come to Robert Raffells “one of the twelve men (i.e. aldermen) of Beverley,” purporting to come from Robert Aske, bidding every man of the town to swear to be true to God, the King and the Commonwealth, and to maintain Holy Church[726]. Raffells had kept this secret as long as he could[727], but on Sunday 8 October one Roger Kitchen heard of it and said “he would that day ring the common bell or die for it.” An attempt was made to stop him, but too late; the bell was already calling the townsfolk to the market-place. Richard Wilson and Richard Newdyke commanded the burgesses to assemble at the Town-Hall, where surrounded by an armed company they read the letter in the name of Robert Aske, and further proclaimed that every man was to take the oath on pain of death[728]. No one demurred, and the whole town was sworn. It was appointed that they should meet, fully armed, in the West Wood field at four o’clock[729].
Among the throng was one William Breyar, a sanctuary man, who was wandering about England in the Queen’s livery, to which he seems to have had no special right; after being sworn with the rest he heard a man in the crowd say that Robert Aske and another gentleman had been to dinner at Mr Babthorpe’s house; the bailly Stuard replied, “I marvel what Robert Aske doth with Mr Babthorpe, for he is a worshipful gentleman”; rather an ambiguous remark[730]. It was really the two elder Askes who were in Beverley; Robert was waiting with what patience he might at Burton-upon-Stather till the evening fell and the beacons on the north bank of Humber showed him that Yorkshire had not stayed for his coming. Whether or no he wrote the proclamation that raised the country it is hard to say, for he himself “utterly denied making or consenting to” it[731]. On the whole, we incline to accept his word, but fortunately the question, though interesting, is of little importance. Whoever wrote this particular letter to Beverley, there is not the slightest doubt that Aske was from the first the chief leader in the East Riding. If we suppose this letter to have been “forged in his name” it proves him to have been admittedly the man with most influence.
The commons of Beverley duly assembled at four o’clock on West Wood Green, every man that was able with horse and harness; and a council was held for sending letters to allies and making plans for future movements[732]. William Woodmancy was despatched to Lincolnshire with the letter to the commons there under the town seal[733]. A summons was sent to York, probably at the same time, though the document is undated: “my lord mayor and all the commons” were asked to send word “against tomorrow night” to the White Lion at Newborough, whether they would allow the commons of Beverley “to pass through this the King’s city with your favour or not, in case we so require.”[734] The lord mayor, anxious not to quarrel with anyone, seems to have prudently refrained from sending any reply.
West Wood Green, where the commons met, was near the house of the Grey friars[735], where some visitors were staying,—Christopher Stapleton of Wighill, with his wife, his brother William, and his son Brian[736]. It is William Stapleton’s long statement that gives many details of the rising of Beverley and the only full account of the siege of Hull. William had been about to go to London for the law term when the news of the Lincolnshire rising prevented him. When disturbances broke out in Beverley he felt that he could not leave Christopher “ever thinking that it should be slanderous to him to leave his said brother in that extremity, who for extreme fear, being so feeble and weak, neither able to flee nor make resistance, was like without great help to fall in sound (swoon), wherein the said William moved with natural pity, did comfort him, promising not to flee from him, and therein he took great comfort.” Orders were given that all the household were to stay indoors, but as the crowds trooped past to West Wood Green, Mistress Stapleton “went forth and stood in a close where great numbers came of the other side of the hedge,” and cried to them, “God’s blessing have ye, and speed you well in your good purpose.” They asked her why her husband and his servants did not come out to them, to which she replied, “They be in the Friars. Go pull them out by the heads.” Her behaviour increased the “perplexity” of the unfortunate Christopher, who mildly remonstrated, “What do ye mean except ye would have me, my son and heir, and my brother cast away and mine heirs for ever disinherited?” The lady merely retorted that it was God’s quarrel.
The commons now devoted themselves to revenging old grudges. An earnest supporter of the Archbishop of York in his recent dispute with the town was nearly killed; and “great quarrels were picked to Robert Raffells of the same part.” After dark William Stapleton sent a servant to Christopher Sanderson, advising him to stay the commons if possible, and begging him in any case to show them that his brother was too impotent to help them, and to persuade them to spare him and his household on that account.
Next day, Monday the 9th, the commons assembled again at West Wood Green, and sent to young Sir Ralph Ellerker to ask him to join them. He offered to come and give them his advice if they would not require him to take the oath, for he was, he said, sworn to the King already; but they refused to exempt him. It then occurred to them that everyone in the town had taken the oath except the Stapletons at the Friary. Brother Bonaventure, the Observant friar[737], was among the people, and acted as a messenger between the house and the Green. He told William that the commons were threatening to burn the Friary and those in it if they would not join them, and “was very busy going between the wife of the said Christopher and the said wild people, oft laying scripture to maintain their purpose, noting the same to be goodly and specially to the said William.” In the end they sent one or two honest men to take Christopher’s oath in the house, and to bring out William and Brian. As soon as the commons saw them they rushed towards them crying, “with terrible shouts”—“Captains! Captains!” And when they had taken the oath the people cried, “Master William Stapleton shall be our captain,” “which [he] thinketh came by reason of the said Observant in setting him forth with some praises to the said people or else they would never have been so earnest of him whom they did not know.” Seeing how wild and dangerous the mob was, Stapleton thought the wisest thing he could do was to accept the leadership, and they made a bargain that if he would be their captain they would obey his orders in everything not contrary to their oath. He then stayed old grudges and moved them to proceed in this quarrel as brothers and not make spoil of any man’s goods; and sent them home for the night. Mistress Stapleton and Brother Bonaventure were very much pleased with the way things were going, and the friar went himself in harness with the commons. As the host was breaking up, Roger Kitchen “came riding forth of town like a man distraught,” crying, “As many as be true unto the commons follow me,” and led out a party to raise the neighbouring country[738]. They went to fire Hunsley Beacon, but it was lying on the ground; however, they made fires of hedges and haystacks to spread the alarm[739].
The beacons set all the country in a “floughter” as far as they could be seen. Aske saw them as he crossed the Trent at midnight, after all his weary hours of waiting. He was in Marshland on the morning of Tuesday, 10 October, and there he found that the gentlemen had received orders from Sir Brian Hastings, the sheriff, to raise men for the King and join him at Nottingham. Thereupon they called a meeting of the commons in the parish church, but suddenly the bells were rung backward there and in every church in Marshland. Following Aske’s former advice, the bells of Howdenshire answered from their steeples across the Ouse; by nightfall the whole countryside had taken up arms[740]. Aske now wrote and published his first proclamation—the first, that is, which he acknowledged as his own, and the earliest extant. It is undated, but there is little doubt that it was published during the rising of Marshland on 10 October[741]:—
“Masters, all men to be redie to morow and this nighte and in the mornyng to ryng yor bellis in every towne and to assemble your selfs upon Skypwithe moure and thare apoynte your captayns Master Hussye, Master Babthorp and Master Gascoygne and other gentilmen, and to yeff (give) warnyng to all be yonde the watter to be redy upon payn of dethe for the comen Walthe; and make your proclymacion every man to be trewe to the kyngs issue, and the noble blode, and preserve the churche of god frome spolyng; and to be trewe to the comens and ther welthis; and ye shall have to morowe the statutes and causis of your assemble and peticion to the kyng, and place of oure meting and all other of pour (? word illegible) and comen welthe in haste; By me Robt. ask cheiff captayn of Marches lande, th’ ile and howden shyre Thomas Methm Robt aske yonger. Thomas Saltmerche Wyllm Monketon Master ffranke Master cawood captayns of the same.”
This was Robert Aske’s first assumption of authority; it is interesting to note his title. The Isle is the Isle of Axholme, between the Trent and the Don (as it then was). Marshland, Yorks., was the triangle of country between the Don and the Ouse which formed part of the West Riding. The county boundary still more or less follows the course of the river now removed. So Aske was first made captain of three wapentakes, one in Lincolnshire, one in the West Riding, one in the East, each separated from its neighbour by a great river. As to the other captains, Robert Aske the younger was doubtless Robert’s nephew, John’s son and heir, a wild young law student. William Monketon, his brother-in-law, was his constant companion all through the stirring months that followed. Saltmarsh and Franke will both reappear hereafter.
At nightfall Aske went to a poor man’s house to hide from his followers and get a little sleep, but his place of retreat was discovered and a bodyguard of enthusiastic volunteers burst in and escorted him over the water into Howdenshire, where the commons were clamouring for his presence. No one was thinking of sleep here; a large company of commons were at the house of Sir Thomas Metham, knight, whom they had taken out of his bed the night before to be their captain. Not being in sympathy with the rebels he had fled at the first opportunity, and they were now threatening to burn down his house. Aske exerted his influence to save it, and soon persuaded them to return quietly to their beds for what remained of the night. There was to be a general muster of the Howdenshire men at Ringstanhirst next morning, corresponding to that of the commons of Marshland on Skipwith Moor. Sir Thomas Metham’s son and heir became one of Aske’s petty captains, perhaps out of gratitude for the saving of his inheritance[742].
Others of high rank were also threatened. The commons of Wressell had risen with the rest of the countryside and cried at the gates of the Earl of Northumberland’s Castle, “Thousands for a Percy!”[743] The Earl’s health had been failing ever since the execution of Anne Boleyn, and his last illness was already upon him. He had good reason to believe in the King’s power, and he was little inclined to take the part of his tenants, who hated him heartily enough, but cared little what he did, once they were convinced he was powerless to act against them. Judging from their cry, they hoped one of his brothers was with him; but Sir Thomas was at Seamer in the North Riding, the home of the Dowager Countess, and Sir Ingram was in Northumberland. After the first general excitement the invalid Earl was left in comparative peace for a while, though a watch was kept on his movements and correspondence.
John and Christopher Aske had stolen away from Beverley on Sunday 8 Oct. without taking the oath, for Christopher afterwards declared that they were prepared to be “hewn into gobbets” rather than “distain” their allegiance. On Monday they were at Aughton in “great heaviness,” for Christopher was in charge of over £100 of the Earl of Cumberland’s revenues. The danger of having so large a sum while the country was in such commotion was obvious. After being twice roused from their beds by false alarms on Monday night, the brothers resolved to risk their trust on the road rather than in the heart of the disturbance. They set out at once for Skipton Castle in Craven, forty miles away, where their cousin the Earl was then lying. They rode separately, and Christopher, going first, arrived safely at Skipton in due course[744]. He fell in with Breyar, the sanctuary man, at Tadcaster. This shady individual had also “stolen away” from Beverley, and was now on his way to Cawood. Once there, he hastened to the Archbishop’s palace, and, passing himself off as a servant of the King as was his wont, he informed Lee of the events at Beverley[745]. The Archbishop had already been disturbed by rumours of stirrings in the East Riding[746]; Breyar told him that the men of Beverley, particularly the leaders, Wilson and Kitchen, were threatening to march on Cawood and kill him; Lee answered resignedly that he knew it and intended to flee to Lord Darcy at Pontefract, for he was afraid of his own neighbours and tenants. He gave the “pretended King’s servant” a horse and twenty shillings to carry a letter to the King[747]. But no sooner was one messenger despatched than another hastened in with the news that the commons of Marshland said they were coming to take the Archbishop for their captain. This seems to have alarmed him even more than the first report. Robert Crake, Mr Babthorpe and other loyalists also arrived from Beverley; and, fearing to be surprised at any moment, the Archbishop determined to set out at once for some place of safety. Pontefract Castle was hardly ten miles off; Lord Darcy was there, and Dr Magnus from York had taken refuge with him. Scarborough, the only alternative, was three times as far off and the country between was rising if not already up. It was natural that Lee and his companions should choose the former place. Darcy allowed the Archbishop thirty servants and with these he took up his abode at Pontefract on Tuesday the 10th, charging those he left behind to “keep out of the commons hands.”[748] His tenants rose the same day and captured John Aske, together with Sir Thomas Metham and Portington of Lincolnshire, at Cawood ferry; but John Aske “escaped strangely and took him unto the woods,”[749] being delivered with the other two by Lee’s steward and helped by him to pass “over the water out of danger.” Next day this man was himself taken by the commons of Selby, Wistow, and Cawood, but he had little difficulty in redeeming himself with money[750].
In Beverley the chief business on Tuesday the 10th was bringing in the neighbouring districts. During the usual muster on West Wood Green messengers came from Newbald and Cottingham, which had been roused by the beacons, saying these villages were willing to follow Beverley’s lead and advance with it. The commons were anxious to go forward at once, but Stapleton and the other captains thought it better to wait for the answer to their message to Lincolnshire, which was eagerly expected. William Stapleton chose for his petty captains his nephew Brian, Richard Wharton and the bailiff; the commons agreed to “proceed to no act” without consent of one of these; he made every effort to prevent “spoilings,” “for he would never have the name of a captain of thieves.” Christopher Sanderson was sent to ask old Sir Ralph Ellerker to come next day and use his influence in the town to prevent outrage[751]. On this day a certain friar and limitor of St Robert’s of Knaresborough first makes his appearance. His name was Robert Esch or Ashton, and he had lived at Beverley for some time[752]. Zealous in the cause of the monasteries and popular among the people from whom he begged, he appointed himself, as did other brethren of the same house, a kind of general secretary to the insurgents, attaching himself to no particular chief, but spreading the rumours and the rebels’ proclamations up and down the country[753]. At his request Stapleton gave him a “passport” to travel North, where he promised to “raise all Rydale and Pickering Lythe.”[754]
On Wednesday, the 11th, after the usual muster, the gentlemen breakfasted at Sanderson’s house and held a private council with old Sir Ralph Ellerker, Sir John Milner, and others, who had not taken the oath. While they were at table a letter came from North Cave wishing to know when they should go forward. The gentlemen would not consent to move until news came from Lincolnshire. If we are to believe Stapleton this was a mere excuse to keep the host quiet. After “long persuasions” they carried their point, and orders were sent to the surrounding villages that no advance was to be made until special orders were issued under the Beverley town seal. But at length William Woodmancy was seen riding hard for the town, with the welcome news that messengers from the Lincolnshire host were close at hand, “by whom they had sent their whole mind.” Guy Kyme, Antony Curtis and Thomas Donne were these long-expected messengers and were brought before the company assembled on the Green. Sir Ralph advised the gentlemen to hear the letters and credence apart, but the commons insisted that all should be done openly. They hardly wronged their leaders by their suspicion, for “some honest men” had been secretly sent to Hessle to intercept the message “so as to amend it if necessary in opening it to the commons,” though they started too late to carry out their intention. Kyme delivered a letter to Sir Ralph[755]; its brief contents and his lengthy credence have already been described[756]. Such cheerful tidings naturally raised the enthusiasm of the people to the highest point. They “counted themselves half ashamed to be so far behind them” of Lincolnshire. The gentlemen were obliged to resign all hopes of further stay. Stapleton allowed old Sir Ralph to depart unsworn to his home, though the commons wanted to keep him by force.
This day John Hallam rode in from Yorkswold seeking news[757]. He was only a yeoman, the owner of the Calkhill farm not far from Watton Priory, but his influence among his neighbours was as great as that of any gentleman. The respect in which he was held seems rather to have been owing to his own fearless and determined character than to any superiority in riches. The general disaffection had already shown itself in his countryside. On Sunday the parish priest of Watton did not announce St Wilfrid’s Day, 12 October, and Hallam demanded, before all the congregation, why it was left out, “for it was wont always to be a holyday here.” The priest replied that the king had forbidden the keeping of that and other feasts. When mass was over the whole parish was talking of nothing else; they declared they would never give up their holydays, and the passing over of St Wilfrid, a north-country saint and an archbishop, was probably regarded as a special slight on Yorkshire. Later in the day the country was further disturbed by the news of the rising in Beverley. Hallam came to the town on Wednesday, and went to the house of John Crow. Here he found a great number of people drinking and discussing the rebellion, with Guy Kyme, Thomas Donne and Woodmancy in the midst of them. The Lincolnshire men described the two hosts of Horncastle and Louth “with six knights in each,” and repeated all the rumours concerning the taking away of church jewels and the throwing of five parishes into one. Nobody disbelieved them, for these things seemed hardly more monstrous than the suppression of the abbeys. The Lincolnshire articles were passing from hand to hand, everyone being anxious to see them and secure a copy[758]. Kyme was asked what they did with suppressed monasteries; he answered “nothing”; and how their men were provided for, to which he answered that those who could afford it went at their own cost and poor men were helped[759]. Kyme suggested that the men of Beverley should go and aid the Lincolnshire hosts against the King’s troops. Hallam was sworn by one of the leaders; and he was given a bill summoning the men of Watton to appear at Hunsley on St Wilfrid’s Day and take the same part as the men of Lincolnshire. Hallam carried it home, but found his neighbours already warned and willing to attend the muster. Copies of this bill were sent to Cottingham, Hessle and all the townships round; every man was to be at Hunsley Beacon at nine next morning with horse and harness; and that night the beacons were fired at Hunsley and Tranby on Humber side, so that all the country might understand. The summonses were written out by a friar of St Robert’s of Knaresborough; as Robert Ashton had left for Rydale this must have been another of this zealous community. They had all the effect that was intended. “From that time forward no man could keep his servant at plough, but every man that could bear a staff went forward towards Hunsley.”[760] Antony Curtis dined with Stapleton, and after the meal said he must go on into Holderness (the region, roughly speaking, between Hull and the sea) which was not yet up[761].
The whole country met at Hunsley Beacon on the morning of Thursday, 12 October, St Wilfrid’s Day. The Lincolnshire articles were read again for the sake of the outlying villages which had now come in for the first time. Guy Kyme estimated the men gathered there at about three thousand. Certain persons were sent to take Smythely, “a man of law dwelling at Brantingham,” and among them was his great enemy, Hugh Clitheroe by name. They found Smythely sick in bed, and contented themselves with taking his oath; he sent back with them his clerk, “horsed and harnessed, with many fair words.” Some thought that his illness and goodwill were equally feigned, and when Guy Kyme related how Master Skipwith, serjeant-at-arms, was carried in a cart with the Lincolnshire host, they proposed to bring the unfortunate Smythely in the same way. Stapleton dissuaded them from this barbarity. A curious incident now occurred. Stapleton was informed that a great treasure of the King’s, the spoils of the monasteries of Ferriby and Haltemprice lay in Beckwith’s house at South Cave. “To please the people and save the goods” Stapleton selected certain honest persons, keeping light persons away as much as possible, and rode to the house. He found it in charge of a woman, apparently alone. But after some parleying she admitted that the priest who had the chests in his keeping was hidden in the house. Some swashbucklers had just been there, threatening to spoil the goods and slay the priest, and he wanted no more visitors of the same kidney. But finding Stapleton’s party did no active damage he came forth “quivering and shaking for fear.” The captain asked him “what treasure was in the two great iron chests”; he replied, “Nothing but evidences.” Stapleton remarked to his companions “that it was like to be so, yet it was like to have been plate,” and turning again to the priest “bade him be merry, for he should have no harm, and set forth meat if he had any.” The priest made them what cheer he could, and begged that they would protect him. Stapleton gave orders that proclamation should be made “at the church style, that no man should meddle with any goods there on pain of death”; anyone who did so was to be brought before him. The grateful priest thereupon produced a letter showing that the chests contained only papers. We cannot help wishing that Stapleton’s curiosity had led him to investigate a little further[762].
While he was away on this mission important news had arrived from Aske. He was now at the head of the full forces of Howdenshire, and marching that night to Wighton on the direct road to York. He suggested that the men of Beverley and the surrounding country should muster “in the morning at Wighton Hill that he might see us and he would muster on another hill of the other hand of Wighton that we might see him and his company.” Guy Kyme and Thomas Donne “much rejoicing thereat, saying they would not unto Lincolnshire with their finger in their mouths, but they would tarry and see our musters and the raising of the countries so that they might be able to declare the same to their host by their own sight and not by hearsay; for they supposed that Antony Curtis had gone over to show their host how far they had gone.” They were probably mistaken in this last opinion, and the news which arrived immediately afterwards that “all Holderness was up to the sea side” was a better guide to his real whereabouts[763]. The bells were rung and the countryfolk assembled at Nuttles on this day; the vicar of Preston helped to administer the oath. Holderness was a very large wapentake, and each of the three divisions chose its own head captain—the Middle bailiwick chose Ric. Tenant, the North bailiwick Wm. Barker, and the South bailiwick Wm. Ombler[764]. But though they had their own captains they were not slack in bringing in the gentlemen. They took Sir Christopher Hilliard, one Grinston, one Clifton, a lawyer of Gray’s Inn “whom they hurt in the taking,” Ralph Constable, John Wright and others. Many gentlemen of Holderness and the surrounding country had fled to Hull, the principal being Sir John Constable and his son, Sir William Constable, young Sir Ralph Ellerker, Edward Roos, Walter Clifton, son of the wounded man, Philip Miffin and John Hedge, the King’s servant. They were preparing to defend the town for the King, but, as many thought, against the will of the mayor and citizens.
Evening was falling when these tidings reached Beverley, but four messengers, including Richard Wharton and Wilson, were despatched at once “to know of the mayor and aldermen of Hull if they would do as we did or be against us”; their answer was to be sent next day to Wighton Hill. After holding a council the mayor sent word that he would appoint as the men of Beverley did, but would send a fuller answer next day[765].
Before relating the circumstances of the great muster on Friday, it will be as well to go back and examine the incidents of the rising in Marshland. After the busy night of Tuesday, Robert Aske found an equally busy day before him on Wednesday, 11 Oct. He first attended the muster of Howdenshire at Ringstanhirst as he was on the north bank of the Ouse, and while he was there messengers arrived from Marshland requesting his presence at their muster on Hooke Moor, near Whitgift[766]. He crossed to that town, and there encountered two serving-men who had just brought the Lincolnshire articles to the house of one Walkington, and were reading them to the people. One of these men was in a popinjay green coat, and as this was Lord Darcy’s colour Aske assumed that he “belonged” to that nobleman; there is no further evidence that he did. The other was dressed in orange-tawny colour; and they were both describing the musters in Lincolnshire and the numbers of the host[767]. The articles were taken up to the Moor and read to the assembly. Four of them were:
There was another, probably for the putting down of base blood in the King’s Council. Aske had not before seen the articles actually written; they were sent “under the hands of divers worshipful men of Lincolnshire into Yorkshire.”[768] The messengers could not have been those who appeared at Beverley the same day, for even if Aske did not know Kyme or Donne, and his “cousin” Antony Curtis had not yet joined them, they would have been sure to tell him their mission and he could not have mistaken one of them for a servant of Darcy.
On Thursday 12 Oct. the whole countryside mustered at Howden, and, with the church cross borne before them like a banner, began their march to York. Before starting they sent the messengers to Beverley to arrange the meeting of the two hosts. Wighton was their halting place for the night[769].
Accordingly, on Friday 13 Oct., Beverley marched to meet their neighbours at Wighton Hill. The mayor of Hull had sent the promised messengers, Brown and Harrison who had been sheriffs, Kensey and one Sawl. According to their promise they “made offer of their town by commandment of the mayor and aldermen of the same, with as gentle words as they could speak.” But there were some doubts as to the good faith of this friendliness, and Guy Kyme significantly described “the extremities they of Lincolnshire showed towards those who fled from them in spoiling their goods.” All the East Riding was moving towards Wighton; among others came Robt. Hotham (who brought in a company from his master the Earl of Westmorland’s lands in Yorkswold), James Constable of the Cliffe, Philip Waldeby, “Lygerd of Hullshire,”[770] and John Hallam, who had not been idle but had “stirred up all Watton, Hutton Cranswick and the country between that and Driffield and was ringleader of them all.”[771] George Bawne, who seems to have been a leader from the North Riding, brought word that Sir George Conyers, Ralph Evers, Tristram Teshe, Copindale and others had fled to Scarborough; Sir Ralph Evers, the younger, was the keeper of the castle and was expected to hold out for the King; Bawne declared his determination to win it “or hasard his life.”[772] When the muster was complete and the whole host stood in array on the hill above Wighton, Aske gives their numbers as nine thousand horse and foot, but then he calls them “Holderness and Yorkswold”; the main body of Holderness had not yet come up, so this was probably a good deal above the mark[773].
Stapleton with a party of gentlemen, his petty captains and the messengers from Lincolnshire and Hull, set forward down the hill towards Wighton to carry their tidings to the host of Howdenshire. Before they reached the town they met Aske with the two Rudstons and young Metham coming to speak with them[774]. The two captains had last seen each other in London the term before[775]. Aske told Stapleton how he had been taken by the commons in Lincolnshire, and listened eagerly to the news from Beverley and Hull[776]. He asked Kyme and Donne if they had brought any letter for him, but their only message was to Beverley, and he was disappointed to find that they knew no more of the progress of events in Lincolnshire than he did himself. They then asked leave to depart, intending to cross the Humber that night at the tide. Aske “bade them God be with them, saying they were pilgrims and had a pilgrimage gate to go.” This is the first reference to the beautiful name, “the Pilgrimage of Grace,” given by the insurgents to their protest in favour of the old religion[777].
At Aske’s request the two Stapletons, Philip Waldeby and Robt. Hotham were elected by the Beverley leaders to represent their company and form with Aske’s little party a head council. The friendly messages from Hull were regarded with the greatest suspicion, and in case they proved a mere blind it was determined that Aske’s host should advance alone on York, while Stapleton himself, with Robert Hotham to represent the men of Yorkswold, and young Metham and Nicholas Rudston for Howden, should ride down to Hull at once, and make arrangements with the mayor for its formal occupation. The Beverley host was to muster again next morning at Wighton Hill, and be ready either to advance on York or turn back and lay siege to Hull; in either case word was to be sent on immediately to Aske. Once the plan of campaign was settled there was no delay. The men of Howden turned their faces towards York, and lay that night at Shipton. Three of the messengers from Hull were kept as pledges for the safe return of Stapleton’s party, who took the fourth, Sawl, with them. This precaution shows they had little hope of a favourable reception.
On arriving in Hull they sent Sawl to the mayor to demand an interview. He returned with the answer that the mayor could not speak with them that night, though he had consulted with the aldermen before sending this reply; “which we liked not,” adds Stapleton. Early next morning they were asked to go to speak with “the gentlemen that were fled” in the church. Here the situation was discussed with no little heat[778]. Rudston, Aske’s petty captain, who is distinguished from his numerous relations by the epithet “with a perle in his eye,”[779] was chief spokesman for the Pilgrims. He tried to persuade the loyalists to come over to the popular cause. But his efforts were vain, and after a long argument old Sir John Constable declared he would rather die than join them, saying “he had rather die with honesty than live with shame.” Apparently no one could cap this beautiful sentiment, and “after long communication,” all withdrew to breakfast[780]. After this the messengers were requested to return to the church, where they were formally received by the mayor and aldermen, though the loyal gentlemen were also there. They demanded that the men of the town should be sworn and join the host “with harness, money or ordnance,” as the messengers sent from Hull to Wighton had promised in the mayor’s name[781]. The mayor and aldermen denied any responsibility for the message; “they would keep their town as the King’s town,” they said. They would allow all who wished to join the rebels full liberty to depart, but such a person should have neither horse, harness, meat nor money provided for him. Young Sir Ralph Ellerker further offered to carry any articles they wished to send to the King, “and either he would do our message truly or else (we might) strike off the heads of Ralph, his son and heir, and Thomas his brother whom we had amongst us, but in no wise he would agree to come in to us.” The rest of his party were of the same mind[782].
Stapleton and his companions were in haste to go back to Wighton, but considerable delay was caused by the mayor’s anxiety for his “untrue messengers.” He refused to let the Beverley captains go without ample security for the safe return of these men, who were indeed in some danger. At length Stapleton and his companions were obliged to swear that they would return to the town and give themselves up if the messengers did not reach home safely before nightfall. When at last they arrived at Wighton “all the country was looking for” them. So great was the excitement that they hastily despatched the false messengers back to Hull “and made them good countenance” before daring to announce that their protestations of friendship had been merely lies to gain time, and that Hull was prepared to hold out. Young Metham was sent forward to carry the news to Aske. We can imagine with what a mixture of indignation and fierce pleasure the men of Beverley heard that their neighbouring enemies were determined to resist them.
The next news that reached Wighton was that the men of Holderness had come to Beverley, and their captains, chief of whom was Sir Christopher Hilliard, had advanced as far as Bishop Burton, where they waited to take council with the Beverley captains. Stapleton with his friends left the company drawn up in array to wait his return, while he arranged with the Holderness leaders how to dispose their men about Hull. They decided to hold a general muster at Wynd Oak near Cottingham at nine o’clock next morning. Rudston returned to the Beverley men at Wighton Hill to give out these orders; he was greeted with general indignation. The commons, weary and irritated with standing to arms all day on the same spot, wanted to know why Stapleton sent and did not come himself? Rudston was a Howden man; where were their own captains? The old suspicions broke out. “The gentlemen,” they muttered, “counselled too much and would betray them.” So they dispersed grumbling.
Stapleton and his companions had meanwhile ridden straight to Beverley, where they found three hundred Holderness men mustering on West Wood Green under their three captains, Barker, Tenant and Ombler. They were probably obliged to camp there for the night.
As the Beverley men were on the way to Wynd Oak next morning, Stapleton called them together and reproached them with their “unkindness” and suspicions of the night before. They had been pleased to choose him to command them, he said, though he was only a stranger; he thanked them for that, and he had worked harder than any man among them; but now, as they were dissatisfied let them make another captain, and whoever it was he would obey him willingly. The commons had slept off their ill-humour, and this appeal had the natural effect. “We will have none other captain,” they cried, “and whosoever after speak against the captain, the rest to strike him down.” Nor would they hear of anyone else for all Stapleton could say. Seeing his authority much strengthened for the moment, he gave orders “for every man to pay honestly” for what he took. They then advanced to the trysting-place near Cottingham, a village about two miles north-west of Hull. It was agreed that part of the host should follow Aske to York, while the rest besieged Hull. The Stapletons wanted to go with the former, because, as they explained, neither they nor their servants had any defensive armour with them; all their harness was at Wighill beyond York. But the Beverley men would by no means consent to this; if their captains went they would go too. So it was finally agreed that Rudston should follow Aske with the men of Yorkswold, reported to be two thousand strong, and Stapleton should stay and direct the siege, unharnessed as he was. When Rudston had marched, two wapentakes, one being Holderness and the other Hullshire with Beverley and Cottingham, which were all in the same wapentake, though mustered separately under different commanders, remained to surround Hull.
Barker and Tenant with their two hundred horse and all the Holderness footmen were stationed on the east, from the Humber along Hull water; Stapleton with the men of Beverley was on the other side of the water, at Sculcotes on the north of the town; next him on the west was Thomas Ellerker with the company from Cottingham, and “at Hull Armitage by Humber side” lay Sir Christopher Hilliard and all Hullshire, and with him Ombler and one hundred Holderness horse. The city was thus completely beleaguered on three sides, the fourth being defended by the wide expanse of the Humber, over which the usual traffic had ceased to ply for some days past. Feeling ran high in the Pilgrims’ camp; for Hull, comparatively an upstart town, had monopolised Beverley’s ancient trade and claimed the sole right to navigate Hull river. Now it seemed a day of vengeance had come. The shipping, the pride and wealth of the town, offered a particularly tempting mark. It was said that a single barrel of burning tar floated down the river on the ebb tide would destroy every ship lying there. Even surer ways might be found. “Certain men of the ... water towns” came to Stapleton and offered “to burn all the ships in Hull haven and thereby to burn all that part of the town.” He “warned them in any wise seeing it was a high policy not to disclose the same, for if they did, the same should be prevented by policy, but the truth was if it had been opened it had not lain with him to have saved the town.” Some windmills stood without the walls near the Beverley gate and Stapleton was at no little pains to save them. He protested that “notwithstanding this great business he trusted both we should have our reasonable requests and the King’s highness retake us to his mercy”; and if all went well there was bound to come a day of reckoning for property destroyed.
Stapleton’s list of the spoils that did occur is quaint reading. His headquarters at Sculcotes were a house belonging to the mayor of Hull, and here his men made free with some hay and grass for their horses. They also discovered and devoted to their own use a crane, a peacock, a “cade lame” (whatever that may be) and several young swine. The mayor evidently kept a good larder, unless the crane and the peacock were family pets. The commons captured, besides, seventy-five head of oxen, belonging to the Archbishop’s brother, which seem to have been considered fair game for some forgotten reason; and Stapleton took ten or eleven wethers which were being driven in to the besieged, but returned them to the owner on the capitulation. It was for everyone’s good that stealing should be put down. Some “honest men” told Stapleton that his orders were being disobeyed and begged that the offenders might be punished, “else they should be robbed themselves.” Watch was set and two men were taken red-handed, one of whom “had been put in trust to keep their victuals,” while the other was “a naughty fellow, a sanctuary man of Beverley and a common picker. Whereupon the whole company made exclamation” and Stapleton caused the two to be taken, and made them believe they should die. A friar was sent to confess them, and they were brought out before all men to the waterside. “The sanctuary man was tied by the middle with a rope to the end of the boat and so hauled over the water, and several times put down with an oar over the head.” The other man was a householder of more respectable character, and at the intercession of his friends was reprieved from his ducking; but both were banished from the host. This example put an end to “privy pickings.”
Several people offered Stapleton money, but he always refused it; and lacking further evidence we must suppose that here, as in other places, the Pilgrims were provided with ready money by a voluntary tax levied in each township. Wealthy people sometimes gave money and food, and unpopular people ransomed themselves. The Prior of Ferriby distributed twenty nobles among the commons, who wanted him to go with them, as the price of being left in peace. The Priory of Ferriby seems to have been the only suppressed house with which Stapleton interfered, and it was an especially hard case. It was farmed from the King by Sir William Fairfax, though he had not yet removed the goods from it. He was “a man of fair possessions,” but of miserly nature, and incurred the anger and disgust of all his neighbours, rich and poor; for he neither took up his residence in the priory nor made any attempt to carry on its ancient hospitality. The men of Swanland, in Ferriby parish, asked Stapleton to protect the valuables of the deserted house from their present owner, and he “bade them put two brothers of the same house to lie within it and to see nothing wasted ... till ... some way was taken with all the houses.”[783]
On Tuesday, 17 October, Horncliff of Grimsby came from Lincolnshire with a letter and the news that the insurgents were dispersing. The commons cried that the letter was a forgery and the man a liar. He was seized and imprisoned. There is reason to believe that Antony Curtis, who had been so active in the first days of the rising, was with Horncliff. At any rate he suffered with him from the unjust if natural anger against bearers of ill-tidings[784]. The host despatched a letter to Lincolnshire by William Woodmancy, their first messenger, “wherein ... was contained the unkindness of Lincolnshire to them who rose by their motions” in sending them no news. On their side they had plenty to tell, for posts had come in from other parts of Yorkshire. Aske sent word that he had taken York without fighting, and from the north came the news that Sir Thomas Percy had been taken. Shortly afterwards a servant of Percy’s came with a message from his master to Sir Ralph Ellerker, “who would be much advised by him” and perhaps induced to join the Pilgrimage. Stapleton reluctantly let him through to Hull, for he came “without letter or passport”; and eventually sent him back to Sir Thomas with a remonstrance against his carelessness “in such extreme business.” It does not appear if this man, who gave his name as James Aslaby, was a royal spy or not. Robert Ashton, the friar, returned from the north-west, saying that he had been at the rising of all Malton; that Richmondshire was in arms and Lord Latimer taken; and that he intended to go to the Forest of Knaresborough, but his money was all gone, and the horse he rode was borrowed from the Prior of Malton, for his own had been tired out[785]. He was provided with twenty shillings, and indefatigably set out again.
John Wright, a petty captain of Holderness under Ombler, had been to Hull to negotiate with Sir Ralph Ellerker, and brought word from him to Stapleton that he and Sir William Constable were willing to make terms for themselves. A meeting was arranged at nine o’clock on Wednesday morning at the Charterhouse without the town walls. Only a few of the Pilgrimage captains knew of the appointment and these chose Stapleton, one of the Holderness captains, and at Stapleton’s desire, Marmaduke, one of Sir William Constable’s own sons, to receive the two knights from Hull. On the morning of Wednesday, 18 October, the meeting in the Charterhouse took place. Sir Ralph Ellerker and Sir William Constable professed themselves willing to come in to the Pilgrims and “do as they did” provided they were neither obliged to take the oath nor to become captains. They intimated that many would come in from Hull on these terms. Stapleton and his fellows readily agreed to this proposal; but they were very doubtful as to how the commons would take it; the men of Holderness were particularly unruly and might refuse consent to anything but an unconditional surrender. The captains were summoned and sent to announce to their companies that anyone coming from the town was to be received peaceably and allowed to join their ranks unsworn. To Stapleton’s relief the commons were “well pleased” with the arrangement.
Next day, Thursday, 19 October, Sir Ralph again met Stapleton and told him that if Sir John Constable left the town, the mayor and aldermen would certainly yield; let the captain allow Constable to pass secretly through the rebel lines and make his escape, and the town would soon be his. Stapleton was too much a man of honour to listen to this insidious proposal. He replied that he was stationed there to force the gentlemen in the town to join the Pilgrimage and no one should escape with his aid; though if Sir John could get through by himself “God be with him.” At this point of their deliberations something chanced which hastened the fall of the town.
On receiving news of Aske’s unopposed entry into York, Stapleton had written to him for reinforcements, and in answer to this Rudston now made his appearance on the west of Beverley, near the Hermitage, with four or five hundred men in battle array about to make an attack. His appearance surprised everyone. Sir Ralph Ellerker asked Stapleton “if he knew and could stay them?” Stapleton thought he could and rode off to speak to the leaders. But the threatened assault had ended the burghers’ indecision. Eland and Knolles, two of the aldermen, were sent to yield the town to the Pilgrims. Rudston, meeting no resistance, and no doubt seeing the royal colours flutter down, “lodged his men about and came himself to the Charterhouse to hear the offer of the men of Hull.” When he and Stapleton reached the hall they found Sir John Constable and the other loyal gentlemen there before them. The single condition of the surrender was that no one in the town was to be forced to take the Pilgrims’ oath. It was mutually agreed that no troops should enter the town till next day because at such a late hour it would be difficult to prevent spoiling. “And that night Sir Ralph Ellerker and Rudston lay together at the Charterhouse.”[786]
It chanced on that very day Richard Cromwell in Lincoln was writing to his uncle about the defence of Hull. The letter is so full of details about the state of Lincolnshire, and the sympathy shown there for the insurgents beyond the Humber, that we give it in full:—
“Master Richard Cromwell to My Lord (Privy Seal)
“Please it your Lordship to be advertised that this daye we have newes that ther is up aboute hull in nomber aboute VI thousand persons intending to wynne the same which if they cannot do woll set fire of it. In which town Sir Rauf Ellerker doth lye to defend the same. And he and his company be nere hand famyshed how be it my lorde’s grace hath sent oon of Mr Tyrwitte’s sonnes with vitayle gunne powder and such other necessarys (?) as they nede to defende them selfe unto such tyme as they shall have better socore. And these traytors have sent hither into dyvers places within this shyre for ayde desyring them to come and they woll so provyde(?) that they shall have thar own desyres of any gentlemen or other what so ever he be within this shyre. But as yet we here of none in these partes that do assemble but all still. And the moost part of the gentlemen here be come in and do come in hourely and many of them sworne promysing [to] take those that have begon this busyness and treason. And where as the kinge’s highness perchaunse thinketh some slakness in my lorde’s grace and other how for that they procede not with no greater force against thyse Rebells here, In my poore opynyon if his grace with other of his moost honourable counsail were present here [he] wold do non other then is done considering how busy they are in other parts and also fynding the people here so holow which had rather in manner dye then one to utter another. And how glad they wold be if they might to go to thother Rebells in yorkshire. So that as yet no cruelty may be showed but all wrought with wysdom and delibrate policye. And though it hath pleased his hyhness to say that they were afrayde of their shadows. In faith to advertise your lordship of the treuth I never sawe gentlemen forwarder then they have been and is in this mater nor take greter paynes day and night than they do to devise and Imagyn which way they may best wynne and come by these malefactors and the originalls thereof for surely if they shuld take but ii of them cruelly all the rest (ad id affisand) be so hollowe that they wold to them in yorkshire straight. Ther is but a water betwen and they may in on night go a thousand or more. So that they may niether take their harness away from them nor yet hinder them any thing roughly. But furst wynne them and after knowe the originalles and fynally use them according to their deserts. And doubt ye not but your lordship shall hereafter right well perceyve and knowe that the surmyse that hath been put in his grace’s hed is not true. And for that I perceyve my lord’s grace and thother of his highness counsoul here be somwhat amased for bicause his highness shuld upon any synyster and untrue report judge that they have not done their duety in this case as I take god to record they have to my poore Judgement, as much as possible is for men. I most humbly besech your good lordship to obtayne the king’s moost honorable letters unto them with some comfortable and loving words to encourage them agayn and to avoyde their dolour. Not doubting but herafter his highness shall right well perceyve and prove that they have done thair duetyes and have not been negligent in no case or else let me dye for it. Please it you to be advertised that this day your servants mylysent and bellowe be comen hither unto me who saith that your servant mamby’s father was one of the procurers of this treason, wherefor it shall be well don that ye detayne your said servant ther with you not suffering hym to depart as yet in to these parts and thus I besech almighty god long to preserve your lordship in honour. At Lincolne this thursday at VI of the clock in the after noon.