It was a strange kind of warfare in which the garrison of a surrendered castle immediately went over to the enemy—joined in their counsels and became their leaders. When all the gentlemen at Pontefract had taken the oath Aske “would have yielded up his white rod and name of captain to the nobility there, which refused, but willed him to continue as captain because otherwise amongst the nobility there were parte [likely] to be disdain, if any of them would have taken this office upon them.” A council was held at once[1070]. Every man was willing and earnest, excepting the Archbishop and his friend Dr Magnus, who did not attend the councils[1071]. Darcy and Sir Robert Constable became acknowledged heads of the Pilgrimage. Constable and Aske had some time before been “in displeasure” with one another, but, true to their oath, they set aside all private disputes[1072]. They worked loyally together to muster and drill the bands of Pilgrims which marched in every hour. At the councils all the worshipful men “commoned” together “for the setting forth of the battles and company towards Doncaster, for the preparation for victuals, scoutwatches and for the orders of the field, and who should be in the vanward and middleward, and for the answers of the heralds, and good espials, and search the fords of Don for passage with the host.” Copies of the oath and Aske’s proclamations were sent out with the messengers who carried orders and advice to companies on Pilgrimage in all parts of Yorkshire, in Durham, and in all the north. Darcy had received trustworthy information from Lancashire, that the people were about to rise though the Earl of Derby was obstinate in loyalty[1073]. Aske still had hopes of the young nobleman, and he sent the servant who brought the news back again, with a letter to the Earl, and a copy of the oath to be “spread abroad” on his way through the country[1074].
While the leaders of the Pilgrimage were holding counsel, word was brought to them that a herald in the King’s coat of arms was riding into the town. This was Thomas Miller, Lancaster Herald, sent from Scrooby by the Earl of Shrewsbury to read to the Pilgrims the same proclamation which had dispersed the men of Lincolnshire. He was a man of parts and conduct, as became the honourable bearer of the messages of a King. As he approached Pontefract, he fell in with troops of countrymen on their way to the musters. They treated him respectfully and listened to his assurances that the King had never even thought of levying taxes on burials, christenings, etc. Several hundred, as he said, even promised him to go home, though it does not appear that they turned back at once. As he was making his way to the market cross to read his proclamation in due form, he was stopped and told that the captain of the host, Robert Aske, had sent for him. He was taken up to the castle, and passed through the three wards; at the gate of every ward was a porter with a white rod and “many in harness of very cruel fellows.” He was brought into a hall full of people and told to wait till the captain’s pleasure was known. Unappalled by this show of strength and order, the herald made his way to the high table and boldly began to declare the King’s will. He was interrupted by a summons to the castle chamber. Here he found himself before the Archbishop, Darcy, Sir Robert Constable, Sir Christopher Danby, with other knights and gentlemen. In the midst was Aske himself, “keeping his port and countenance as though he had been a great prince with great rigour and like a tyrant,” said Lancaster afterwards, shocked at such assurance in a traitor. Not deigning to address a mere gentleman when lords spiritual and temporal were present, the herald, with due regard for precedence, first offered to deliver his message to the Archbishop and then to Darcy. Both bade him give it to the captain, who “with an inestimable proud countenance, stretched himself and took a hearing of my tale.” On understanding his mission the captain asked to see the proclamation. The herald drew it from his purse and Aske “read it openly without reverence to any person[1075], and said ... he would of his own wit give me the answer. He, standing up in the highest place of the chamber, taking the high estate upon him, said: Herald, as a messenger you are welcome to me and all my company, intending as I do; and as for this proclamation sent from the lords, from whence ye come, it shall not be read at the Market Cross nor in no place amongst my people, which be all under my guiding, nor for fear of loss of lands, life or goods, nor for the power which is against us doth not enter into our hearts with fear; but are all of one accord with the points of our articles, clearly intending to see a reformation or else to die in those causes.” Miller asked what the articles might be; the captain answered that they were going “to London, upon pilgrimage to the King’s Highness” to petition him for “full restitution of Christ’s Church of all wrongs done to it” and the putting down of vile blood from the Council. At Miller’s request, Aske gave him a copy of the oath and offered to sign it. The herald “prayed him to put his hand to the said bill and so he did, and with a proud voice said: This is mine act who so ever says to the contrary.” The herald again begged that he might read the proclamation to the commons, and even fell on his knees in his anxiety to do his errand truly. But Aske was determined. “He clearly answered me that of my life I should not, for he would have nothing put in his people’s heads that should sound contrary to his intent.” He dared not let Lancaster proclaim openly that the Lincolnshire Rebellion was over. It was already rumoured in the Pilgrims’ host, and roused such fury among the commons that Aske doubted whether he could save the herald’s life if he declared the news to be true[1076]. The Pilgrimage must not be stained with the murder of a messenger. Moreover the proclamation itself was unsatisfactory, containing no offer of pardon, nor as much as demanding the Pilgrims’ reasons for rising in arms. These the King persisted in assuming that he knew—they were the false rumours of new taxes[1077]. Indeed the proclamation, though couched in the most sonorous English, contained so little to the point that it was no wonder a serious leader of the Pilgrimage should treat it with scorn.
Miller naturally thought that had he been allowed to accomplish his mission the effect would have been great. All the ploughmen and farm hands, he believed, “would have gone home, ... for they say that they be weary of that life they lead, and if (any) say to the contrary of the captain’s will he shall die.” He must have heard the commons grumbling at the strict orders against spoils.
Aske ended the interview by promising Lancaster perfect safety whenever he brought messages in the King’s coat, and “if my Lord Shrewsbury or other lords of the King’s army would come and speak with him, they should have of him their safe conduct to come safe and go safe. And also said: Herald, commend me to the lords from whence you come, and say to them, it were meet they were with me, for it is for all their wealths I do.... Then he commanded Lord Darcy to give me two crowns of five shillings to reward whether I would or no, then took me by the arm and brought me forth of the castle and there made a proclamation that I should go safe and come safe wearing the King’s coat, on pain of death; and so took his leave of me and returned into the castle, in high honour of the people as a traitor may. And I missed my horse, and I called to him again for to have my horse, and then he made a proclamation that whoso held my horse and brought him not again immediately, bade kill him without mercy. And then both my horse was delivered unto me; and then he commanded that twenty or forty men should bring me out of the town, where I should least see his people.”[1078]
On this same Saturday 21 October 1536, Sir Thomas Percy arrived at Pontefract at the head of nearly ten thousand men from the north-east. To describe the raising of this company we must go back a week or more. Sir Thomas was at Seamer in the North Riding, his mother’s house, when the first news of trouble in Lincolnshire came. Three days later a servant arrived from Wressell Castle, bringing venison for the Dowager Countess from the Earl. He brought word that Aske had raised the commons of Howdenshire, and the tenants of Wressell cried before the Earl’s gates “Thousands for a Percy!” The country round was much disturbed, and Sir Thomas grew anxious to return home to Prudhoe Castle in Tynedale where his wife and children were. It must have been about 14 or 15 October that he attempted to go north secretly, disguised in one of his servant’s coats, leading his own mail horse, and accompanied only by his page and a couple of men. They presently fell in with two rebel leaders. One of them “a man with a red face” was William Percehay of Ryton; he seems to have recognised Sir Thomas or at least to have suspected who he was. Seeing the Percy livery he asked where Sir Thomas might be. They replied he was at Seamer. Percehay of Ryton told them the commons had mustered at Malton and were determined to have Sir Thomas for their captain. They had set watch to take him, and if he did not join them by noon they would “leave my lady his mother never a penny or pennyworth of goods.” Sir Thomas went back to Seamer and told the old Countess that he could not make his way home “whereupon she wept and sore lamented.” About two o’clock in the afternoon a large company of commons led by several gentlemen came to summon him to join the Pilgrimage. The captains entered the house without any resistance being offered and Sir Thomas “came forth to them to the great chamber.” They told him they were assembled for the weal of all; and Lord Latimer, Lord Neville, Danby, Bowes and many more had already joined them. Sir Thomas willingly took the Pilgrims’ oath and agreed to attend the muster next day “at the Wold beyond Spittel.” He went with a dozen or more followers, but “within a while” four or five thousand commons assembled there. Next day they spoiled the house of Mr Chamley, who had refused to come in, crying “Strike off his head,” when Sir Thomas protested. He returned that night to Seamer to comfort his mother and assure her of his safety, staying there two nights before leaving for a large muster at Malton. From there he sent for Sir Nicholas Fairfax and together they took command of about ten thousand men; they received orders from Aske to march to York, but in a day or two they were countermanded to the siege of Hull, and, when news came that Hull had surrendered, to Pontefract[1079].
They passed through York on the 20th and their entry was attended with some pomp. Sir Oswald Wolsthrope had been raising the people west of the city in the triangle of country between the rivers Ouse, Nidd and Wharf, holding musters at Bilborough and Acomb. He joined forces with Percy and made the Abbot of St Mary’s, much against his will, walk at the head of the troops as they marched through York carrying his finest cross; “at the town’s end” Sir Thomas allowed the abbot to steal away “leaving his cross behind him.” He supposed “Sir Oswald had not been pleased with the abbot” from whom they had all been getting money[1080]. Sir Thomas Percy himself was especially splendid. He had sent for “a great trotting bay gelding” from the sub-prior of Watton, who was under obligations to his family[1081]; and he had bought in the city (not at his own cost, but at that of the kindly Treasurer, Colins) four pounds worth of velvet[1082]. “Gorgeously he rode through the King’s highness’ city of York in complete harness with feathers trimmed as well as he might deck himself at that time.”[1083] His servants must have worn the Percy livery, scarlet and black, with the silver crescent on the breast. He must have looked a worthy son of the Magnificent Earl, and no wonder the commons greeted him joyfully. They “showed such affection towards him as they showed towards none other,” and called him “Lord Percy,”—for was he not “the best of the Percys that were left next to my lord of Northumberland?” The King could rob him of his inheritance, never of his blood. But Sir Thomas was honourably loyal to his brother. “He lighted off his horse and took off his cap and desired them that they would not so say, for ... the same would turn him but to displeasure.”[1084]
At Sir George Lawson’s house Sir Thomas, Sir Nicholas Fairfax, Sir Oswald Wolsthrope and the rest of his party met George Lumley, Lord Lumley’s heir, who had ridden in from Thwing with his tenants. They discussed the attitude of the religious from whom Percy had received help in money, provisions and men. He especially praised the Prior of Bridlington who had sent two brethren “the tallest men that he saw.”[1085] The prior was a good friend to the Pilgrims though he had troubles of his own. He was threatened by the commons recruiting for Percy, but they were satisfied when, besides the two brethren, eleven horsed tenants of his joined them. Later Aske gave him “a writing for the assurance of his goods” and in return he contributed twenty nobles to the Pilgrimage treasury. In spite of his paper he gave £4 to the men of Holderness “not to drive away his cattle there.”[1086] But this last may have been a voluntary gift, in spite of the saving clause. The religious were being heavily taxed. Sir Nicholas Fairfax said that as it was a spiritual matter “he thought meet that the priors and abbots and other men of the Church should ... go forth in their own person.” He went himself to the unfortunate Abbot of St Mary, who had already done his best to satisfy Percy and Wolsthrope. Sir Thomas sent Lumley on a round of religious houses, to St Saviour’s of Newburgh, Byland, Rievaux, Whitby, Malton and Kirkham, while John Lambeth, his servant, went to Mountgrace, Bridlington, and Guisborough: “to move the abbots or priors and two monks of every of those houses with the best cross to come forwards in their best array.” Byland, Newburgh and Whitby contributed forty shillings each, but all had given Percy help before. The abbot of Rievaux and the prior of Guisborough were ready to come in person, but Aske countermanded Percy’s orders, bidding Lumley obtain such “benevolence” as he could, but let the religious themselves tarry at home[1087]. The money which the Pilgrims collected would be spent by the captains on food and lodging for their men. Each of the commons “found” by his township was given twenty shillings to begin with: the ordinary rate of pay for soldiers was eight pence a day, so this would last at least a month and with presents, spoils, etc. might be made to go further, as the Pilgrims were on a kind of volunteer service. The townships had taxed themselves to raise this money. Gentlemen went at their own cost.
After Lancaster Herald had left Pontefract, Aske and Sir Robert Constable held musters on St Thomas’ hill near Pontefract where they “tried out the men.” “No man there but was willing to do his best and prepare for battle.”[1088] News came that the Earl of Shrewsbury had mustered his army on Blythe Law. As the lords and captains sat at supper in the castle hall that night, a messenger came in with a letter for Darcy. He read it through and dropped it on the board with a sigh[1089]. Aske, who was sitting opposite, reached across for the paper, which was to this purpose: “Son Thomas, the Earl of Shrewsbury entendeth to take you sleeper.” It was unsigned. The captain assured Darcy that there was “scorage (scouts) enough out to give him warning.” Darcy advised that Ferrybridge (now Wentbridge) should be watched for the night; and Aske sent a company accordingly. Who was the spy in Shrewsbury’s ranks? If Darcy ever revealed his name it was to Aske alone; and Aske never betrayed him. The question was more interesting to Henry than to us, but there can be no doubt that a considerable party in the royal army secretly favoured the Pilgrims and were ready to desert if the latter gained a victory.
Blythe, where Shrewsbury mustered, is close to Scrooby in Nottinghamshire about twelve miles south of Doncaster and at least twenty-five, as the crow flies, from Pontefract. There was not, therefore, any immediate danger of surprise. Ferrybridge is on the Aire, hardly two miles north of Pontefract on the direct road from York—an essential joint in the Great North Road. But at that time this important passage was called Ferrybridges, and Wentbridge, also on the main road, but two miles south of Pontefract, was known as Ferrybridge[1090]. This naturally causes some confusion on a first reading of the documents concerned. It was Wentbridge that Darcy advised Aske to hold in case of Shrewsbury’s sudden advance. The Went is a far smaller stream than the Aire, but when the waters were swollen it would probably be impracticable for an army to ford it. Ferrybridge on the Aire was also guarded; but for different reasons. It was in the rear of the Pilgrims’ host and out of reach of attack. Nevertheless no one was allowed to cross northwards without a passport from Aske: this served the double purpose of checking spies or suspicious letters and preventing the retreat of “those who were fainthearted.”[1091] An instance of the keeping of Ferrybridge is given by the adventures of Harry Sais. He was a servant of Christopher Askew, the gentleman of the King’s Chamber whom Cromwell had sent to Lincolnshire[1092]. He came north early in October to bring home three of his master’s horses which were “with one Mr Knevet at grass.” By the time he reached his destination the country was up, and he dared not take the horses lest they should be stolen. He set out southwards without them, accompanied by a gentlewoman, Mrs Beckwith, perhaps one of Leonard Beckwith’s family. When they came to Ferrybridge they were stopped by the guards and told to swear to be true to God and the King; Sais said he was willing. “And not to us?” asked another. “If ye be true to the King, or else I would be loath to swear.” He was told: “If ye do not swear thus, to be true to God and to the King and to the commons, thou shalt lose thy head.” So he took the oath “upon a little book that one of them brought forth of his sleeve.” He was taken to Pontefract during the siege and saw the rebel host, which he thought was about ten thousand, the most part horsed but without much harness. When the castle was taken it was said the Pilgrims would go forward to London. He was allowed to go southwards and at Wentbridge he found the lady waiting; they continued their journey together and passed through Shrewsbury’s host at Doncaster[1093].
On Sunday 22 October at nine o’clock in the morning William Stapleton brought to Pontefract the host of Beverley which had been besieging Hull. They had set out for York on Saturday morning, leaving a garrison in Hull. Stapleton, Rudston and Sir Ralph Ellerker rode in advance, and presently met a post from Aske with a letter announcing the surrender of Pontefract Castle and the capture of the Earl of Northumberland by a party of the commons. At York they heard the equally welcome news that Sir Thomas Percy “had gone towards Pontefract with a goodly band the same day.”[1094] Sir Ralph, two of the Rudstons and young Robert Aske dined at Sir George Lawson’s where they heartily abused Cromwell, Sir Ralph saying that he “was a traitor and he would prove it if the King would hear him.”[1095]
After passing through York the companies parted, no doubt for convenience in foraging. Sir Ralph and Rudston spent the night at Shirburn, while the Stapletons rode home to Wighill, “and lodged their folk a mile off at Tadcaster.” The night was full of flying rumours carried from company to company by posts spurring through the muddy lanes. One cried in passing that every man must go forward for Doncaster Bridge was down; another came to Wighill from his master Sir James Strangways, who lay at Wetherby with Lord Latimer, Lord Neville and their northern host. About midnight, William and his nephew were roused from their beds by a messenger from Shirburn, sent on by Ellerker with orders for them to be at Pontefract by nine o’clock in the morning, and there they arrived at the appointed hour on Sunday 22 October[1096].
Besides bands from different parts of the shire, all the country round Pontefract was taking up arms. As soon as news of the surrender of Pontefract Castle came to Wakefield no one there was in any doubt as to which side he would take. Thomas Grice, Darcy’s steward, who put his master first and his religion second, was overjoyed to find duty and inclination point the same path. At Halifax the Tempests and their faction declared for the Pilgrimage; it immediately appeared that Sir Henry Saville was loyal. The old feud divided the district into two violent parties. At first both sides hoped to turn the insurrection to good account against their enemies. John Lacy, the bailiff of Halifax under Sir Richard Tempest whose son-in-law he was, declared for the Pilgrims “before any of those parts went to Aske.” He ordered the men of the town to harness themselves and to take the church cross and carry it before them into Lancashire where they would raise the commons; and this he commanded in the name of Sir Richard Tempest. Henry Farrore, a partisan of Saville’s, refused to go and the expedition seems to have been given up. Lacy had made a political rhyme “touching the King very sore.” The only verse preserved does not scan very well: “that as for the King a nappyll and a fair wench to dally with all would please him very well.” This embodies the popular conception of Henry at that time. The people believed him a bluff jolly King Hal, who cared not who ruled his kingdom as long as he had his pleasures. The rhyme was repeated to the vicar, Holdsworth, by a yeoman named Middleton, and they went together to Sir Henry Saville, who was sick in bed, and told him of the matter. But Middleton was somewhat alarmed by the serious way it was taken and said his wife had reminded him that the rhyme was not about the King but about the “Bishop of Canterbury.” Holdsworth sent a servant to “make good cheer” with Middleton and his wife and “spy a time” to get to the bottom of the matter. He asked the woman if the rhyme were not about the Bishop. “Nay, Marry!” said she, “it was made against the King and my lord Privy Seal.” Her husband contradicted her, but she answered “Marry! it is so, for it was so indeed against the King and my lord Privy Seal, by God! without fail.” In this way the vicar and Saville collected accusations against their enemies[1097].
Aske’s advance and the general success of the movement soon changed the face of things. Sir Henry Saville, in spite of his sickness, found it advisable to fly to Shrewsbury. Dr Holdsworth made his way to London, in the happy belief that his gold was safely hidden[1098] and the rebels would find in his vicarage only such goods as he did not mind losing. The Lacys instantly seized his house and seem to have made it their headquarters; they took all the locks off the doors, and divided everything they could get amongst themselves. Thomas Lacy was given the firewood that was stored under the stairs; he carried it off, and seeing the earth below he remembered it was said that the vicar hid money in the ground. “He took a piked staff and struck into the ground and at the first stroke hit the pot.” He told nobody of his find but took the money home in his sleeve, presumably by little and little. He stored it “in a pepper poke of canvas which would hold a pound of pepper, but the gold did not fill it by two fingers’ breadth.” He used some of it for himself though he never counted the whole amount[1099].
Meanwhile most of the gentlemen of the countryside joined the insurgents. Sir William Fairfax, the stingy farmer of Ferriby Priory was an exception. As he was riding through the town of Wakefield about 22 October the commons demanded that he should take the oath. They received no favourable answer, the knight putting spurs to his horse and riding for home. Immediately the whole town assembled in arms, six hundred men and more, led by Thomas Grice who was proclaimed their captain, a canon of York, and the bailiff. They pursued the fugitive, who in the meantime had reached Millthrop Hall and gone to bed. A party of commons rushed to his room, tore him out of bed “and him evil entreated to the great fear and danger of his life.” They haled him before Thomas Grice, “then sitting on horseback in the street,” and he was compelled to swear instantly; Grice gave him into the charge of the bailiff of Wakefield and a guard of commons, commanding them to carry him to Aske. He was “in most cruel manner conveyed ... to the said town of Wakefield as though he had been a felon”; there they kept him all night, and at eight next morning brought him before Captain Grice again. A guard of two hundred men or more was told off to take him to Pontefract Castle. At length he was carried before Aske, who was holding a great muster on St Thomas’ Hill, and “delivered to the said traitor Aske and other detestable villains of his company as a prisoner taken by the said Grice.”[1100] As usual, it is here at the most interesting place that Sir William’s complaint ends. Once out of the hands of his private enemies he seems to have submitted to fate and gone quietly forward with the Pilgrims[1101].
Next came in the band of the Bishopric of Durham, five thousand strong, under the leadership of Lords Latimer, Lumley and Neville Westmorland’s son and heir, Sir Robert Bowes of Barnard Castle and his sons, Sir John and Sir William Bulmer[1102]. Part of Richmondshire was with them, and the rest of it, with Wensleydale, Craven, and Ripon, was besieging Skipton Castle under the Nortons and others. Orders had been despatched for this second host to attend the Pontefract musters, and they were about to obey, bringing Cumberland and Lord Scrope if they could catch them[1103]. The Haliewer folk brought with them the famous banner of St Cuthbert[1104], which was preserved in the monastery of Durham and only brought forth on high feast days and in time of war. It was of white and crimson velvet, richly embroidered in gold and silk, with St Cuthbert’s cross in the midst. Often as it had been borne in the field against the Scots it was “never carried or showed at any battle, but, by the especial grace of God Almighty, and the mediation of holy St Cuthbert, it brought home the victory.”[1105] The Bishopric host wore badges embroidered with a black cross and with the insignia of the Five Wounds of Christ[1106], a wounded Heart in the centre, from which drops of blood are falling into a Chalice, two pierced Hands above, and two pierced Feet below. They were the first to use this device as a badge; it was blazoned on the Pilgrims’ banner[1107].
When they marched into Pontefract Lord Darcy was at dinner[1108],—a meal which began at eleven and commonly lasted two hours, though in “busy times” it must often have been cut short. Aske brought in the lords and gentlemen of the county Palatine and presented them to Darcy in the castle chamber. The two chiefs called a select number aside into a deep window. The three lords, Sir Robert Constable, Sir Thomas Percy, Sir Ralph Ellerker, Rudston, Roger Lassells, Robert Bowes, Sir John Dawnye, Sir William Fairfax, Sir Oswald Wolsthrope, Sir Robert Neville, Robert Challoner, Thomas Grice and William Babthorpe were among the councillors[1109]. It must have been a very large window.
Darcy gave them the latest news, that Shrewsbury, supported by Norfolk, had reached Doncaster: it was determined to advance to the Don next day and oppose his crossing[1110]. The formation of the army was then discussed. The Bishopric men as the bearers of St Cuthbert’s sacred banner[1111] must lead the vanguard in battle, and Darcy advised that they should lie that night at Wentbridge where they might guard against a night attack while at the same time they would be a couple of miles on their way to Doncaster. But Robert Bowes objected to this arrangement; his men and horses were in no fit state to go further that night. Finally it was agreed that Sir Thomas Percy should command the vanguard, until the host had re-mustered on the banks of the Don. He was to have under him Sir Ralph Ellerker, Sir William Constable, Rudston and the Stapletons with the whole of the East Riding, which having come in early had rested through the day. The rest of the host was to follow next day—the middle ward composed of the West Riding under Darcy and Sir Richard Tempest, the rear ward of the Bishopric with their own leaders and Aske[1112].
Darcy on seeing the badge of the Five Wounds worn by the Bishopric gentlemen, was reminded that the same device had been used on his Spanish Expedition against the Moors[1113]. Somewhere in the castle a store of the badges was found, and promptly distributed among the Pilgrims. Darcy himself gave one to Aske[1114] and through the whole host it was gladly worn as the true symbol of their pilgrimage for the Faith. Why Darcy had kept these old badges so long, and how there chanced to be so many; whether they were really old, and if not, who had made them, were questions which afterwards excited Henry’s curiosity. But, if they were ever answered, the answers are lost.
Proclamation was made to the host “for every man of the east parts to void the town on pain of death, and to draw to Wentbridge to wait upon” Sir Thomas Percy. Stapleton and the other captains mustered the men and marched them down to the Went, where they passed the night[1115].
To summarise the position of the Pilgrims—on the night of Sunday 22 October they had advanced as far as Wentbridge, which was occupied by a strong force. The main body lay at Pontefract while a host of unknown strength was expected from Mashamshire and the Dales, but had not yet arrived. They had captured Hull, York, Pontefract, Barnard Castle, Durham and Lancaster, but still had in their rear the loyal towns of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Berwick and Carlisle (which, however, was not able to offer much resistance), and also some isolated castles, Skipton, Scarborough, Chillingham and Norham. At this point the fortunes of the Pilgrims may be left for a time, in order to consider the forces with which the King was preparing to oppose them.
Note A. The proper “reverence” on receiving a letter from the King was to take off the hat, kneel down, and kiss the seal.
Note B. It is not clear which of two extant proclamations to the rebels Lancaster Herald had with him on this occasion. The one indicated in the “Letters and Papers” does contain an offer of pardon, if the rebels will disperse and give up ten leaders. The other is very similar but contains no promise of pardon, so this was probably the one used[1116].
Note C. An abstract of Lancaster Herald’s account of his mission is given in L. and P. XI, 826, but the account is printed in full in “State Papers,” I, p. 485; in a Newcastle-upon-Tyne Tract by Longstaff, “A Leaf from the Pilgrimage of Grace”; and in “Archaeologia,” XVI, p. 331; Froude also makes considerable quotations from it. Lancaster Herald represents himself as acting boldly and with dignity, and Aske with considerably more dignity than the Herald thought became a captain of rebels. In marked contrast with this account is Archbishop Lee’s version of the same affair. According to the Archbishop “Robert Aske so blustered and spake so terrible words that the poor man fell down upon his knees for fear and said he was but a messanger.” Lee raised him, saying, “it beseemed not that coat armour to kneel before any man there.” This is hard to reconcile with the earlier account. The Archbishop must have been good-naturedly trying to befriend Miller, who was afterwards accused of shaming the King’s coat by kneeling to a traitor. At the same time Lee’s little perversion enabled him to exhibit himself in a nobly loyal attitude. In Lee’s narrative Aske always appears as a ferocious captain of banditti, but this portrait is not confirmed by the other evidence.
Note D. For a full discussion of this symbol see “The Western Rebellion of 1549” by Frances Rose-Troup, Append. A, and “Notes and Queries,” 11th ser., VIII, 107, 176, 217, 236, 258. A badge, said to be that worn by Sir Robert Constable during the Pilgrimage, is preserved at Everingham, Yorks. An excellent photograph of this badge forms the frontispiece of “The Western Rebellion of 1549”; there is another in “The Yorkshire Archaeological Journal,” pt. LXXXI, and a sketch in “The Transactions of the East Riding Antiquarian Society,” vi, 47.
Antonio Guaras, a Spaniard who lived in England under Edward VI and wrote a chronicle of Henry VIII’s reign, says that the Pilgrims wore as their badge “The Five Plagues of Egypt”! His mistake arose from the similarity between the Spanish phrases “cinco plagas de Egipto,” the five plagues of Egypt, and “cinco llagas de Cristo,” the Five Wounds of Christ[1117]. But although this is some excuse, he might have known that the Plagues of Egypt were not five but twelve.