Like most keepers of royal castles, he made his profit out of his charge. He was accused of having taken the lead roofs off the towers and turrets to make into brewing vessels for himself, and to exchange for French wines[989]. But in spite of these peccadillos he was true to his post, and on 17 October Darcy reported that Scarborough was besieged by the commons[990]. Some of Archbishop Lee’s servants, flying thither from York, were captured by the besiegers, but rescued and brought into the castle by Sir Ralph[991]. The commons had seized the town[992], and it was only the castle which held out.
Very little is known about this early stage of the siege, but it seems to have been closely maintained. There was afterwards a story that Sir Ralph and his company had “no sustenance but bread and water for the space of twenty days,”[993] and his appeals for help to the royal generals show that he was hard pressed[994]. The rebels had some ordnance, which they had probably taken from ships in the harbour, and they knew how to use it, for Sir Ralph reported “of late part of the wall and the ground of Scarborough Castle is shot down in the outer ward betwixt the gatehouse and the castle.”[995] Nevertheless the rebels were baffled and failed to take the castle.
The sieges of Skipton and Scarborough occupied the men of the northern dales so completely that their contingent had not reached Pontefract on 21 October. Aske reckoned that they would be twelve thousand men, armed and mounted, under the leadership of Lord Scrope, Sir Christopher Danby, Sir William Mallory, the Nortons, the Markenfields and others[996].
In contrast to the rising in the Dales, the insurrection in Lancashire seems to have been caused chiefly by discontent at the royal supremacy and the suppression of the monasteries.
The principal leader was one Atkinson, probably the same John Atkinson alias Brotton who had escaped after preventing the vicar of Gisburn from reading the Act of Supremacy in the parish church on 11 July 1535[997]. The centre of the insurrection was St Mary’s Abbey, Sawley[998], a monastery which was beloved by the commons, “being the charitable relief of those parts, and standing in a mountain country and amongst three forests.”[999] It contained an abbot and twenty-one monks and, as one of the lesser monasteries, had been dissolved by the commissioners; but on Thursday 12 October the commons reinstated the brethren[1000], who naturally threw themselves heart and soul into the pilgrims’ cause. One of them probably composed the famous song of the Pilgrimage:
Among their papers are notes for a sermon maintaining that it is lawful for a man to fight for the Faith and to resent injuries done to God and his neighbours[1002].
In several other places the commissioners for the suppression of the monasteries encountered opposition. The Priory of Conishead had been threatened in 1525 when Wolsey dissolved a few of the smaller monasteries, but it was spared at the intercession of the Duke of Suffolk, who reported it to be “a great help to the people.”[1003] On Monday 16 October 1536, the prior wrote to William Collins, bailiff of Kendal, begging him to make proclamation that help should be sent to the priory, or else all they had would be taken from them[1004]. About this time or a little earlier, in an undated letter, news was sent to Darcy that “this week past Manchester College should have been pulled down, and there would have been a rising, but the commissioners recoiled.”[1005]
In the neighbouring county of Cheshire the commissioners were actively resisted. The Abbot of Norton had been deposed and imprisoned, apparently on a charge of treason[1006]. A servant of Cromwell was put in his place to effect the surrender of the monastery, which took place at the beginning of October 1536. On Sunday 8 October when the commissioners had packed up the jewels and movable property, and were ready to leave, they were attacked by the former abbot, who had escaped from prison, and was now at the head of two or three hundred country people. The commissioners fled, and took refuge in a tower, but they contrived to send a message to the sheriff, who set out at once, and came upon the abbot and his followers at 2 o’clock in the morning, feasting on an ox and other victuals by the light of great fires which were burning within and without the monastery. They were taken by surprise and could make no effective resistance. The abbot and three of his canons were captured, but most of his followers fled under cover of the darkness. The sheriff reported that the abbot was expecting reinforcements and “it was thought if it had not been quickly handled the matter would have grown to further inconvenience.” As it was, the King’s farmer was restored, and the abbot and canons were imprisoned in Halton Castle. The King sent orders for their execution, but they were not carried out at once, and on 30 November the abbot was still living. His fate is uncertain, but he was taken to Chester Castle for safer keeping during the insurrection, and it is unlikely that he escaped[1007].
The commons of Lancashire expressed sympathy with the Lincolnshire rebels, and there was a widespread belief that the young Earl of Derby inclined to the same side. His servants were so bitter against Cromwell that a spy in the household wrote “or your lordship (Cromwell) should be there as they would have you to be I had liefer to be in Jerusalem to come home upon my bare feet.”[1008]
Thomas Stanley, a priest who was related to Derby, corresponded with Lord Darcy, and used all his influence to persuade the Earl to join the rebels[1009]. For a time it was believed that he had been successful. Aske showed Bigod a letter from the Earl, and said that he would be with them in time of need. Afterwards a servant of Bigod’s who was sent with a letter to Derby, told him that in the rebel host he was “cried traitor.” The Earl replied that “there was no man in England save the King who should say such a thing of him but he would lay his sword on his face,” and he trusted the King would let him “boulte out” the occasion of this slander[1010]. Perhaps his indignation was so great because there were some grounds for the rebels’ confidence in his sympathy. Nicholas Tempest had heard that Derby “had written such a letter to the lord Darcy that he knew the said lord of Derby would do little in the matter [on behalf of the King] when it should come to the point.” He believed that the gentlemen who trusted to Derby to protect them against the rebels would find themselves deceived in him[1011]. It was said that Aske called him “false flattering boy” who ran away from the commons[1012], for when it came to the point he chose to serve the King.
On Tuesday 10 October Derby received a summons to prepare his men in case the rebellion should spread from Lincolnshire into those parts[1013]. The monks of Sawley were restored on the 12th, and on the 19th, Thursday, news of this having reached the King, further orders were sent to Derby, that instead of joining Shrewsbury on his advance northwards, as had been intended, he must suppress the rising in Lancashire, send up the ringleaders and hang the brethren in their monks’ apparel. A commission under the Privy Seal was sent to him to authorise his proceedings[1014]. He was given authority over all Lancashire, Cheshire, North Wales and Staffordshire, excepting the parts already committed to Shrewsbury. This liberal commission delighted Derby so much that his previous inclination was overcome and he resolved to oppose the rebels. He showed the commission to Thomas Stanley, saying that no ancestor of his had ever had the like, to which Stanley retorted that “no more should he neither have had” if it had not been to support Cromwell. A heated argument followed, but Derby was now quite determined on his course[1015]. The King’s judicious display of confidence had made an ally of a man who might have been a most dangerous enemy. Derby might have avenged his ancestor Sir William Stanley by overmatching Henry VIII if he had thrown his powerful influence into the scale against the King. But on the other hand, the Earl’s love of ruling and his commanding position as by far the most important man among the Pilgrims would have made it necessary for them to acknowledge him their leader, if he had joined them, and as he was not very wise it may be doubted whether he had sufficient tact and ability for the position. He would have been but a doubtful acquisition if he had introduced fresh divisions into their council. This, however, is only speculation, as Derby prepared to fight for the King. Nevertheless the commons of Lancashire were wholly in favour of the rebels, and Stanley believed that if one quarter rose the rest would. He reported to Darcy that Derby and Lord Monteagle his cousin would not be able to set out before the following Wednesday, 25 October[1016], and meanwhile the commons were rising in response to a summons from “Mr Captain” (Aske or Atkinson?). An example of this summons is preserved in an unsigned letter to “Cousin Townley.” Its date seems to be Saturday 14 October. The writer had received a letter from “Mr Captain in this our Pilgrimage of Grace,” containing the order “that on sight thereof ye fail not with all your company to be on (blank) Thewseday (Tuesday 17th?) next by (blank) of the clock in all your best array, as ye will avoid displeasure of the contrary doing.” The writer was sure that his cousin would be glad to hear this. He had sent orders to the commons of Lancaster side to take the gentlemen who were favourable to the Pilgrimage, and was sorry that “Cousin Townley’s” brother had not taken the oath, as he was inclined to it at one time[1017]. Sir John Townley and his brother, who was also called John, are afterwards mentioned as being active on behalf of the commons[1018].
Such a summons was brought by George Willen and William Gaunt from Dent to Kendal on Saturday 14 October. The men from Dent had come, as they said, to ask Sir James Leyborne what they should do about the summons, which they had received from Richmondshire. All the advice they received from Leyborne the steward and William Collins the bailiff was “not to meddle.” Next day (Sunday 15 October) the commons under the leadership of Tom Dockwray and Brian Jobson assembled at daybreak in the North Street of Kendal, and took all the chief men of the town, rousing them from their beds and making them swear to be true to God, the King and their ancient laudable customs. “Mr Leyborne” had fled, but his friends promised that he would do as the other gentlemen did, and his brother Nicholas “sealed to a book which was read concerning their customs” in his name. The complaint that their ancient customs were being violated was the characteristic grievance of Cumberland and Westmorland, and will be discussed more fully hereafter. Beyond visiting Mr Leyborne’s house again on Friday 20 October the commons of Kendal did not do much until on Saturday 21 October they received a summons from the men of Dent to muster with them on Monday 23 October at ten o’clock on Ennesmore. Here a local quarrel broke out, for the Kendal men answered that they “would have nought to do” with Dent. The reply of the latter was that if Kendal did not attend the muster, the town should be spoiled by ten thousand men. For a moment the citizens of Kendal thought of resistance, but in the end some five hundred of them went to Ennesmore. There they found that the captains were Atkinson, James Cowper, John Middleton, John Hebyllthwayte of Sedbergh, James Bushell of Middleton and the vicar of Clapham, who “was the common swearer and counsellor in all that business and persuaded the people that they should go to heaven if they died in that quarrel.” The men of Kendal told the captains that they were sworn, but that their gentlemen would not come in, to which the others answered, “If ye cannot rule them, we shall rule them.” A muster was appointed at Kendal next day at 8 a.m., when they would have spoiled Mr Leyborne’s house but for the bad weather. On Friday 27 October Leyborne and the other gentlemen at last came in and were sworn at Kendal Tollbooth, and on Saturday 28 October they mustered on Kelet Moor and marched to Lancaster[1019].
It was this rising which prevented Derby from marching on Sawley when he received the King’s first orders, dated 19 October[1020]. The delay annoyed Henry so much that on the 28th he wrote repeating his instructions[1021], but Derby was doing his best. He occupied Preston in order to lie within striking distance of both the rebel hosts, the one lying near Kendal, which was said to number five or six thousand men, but was probably under three thousand, and the other defending Sawley Abbey. His attitude alarmed the monks of Sawley, who sent into Yorkshire for help on Saturday 21 October[1022], but his attention was at first occupied by the Kendal rising. Many fugitives hurried to his protection, among the first being the abbot and deputy steward of Furness, who came by water to Lathom before the Earl occupied Preston[1023]. From Lathom the abbot wrote to his monastery that he had taken a way to be sure both from King and commons[1024], and while he remained with Derby the monks levied men for the rebels and sent them money, telling their recruits “Now must they stick to it or else never, for if they sit down both you and Holy Church is undone; and if they lack company we will go with them and live and die with them to defend their most godly pilgrimage.” They gave out that the King was not right heir to the crown because his father came in by the sword, and they maintained the papal authority so earnestly that some of their tenants were willing to wager that the new laws would be annulled in three years. Four of the monks of Sawley had been sent to Furness, and three of them, who had capacities[1025], returned to Sawley when the commons restored it[1026].
The Prior of Cartmell, who had been restored against his will, fled to the Earl at Preston, where he was joined by Lord Monteagle and Sir Marmaduke Tunstall, whose houses lay between Lancashire and Westmorland in the district where the rising took place[1027]. Sir Robert Bellingham, Aske’s brother-in-law, and other gentlemen were taken and sworn by the commons but afterwards escaped to Preston. It must have been for this desertion that the commons threatened to spoil the house of Aske’s sister Margaret, Sir Robert’s wife, but Aske prevented them from doing so[1028].
Atkinson entered Lancaster at the head of the host from Dent and Kendal on Saturday 28 October[1029]. He administered the oath to the mayor and all the burgesses, but the mayor escaped to his master the Earl of Derby. The commons threatened to plunder his house if he did not return, and Derby sent two of his servants to Atkinson to explain that he was detaining the mayor, and to order the commons to depart in the King’s name. Atkinson declared that as the mayor would not come, his friends, who had been his sureties “were forfeitures,” and he gave the servants a list of their names. As for the rest of the message, the commons had a pilgrimage for the commonwealth to do, which they would accomplish or die. The servants replied that if twelve of their chiefs would sign a promise to fight on Bentham Moor, the Earl would undertake to meet them there and determine the quarrel by battle. Atkinson answered that they would not fight unless the Earl hindered their pilgrimage, or attempted to join the Lord Lieutenant. If they had agreed to fight, Derby had resolved to wait for help from Cheshire, as he could not trust his men[1030]. It was probably the report of these messengers which convinced him that the rebels at Lancaster were not very formidable, and he therefore turned his attention to Sawley. It was known in Lancaster on the 28th that the reinforcements from Yorkshire had arrived there[1031].
After the resolution at Monubent on Saturday 21 October Sir Stephen Hamerton had gone to Colne and Burnley, marching down one bank of the Ribble, and Nicholas Tempest had gone to Whalley, marching down the other bank. The latter reached Whalley on Monday 23 October. For more than two hours the monks refused to admit him and his three or four hundred men, but at last they opened their doors for fear of burning. Tempest administered the oath to the abbot and eight of the brethren. Sir Stephen Hamerton and his men arrived the same night and the two leaders recounted their experiences to each other[1032].
Hearing that Derby was doing his best to raise forces against them, they sent to Walter Strickland to come to their aid, but received no reply[1033]. Then definite news was brought that Derby intended to set out from Preston on Monday 30 October and would spend that night with his forces at Whalley Abbey, which was some four miles from Sawley. The rebels at once occupied a hill by the abbey, prepared to fall on Derby, who did not know of their movements[1034]. An encounter between the rebels and Derby’s forces seemed inevitable, and the situation was on the whole in favour of the former. It is true that Derby had levied over eight thousand men, but their loyalty was doubtful[1035]; the Pilgrims at Sawley, unknown to Derby, had occupied a strong position, and those at Lancaster were preparing to take him in the rear[1036]. Derby himself admitted that the roads were very difficult and that there would have been a great fray “though no doubt the traitors would have been overthrown.”[1037] Just at this critical moment, at nine o’clock in the morning on Monday 30 October, Berwick Herald-at-Arms rode into Preston and delivered to the Earl a letter from Shrewsbury and the other lords, informing him of the first appointment at Doncaster, and directing him to “sparple his force and do no hurt.”[1038] After a formal consultation with the gentlemen present, he disbanded his men and returned to Lathom, probably with a very thankful heart[1039]. The same news had reached Whalley in a letter from Aske, forbidding the Pilgrims to meddle with Derby even if he attacked them, and directing them to withdraw into the mountains, unless he (Derby) “raised fire,” in which case they must send by post to Aske. Hearing that the Earl had withdrawn, they also broke up their forces, and “kept every man his own house, ready to be up and come together at an hour’s warning.”[1040]
From Lancashire[1041] we turn to Cumberland and Westmorland, where there had been considerably more enclosing of common land by the landlords than in the other counties. This was the principal grievance of the commons in those parts. On 17 August 1536 Sir Thomas Wharton reported to Cromwell that there had been divers riots in Cumberland, probably against the enclosures, although one riot was traced to the Bishop of Carlisle[1042], and was most likely a private feud.
On Sunday 15 October the curate of Kirkby Stephen did not “bid St Luke’s day (Wednesday 18 October) as a holyday,” which exasperated his parishioners so much that they threatened to kill him; to pacify them he was forced to announce the holiday as usual[1043]. Probably it was on the same day that Robert Thompson, vicar of Brough-under-Stainmore, received a letter from the commons of Richmondshire which he read aloud to his parishioners, perhaps in the parish church. The contents of the letter ran: “Wellbeloved brethren in God, we greet you well, signifying unto you that we your brethren in Christ have assembled us together and put us in readiness for the maintenance of the faith of God, His laws and His Church, and where abbeys was suppressed we have restored them again and put the religious men into their houses: wherefore we exhort you to do the same.”[1044] This letter seems to have been signed “Captain Poverty,” as was the one sent to Sir Ingram Percy[1045].
Next day the men of Kirkby Stephen held a muster on Sandforth Moor in response to the summons from Richmond, and chose as their captains Robert Pullen, Nicholas Musgrave, Christopher Blenkinsop and Robert Hilton. Vicar Thompson went to Penrith that night, to escape from the commons as he said, but it seems more likely that his object was to spread the news of the rising. He rejoined the muster next day, Tuesday 17 October, when the commons went to take Sir Thomas Wharton. As he had fled, they captured his eldest son instead. On Wednesday 18 October they went to Lamerside Hall, believing that Sir Thomas and other gentlemen had taken refuge there, but they found only servants. Pullen then issued an order that the gentlemen should come in by a certain day or their houses would be plundered, and appointed men bound by oath to collect the goods which the captains declared forfeit. The leaders agreed that next day, Thursday 19 October, Pullen and his men should march down one side of the Eden and Musgrave with his down the other. Pullen’s company set out and arrived at Penrith the same day, but Musgrave’s band spent the night at Lowther, where they had in vain hoped to take Sir John Lowther. Penrith had already risen in response to the summons from Richmondshire, which had probably been brought by Thompson. Four captains had been chosen, Anthony Hutton, John Beck, Gilbert Whelpdale or Whelton, and Thomas Burbeck, who took the names of Charity, Faith, Poverty and Pity. Gilbert Whelpdale, Captain Poverty, was Robert Thompson’s brother-in-law, and appointed him his chaplain and secretary. Pullen’s company spent Thursday night in Penrith and on Friday 20 October set out again. Thompson accompanied them as far as Eamont Bridge, where the oath was administered to Dudley and other gentlemen, but he turned back to Penrith at the request of the commons there, in order that he might help them with his counsel. On the same day they held a muster on Penrith Fell, where Thompson and the captains organised their forces as well as they could. “Sir” Edward Perith, who must have been a priest, was appointed the crossbearer, to carry the cross before the host. George Corney, another priest, wrote letters to the neighbouring gentlemen at the dictation of the captains, and Thompson taught Thomas Berwick, the town-crier, a proclamation to be uttered before every meeting “to the effect that, as the rulers did not defend them from thieves and Scots, they had chosen the four captains, who commanded all to live in peace and to say five aves, five paters and a creed.” The letters were sent to Sir Edward Musgrave, who came in and took the oath with all the parish of Edenhall and the country round Penrith. Another muster was held on Saturday 21 October, when the commons beyond Eden were sworn, and a meeting was appointed on Monday 23 October at Cartlogan Thorns. On Monday the commons of Caldbeck, Greystoke, Hutton, Shewlton and Sowerby rose and came to Cartlogan Thorns, bringing with them Bernard Towneley, the chancellor of the diocese, Richard Bewley, Richard Vachell and other gentlemen. Sir John Lowther also came to the meeting, “to summon certain men of Sowerby to keep the day of march,” i.e. the day appointed for a meeting with the Scots warden. Sir John’s attitude is doubtful; he does not seem to have been brought in by force, and the commons looked upon him as their friend[1046].
The next muster was appointed to be held on Wednesday 25 October at Kilwatling How[1047]. A new actor now comes on the scene—Abbot Carter of Holm Cultram. The Priory of Carlisle and the Abbey of Holm Cultram were the only two monasteries in Cumberland wealthy enough to escape the Act of Suppression. There had been several scandals in connection with Holm Cultram in recent years, and the abbot seems to have realised from the first that without a revolution his house was doomed[1048]. Consequently when the news of the rising reached him he sent orders to all his tenants to attend the muster at Kilwatling How under pain of hanging[1049].
There on Wednesday 25 October the gentlemen and commons of the neighbourhood were sworn, and four clergymen, the parson of Melmerby, Dr Towneley, the vicar of Sowerby and the vicar of Edenhall, were appointed Chaplains of Poverty to instruct the commons in the Faith, a lesson which was much needed, as those who attended the muster announced that if the other clergymen of the district did not come in they would strike off the heads of those already in their hands, and set Towneley’s head on the highest tree of the diocese[1050].
On Wednesday and Thursday a picturesque ceremony took place in Penrith chapel, when the four captains followed Thompson in procession round the building with their swords drawn. They then put up their swords and the vicar said mass, and expounded the Ten Commandments, showing how all the present troubles had arisen from breaking them. This was called the captains’ mass. A priest objected that swords should not be drawn in church, and the ceremony was given up[1051].
The chief problem now before the rebels was the attitude of Carlisle. This was determined almost by accident. On Monday 16 October the Earl of Cumberland intended to send his son Henry Lord Clifford to join Shrewsbury[1052]. Finding that he could not go directly southwards by land without a considerable risk of falling into the rebels’ hands, Lord Clifford conceived the ingenious idea of travelling north to his uncle Sir Thomas Clifford at Berwick and taking ship to Lincolnshire[1053]. The general rising, however, forced him to seek refuge in Carlisle Castle, and there he lay four days in hiding. Meanwhile on Friday 27 October the citizens of Carlisle sent messengers to the commons of Penrith under safe conduct. The commons were mustered on Sanderdale Hill, and the messengers reported that the burgesses of Carlisle would take no oath, but otherwise would be with them. All the people who lived in that neighbourhood thought that they would be ruined if Carlisle were not secured, for the mosstroopers of the Black Quarters, the valleys of Esk and Line, had already begun to plunder them. By Thompson’s advice they proclaimed that no one should take provisions into the town, hoping that it might be reduced by starvation, as Hull had been[1054]. The threat would have been sufficient for the townspeople, as they had neither ordnance nor powder and the walls were in ruins, but Lord Clifford came out of his hiding-place, and said that as his father’s deputy he would be their captain and jeopardy his life with them. They were so far encouraged that they promised not to give over the town[1055], especially as the commons had withdrawn for the moment to Cockermouth, where they passed the night of Friday 27 October. The Abbot of Holm Cultram joined them in person at Cockermouth on Saturday 28 October, and the rebels’ council ordered Sir John Lowther, “who was at Carlisle,” the abbot, Towneley, Richard Blenkhow and Thomas Dalston to go to Carlisle with orders to the mayor to meet the commons and take the oath for himself and his brethren on the following Monday at Burford (Brunfelde) Oak. The priests were very unwilling to go and one Percy Simpson exclaimed that “they would never be well till they had stricken off all the priests’ heads, saying they would but deceive them.” The appointed messengers went no further than Dalston, but they sent “Sir” William Robin to Carlisle and he brought back word “there was a proclamation that no man should make any unlawful assembly,” which was evidently news of the first truce of Doncaster. The abbot and Towneley told Thompson of this, but he and the other captains believed that it was only a trick to gain time and mustered next day. Towneley and other messengers were again sent to Carlisle, where they were shown the proclamation of the truce, and sent it back to the host at once. They do not seem to have believed that it would pacify the commons, and delivered their message to the mayor, who asked for a day’s respite. When Towneley and the others returned to Burford Oak, however, they found that the commons had agreed to disperse until Friday 3 November, when they were to assemble again. Thompson went back to Penrith and took no further part in the proceedings[1056].
All this time Lord Dacre had been lying quiet at Naworth Castle. By reason of his feud with the Cliffords and his late trial for treason it had been hoped that he would join the commons, but his recent experience had been enough for him, and Sir Ingram Percy called him “first a traitor to the king and after to the commons” for remaining loyal[1057]. He was in occasional communication with Shrewsbury[1058], and on 30 October he sent to Lord Clifford, offering to come to his aid if the commons besieged Carlisle, and asking Clifford to come to him if they besieged Naworth. Clifford willingly agreed[1059]. When the commons mustered at Burford Oak on Friday 3 November Sir Christopher Dacre came to them from Carlisle under safe conduct[1060], and with the help of Towneley and the gentlemen and priests who were with them he persuaded them to accept the truce and to disperse[1061]. It was agreed that they should bring their wares to market as before, and that Lord Clifford should prevent his soldiers from “riding on the commons.”[1062] After this Lord Dacre went secretly up to London[1063], thinking that he would be less liable to misrepresentation if he were actually under the King’s eye.
The movement in Cumberland and Westmorland was essentially a rising of the poor against the rich. The rebels wanted to abolish rents, tithes and enclosures[1064]. In spite of the exhortations of the enthusiast, Robert Thompson, and the Abbot of Holm Cultram, the commons showed no particular zeal for the Church and treated the clergy with little respect. In consequence the gentlemen and clergy stood aloof, and the mass of eager but undisciplined commons were as great an anxiety to the leaders of the rebellion as they could be to their opponents.
From this brief sketch of the state of the northern counties up to the first truce of Doncaster two points stand out. In the first place the discontent was very strong and very widespread. The gentlemen who were usually equal to keeping order were reduced to a few isolated fortresses, Chillingham, Scarborough and Skipton; even the large towns, such as Carlisle, Newcastle and Berwick, were wavering. The progress of the insurrection may be described in the words which a German historian uses with regard to the Peasants’ War of 1525: “the peasant revolts were, in general, less of the nature of campaigns, or even of an uninterrupted series of minor military operations, than of a slow process of mobilisation interrupted and accompanied by continual negociations with the lords and princes—a mobilisation which was rendered possible by the standing right of assembly and of carrying arms possessed by the peasants.”[1065] The widespread character of the rebellion was in its favour, but the second point is against it. In consequence of the great extent of the district affected it was inevitable that there should be many conflicting interests, which only genius could unite in a common cause. In one place the course of the rising was determined by local feuds, in another by religious enthusiasm, in another by agricultural grievances.
Though such a mass of discontent was very dangerous to the King, it was almost equally dangerous to those who were attempting to control and guide it to a definite object. It will be noticed that there were two distinct sets of agitators, whose aims were sometimes almost antagonistic. First, there was the religious movement which usually centred in some monastery—Hexham, Sawley, Furness or Holm Cultram. Its motives and object have already been described, and it was the cause with which the gentlemen sympathised. Second there was the social movement directed chiefly against raised rents and enclosures. Its centre seems to have been Richmondshire, and it was this cause which was most influential in Cumberland and Westmorland. The leaders had adopted the name of Captain Poverty as a symbol of their intention. The commons, they meant, were led by Poverty. There was, of course, no one definite Captain Poverty, though individual leaders might assume the name, as at Penrith, but wherever that name is used the rising was directed primarily against the gentlemen, and no particular devotion was shown to the Church as an institution. It was this second movement which resembled in many particulars the Peasants’ Revolt in Germany in 1525. There, as in England, the first demands of the peasants were social, not religious[1066]. In Germany they soon became combined with a reforming campaign against the Church, while in England the religious movement was reactionary, but the ideals of the peasants had something in common with both tendencies, for while on the one hand they wanted reform of abuses, on the other their social programme was reactionary, looking back to the primitive form of the village community[1067]. This may be observed in the English as well as in the German movement. The leaders of the religious insurrection in England, Aske and Darcy and the friars, seem originally to have had little or nothing to do with the social movement, and though they tried to direct it to their own ends they were rather alarmed by it.
Note A. The Isle was not Holy Island in Northumberland, as stated in the Index of the “Letters and Papers.” It was the name of a country house in the parish of Sedgefield, Durham, which was built on an island formed by the river Skerne and its tributaries.
Note B. An attempt was made in 1535 to involve the Abbot of Norton in a charge of issuing counterfeit coin[1068].
Note C. Kendal is now in Westmorland, but in early times it was included in Lancashire, and even in Henry VIII’s reign the boundary between the two counties was still unsettled[1069].
Note D. The summary of Nicholas Tempest’s confession which is given in the “Letters and Papers,” XII (1), no. 1014 is so brief that it gives no idea of the contents of the document. The subsequent references are therefore given to the “Yorkshire Archaeological Journal,” vol. XI, where the confession is printed in full.