[381] Cf. Par. XXX, 10, 106, 112, and 115; XXXIII, 76 and 82 with Futuhat, I, 417, last line; 418, line 8.
Further, just as St. Bernard bids Dante be prepared for the Divine light (Par. XXXII, 142, and XXXIII, 31), so does the Prophet, in Ibn Arabi’s description, warn the elect (Futuhat, I, 418, line 12).
[382] Summa contra Gentes, lib. III, ch. 53 and 54. Cf. Summa theol. part 1, q. 12, a. 5.
[383] Summa theol., suppl. part 3, q. 92, a. 1.
[384] Loc cit., at the end of the body of the article:—
“Et ideo accipiendus est alius modus, quem etiam quidam philosophi posuerunt, scilicet Alexander et Averroes (3. de Anim. comm. 5 et 36)” ... “Quidquid autem sit de aliis substantiis separatis, tamen istum modum oportet nos accipere in visione Dei per essentiam.”
[385] Tixeront, II, 201, 349, 435; III, 431.
[386] Haeres., 70, in Petavius, De Deo, lib. VII, ch. 8, § 1: “Vi sua imbecillitatem corroborare dignatus est.”
[387] Petavius, loc. cit., § 4: “Quocirca de illo lucis officio et usu, qui in scholis percrebuit, nihil apud antiquos expressum habetur, nisi quod vis quaedam naturali superior et auxilium requiri dicitur quo mens ad tantam contemplationem possit assurgere. Quale autem sit necessarium illud auxilium, sive lumen gloriae, quo ad Deum videndum natura fulcitur, nemo liquido demonstravit, minime omnium efficientis quoddam genus esse causae, ac velut habitum.”
[388] Ihia, IV, 222. Cf. Ithaf, IX, 581.
[389] Ihia, IV, 223, line 14 inf.
[390] Fasl, III, 2-4.
[391] Kitab falsafat, 53.
[392] Cp. the passages from the Futuhat translated above, on pp. 157-159, with Par. XXXI, 27, and XXXIII, 43, 50, 52, 79, and 97.
[393] Cf. Rossi, I, 147. “Per Dante, il premio dei buoni è ... vario di grado, secondo la purezza e l’intensità dell’amore divino.” Cf. Futuhat, I, 418, line 7.
[394] Par. XXXII, 19, 38, 74. Cf. Futuhat, loc. cit.; also I, 419, line 9 inf.; II, 111, line 8 inf.; II, 113, line 10 inf.
[395] Futuhat, II, 111, line 9 inf. and 1 inf.
[396] Ihia, IV, 224, line 15.
[397] Futuhat, III, 578, line 2.
[398] Rossi, I, 147: “Il vario grado di lor beatitudine è appunto rappresentato dalla varia luminosità e dalla loro distribuzioni pei sette primi cieli.” Cf. Par. XXX, 12, and XXXI, 59; also Par. XIV, 43-60.
[399] Summa theol., suppl. 3ae part., q. 85, a. 1:
“Ideo melius est ut dicatur quod claritas illa causabitur ex redundantia gloriae animae in corpus ...; et ideo claritas quae est in anima spiritualis, recipitur in corpore ut corporalis; et ideo secundum quod anima erit majoris claritatis secundum majus meritum, ita etiam erit differentia claritatis in corpore.”
[400] Corra, 102, 104, 106, 114, and 117. Cf. Kanz, VII, 232, Nos. 2,575, 2,588, 2,608, 2,616, 2,629, and 2,658. In Nos. 2,616 and 2,658, moreover, the bodies of the women of heaven are said to be “translucent like crystal or precious stones,” an idea that reappears in Par. XXXI, 19, and XXIX, 124. The sufis, and particularly Ibn Arabi, held that the souls, until the resurrection of their bodies, lived in bodies of the world beyond the grave, similar in nature to the forms we see in dreams (cf. Asín, La Psicología, 45). This theory may have given rise to Dante’s conception of the spirit-bodies, which cast no shadow. Cf. Purg. III, 16-30. The same property was attributed to the body of Mahomet in this world. Cf. MS 64 Gayangos Coll., fol. 114.
[401] Par. XXX, 40. Cf. Futuhat, II, 112, line 11 inf.
[402] Summa theol., suppl. 3ae part., q. 95, a. 5.
[403] Par. XXXIII, 57 and 94. Cf. Futuhat, I, 419, line 7 inf.; III, 578, line 11. See also the comparison supra, pp. 31 and 32.
[404] Futuhat, III, 577, line 10 inf. This point is frequently brought out by Moslem theologians and is based on two passages in the Koran (VII, 41, and XV, 47), in which it is said that God will remove all envy and resentment from the hearts of the blessed.
[405] Par. III, 52, 64, 70, and 88. Cf. Par. XXXII, 52 and 63.
[407] Futuhat, III, 574, and I, 402. In III, 556, the apotheosis is shown graphically, though on account of the difficulty of design the rows of angels are not represented by circles.
[408] Par. XXXIII, 115.
[409] Cf. E. Pistelli, L’ultimo canto della D.C. (in Scartazzini, Par. XXXIII, 120):—
“Noi non tenteremo di seguirlo (i.e. Dante) e di rappresentarci sensibilmente i tre archi di due dei quali, tra le altre cose, neppure ci ha detto il colore. Che Dio sia fuori delle leggi dello spazio e del tempo, sta bene; ma noi le leggi dello spazio non consentono di veder distinti tre cerchi chè in realtà sono uno solo e anche per questa via ricadiamo nel mistero.”
[410] Enneades, VI, 8, 18.
[411] Cf. Asín, Abenmasarra, passim.
[412] His book, Formation of tables and circles, is specially devoted to this subject. Cf. Futuhat, III, 523.
[413] Futuhat, II, 591. Cf. Asín, La Psicología, 69.
[414] Futuhat, III, 158, 363, and 589. For a translation of the passage on 363, see Asín, Mohidín, 7-13.
[415] Futuhat, I, 332, translated in Asín, Mohidín, 13-17.
[416] Futuhat, III, 560.
[417] For a fuller exposition, see Asín, La Psicología, 25-39, and Abenmasarra, passim.
[418] The figure is given on p. 553, and explained on pp. 560-2, of vol. III of the Futuhat. It is essentially as represented hereunder, A being the Spiritual Substance, B the Universal Intellect, and C the Universal Soul.
[419] Ibn Arabi admits, however, a certain trinity of relations as essential to Divine unity. The metaphysical reason of his opinion is to be found in the Pythagorean conception of the number three as being the origin of odd numbers (cf. Futuhat, III, 166, 228, 603). In Futuhat, II, 90, he applies the doctrine to theology and, in order to explain the origin and existence of the Cosmos, he establishes three Divine elements: the Essence, the Will, and the Word. In Dakhair, 42, he attempts to establish analogies between the Christian doctrine of the Trinity of Divine Persons and the trinity of Divine names as taught in the Koran—God, the Lord, and the Merciful.
[420] Ibn Arabi’s symbol is as difficult to interpret; for besides the three circles representing God in His three manifestations of spiritual matter, intellect, and soul, he speaks of the manifestation of God through three veils, or under three names (Futuhat, I, 418). Again, the manifestations of the Divine names he symbolises by eccentric circles of diverse radius (Futuhat, III, 558). Ibn Arabi does not mention the colours of these Divine epiphanies, but in the Corra, 125, the Divinity is said to appear to the elect wrapt in a white light with shades of green, red, and yellow.
[421] Had Vossler known of Ibn Arabi’s plans, he would certainly not have sought in the symmetry of Dante’s three realms a symbolical application of the Ptolemaic system to purgatory and hell. Vossler, after lengthy explanations and subtle interpretations of this theory, exclaims (I, 252):—
“Chi può decidere ove graviti il centro di tali simboli, se nella poesia o nella scienza?” ... “Noi non conosciamo nella letteratura mondiale alcun altro laboro artistico, che sia così profondamente penetrato di filosofia.”
[422] D’Ancona, 13, 107. Cf. also Labitte, Ozanam, and Graf.
[423] D’Ancona, 9, 25, 26, 27, 38, 70, 84, and passim.
[424] D’Ancona, 42.
[425] Graf, Miti, I, Introduction, XXII.
[426] Graf, Miti, I, 66-67.
[427] Cf. Sudur, 96-109 and Ibn Makhluf, I, 57, and passim.
[428] Ozanam, 458; D’Ancona, 33.
[429] Labitte, 103; Ozanam, 434; D’Ancona, 38; Graf, I, 84.
[431] Qisas, 225-232.
[434] Sudur, 96 and 98. It should be noted that the garden in which the birds live, lies at the gate of heaven; this explains their request to God that, in accordance with His promise, He should allow them to enter the realm of Glory and taste the reward, of which as yet they only catch glimpses. The same request appears to be made by the human birds of the Christian legend in their prayer: “Ostende nobis ista quae vidimus, miracula tua, quoniam ignoramus quid sint.” Cf. Acta Sanctorum, X, 563.
[435] Sudur, 102, 107, 108, 121, etc.
[436] Ozanam, 399; D’Ancona, 45; Graf, I, 245.
[437] Cf. Batiouchkof, Le débat de l’âme et du corps, 41-42, 514, 517, 518, 558, 559.
[438] Supra, p. 115 et seq.
[439] Tadhkira, 58, line 3 inf.
[441] Tadhkira, 74, line 1 inf., and Ibn Makhluf, II, 37, line 16.
[442] For instance, the graduation of the torture of fire according to the degree of sin, the sinners appearing immersed in fire up to their knees, their belly, navel, eyes, etc. Cf. supra, p. 107, for the Islamic parallel to this scene.
[443] Tadhkira, 18-19. Cf. Sudur, 22.
[444] D’Ancona, 47; Graf, I, 245.
[445] Graf, I, 247.
[446] Corra, 92-99.
[447] P. 82. Another similar tale is given in the Gayangos Collection, MS 234, fol. 101:
Gabriel descends to hell and, moved by the prayers of the damned that he should obtain the intercession of Mahomet on their behalf, returns to heaven and appeals to the Prophet. The latter intercedes with God and the sinners are pardoned.
[448] D’Ancona, 53-59.
[449] Cf. Blochet, Sources, 111.
[452] Cf. Tadhkira, 31-33, which gives hadiths on this subject that, being vouchsafed for by Bukhari, are at least earlier than the ninth century of our era.
[453] D’Ancona, 78, and Graf, I, 107.
[454] D’Ancona, 56.
[456] Tadhkira, 73, line 16.
[457] D’Ancona, 57.
[458] Ihia, IV, 383. Cf. Ithaf, X, 520.
[459] Ihia and Ithaf, loc. cit. Cf. Tadhkira, 83.
[460] D’Ancona, 58.
[461] Corra, 66. Cf. also Ibn Makhluf, II, 13, and Kanz, III, 250-252, Nos. 3,984-4,020.
[462] D’Ancona, 59-63; Labitte, 126.
[464] Supra, pp. 106-107. Cf. Ozanam, 394: “un soufle d’un vent d’hiver.”
[466] D’Ancona, 63-69; Labitte, 125.
[467] Ozanam, 403. Regarding the antiquity and religious character of the Edda, cf. Chantepie, Hist. des relig., pp. 675 et seq., particularly p. 685.
[468] Kanz, VIII, 224, No. 3,552.
[469] D’Ancona, 68, footnote.
[470] D’Ancona, 58, footnote; Labitte, 112.
[471] Tafsir, XV, 11. Cf. MS 64 Gayangos Coll., fol. 113.
[472] Ozanam, 445-6.
[473] Tadhkira, 58, line 7 inf.
[475] Vossler, II, 201.
[477] Tadhkira, 70.
[478] Tadhkira, 70.
[480] Taking the Arabic name in the form used in vulgar speech, and changing the feminine into the masculine, e.g. Haguia = Hagu = Ago.
[481] D’Ancona, 77; Labitte, 110. The myth of the scales occurs in other, non-political, visions, such as the Vision of Turcill (D’Ancona, 69, footnote). Cf. Graf, II, 106, note 207.
[482] Chantepie, Hist. des relig., 107. Cf. Virey, Relig. anc. Égypte, 157-162.
[483] Chantepie, 473.
[484] Tadhkira, 55, and Ibn Makhluf, II, 22.
[485] Mâle, p. 420.
[486] Cp. the offertory of the requiem masses: “Sed signifer Sanctus Michael representet eas in lucem sanctam....”
[487] Interián, I, 135. Interián, one of the founders of the Spanish Academy, died in 1730.
[488] Mâle, 416. Interián, I, 66; II, 168.
[489] Ihia, IV, 377; Ithaf, X, 485. Tadhkira, 61.
[490] Cf. Ithaf, X, 491.
[491] Interián, II, 168-173.
[492] Tadhkira, 41. Cf. Ihia, IV, 368, and Ithaf, X, 454.
[493] Tadhkira, 41.
[494] Other picturesque scenes, which Mâle attributes to the working of the popular mind, may also have had a Moslem origin. Thus, the wicked are shown being dragged off in chains to hell by demons (Mâle, 422), just as described in the Koran and the hadiths (Tadhkira, 73). The personification of hell as a monster with open fangs, which Mâle believes to be an imitation of the Leviathan of the Book of Job, is surely modelled upon the monster often quoted in the preceding pages. The avaricious shown in the porches of the cathedrals with their money-bag hanging from their neck are reminiscent of the sinners described in the hadiths on the Day of Judgment as likewise burdened with the corpus delicti, for instance, the drunkards, who carry a flagon slung from their neck, or the fraudulent merchants, who carry a balance (Corra, 12 and 41).
[495] See supra, pp. 140-141.
[496] Graf, I, 69: “Il paradiso terrestre alle volte diventa tutt’uno col celeste.” See supra, pp. 134-135.
[497] Cf. Versions A and B of Cycle 1 of the Miraj.
[498] D’Ancona, 104.
[499] Cf. Graf, I, 19.
[500] Graf, I, 67. It should be remembered that the legend dates from the thirteenth century.
[501] See supra, p. 10, Version A of Cycle 2. The scene, as told in the hadiths, agrees literally with that in the Christian legend. Cf. also Kanz, VI, 96, No. 1,466.
[502] D’Ancona, 88.
[503] D’Ancona, 105.
[504] D’Ancona, 105.
[505] D’Ancona, 90, footnote 2.
[506] The versions here summarised are to be found in the Corra, 102, 107, and 132; in Suyuti, Al-Laali, I, 28-29, and Dorar, 30. Cf. also MS 159, Gayangos Coll., fol. 2-6, and MS “Junta de Ampliación de Estudios,” fols. 148-156.
[507] Cp. the text of D’Ancona, 105, footnote 4, with Corra, 115, line 8 inf.; 128, line 5 inf.; 126, line 7 inf.; and Al-Laali, 28, line 1 inf.
[508] Graf, I, 93-126.
[509] Chauvin, Bibliographie, VII, 1-93.
[510] Ibid. 77.
[511] De Goeje, Légende de St. Brandan. Cf. Graf, I, 102: “Non si può escludere la possibilità che alcune di esse (immaginazioni) sieno orientali di origine.”
[512] The present study of the legend of St. Brandan is based on the works of Graf, I, 97-110; De Goeje, loc. cit.; Labitte, 119-123; and D’Ancona, 48-53.
[513] Qisas, 225. The episode recurs in the voyages of Abd al-Mutallib the Wise. Cf. Chauvin, VII, 46.
[514] Schroeder, Sanct Brandan (Erlangen, 1871), Introduction, XI-XIV. Graf, I, 103.
[515] De Goeje, 47, and Graf, I, 105.
[516] Cf. Asín, Abenmasarra, Appendix I, 133.
[517] According to Schirmer the Latin version is based on tenth or ninth century texts, and Zimmer even connects the legend with the Celtic story, Imram Maelduin, which on the strength of its archaic language he assigns to the ninth or eighth century. These hypotheses, which are not even shared by all Romance scholars, are far from having the positive value of a dated document such as the book of Al Jahiz.
[518] Hayawan, VII, 33-34.
[519] Ihia, IV, 318. Cf. Ithaf, X, 205.
[520] Sudur, 32.
[521] Sudur, 108.
[522] Damiri, II, 110.
[523] Kharida, 93-94.