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FOOTNOTES:
[1] The fierce old Pontiff, Paul IV., declared in a Bull (Feb. 15, 1559) that the mere fact of heresy in princes deprived them of all lawful power; but he named no one. When his successor proposed, in 1563, to excommunicate Elizabeth of England by name simply as a Protestant, he was taken to task sharply by the Emperor Ferdinand; and the Queen was finally excommunicated in 1570 as a partaker “in the atrocious mysteries of Calvinism,” and as such outside the Peace of Augsburg.
[2] In the Atlas zur Kirchengeschichte by Heussi and Mulert (Tübingen, 1905), there is an attempt to represent to the eye the presence of German Protestants outside the territories of the Lutheran princes; Map x. Zur Geschichte der deutschen Reformation und Gegenreformation.
[3] The fullest account of these German Reformed confessions is to be found in Müller’s Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformirten Kirche—the Emden Catechism (1554), pp. 1 and 666; the Heidelberg Catechism (1563), pp. 1, 682; the Nassau Confession of the Dillenburg Synod (1578), liii, 720; the Bremen Consensus (1595), liv, 739; the Staffort Book (1559) for Baden, liv, 797; the Confession of the General Synod of Cassel, lv and 817, and the Hessian Catechism (1607), 822; and the Bentheim Confession (1613), 833. All these German Reformed confessions followed Melanchthon in his endeavours to unite the Calvinist and the Lutheran doctrinal positions.
By far the most celebrated, and the only one which maintains its place as a doctrinal symbol down to the present day, is the Heidelberg Catechism. It was drafted at the suggestion of the Elector Frederick the Pious by two theologians, Caspar Olevianus and Zacharias Ursinus, who were able to express in a really remarkable degree the thoughts of German Protestants who could not accept the hard and fast Lutheranism of the opponents of Melanchthon. It speedily found favour in many parts of Germany, although its strongest supporters belonged to the Rhine provinces. It was in use both as a means of instruction and as a doctrinal symbol in most of the German Reformed Churches along with their own symbolical books. Its use spread to Holland and beyond it. Two separate translations appeared in Scotland. The earlier is contained in (Dunlop’s) Collection of Confessions of Faith.... of public authority in the Church of Scotland, under the title, A Catechism of the Christian Religion, composed by Zachary Ursinus, approved by Frederick III. Elector Palatine, the Reformed Church in the Palatinate, and by other Reformed Churches in Germany; and taught in their schools and churches: examined and approved, without any alteration, by the Synod of Dort, and appointed to be taught in the reformed churches and schools in the Netherlands: translated and printed Anno 1591 by public authority for the use of Scotland, with the arguments and use of the several doctrines therein contained, by Jeremias Bastingius; sometimes printed with the Book of Common Order and Psalm Book.
[4] Compare vol. i. pt. i. 42 ff.
[5] The most complete collection of those Reformed creeds is given in Müller, Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformirten Kirche (Leipzig, 1903). The most important are the following (the figures within brackets give the pages in Müller):—
Switzerland.—Zwingli’s Theses of 1523 (xvi, 1); First Helvetic Confession of 1536 (xxvi, 101); Geneva Confession of 1536 (xxvi, 111); Geneva Catechism of 1545 [(xxviii, 117) translated in (Dunlop’s) Confessions, etc., ii, 139].
England.—Edwardine Forty-two Articles of 1553, Thirty-eight Articles of 1563, Thirty-nine Articles of 1571 (xlii, 505); Lambeth Articles of 1595 (xliv, 525); Irish Articles of 1615 (xliv, 526).
Scotland.—Scottish Confession of 1560, National Covenant of 1581 [(xxxv, 249), (Dunlop’s) Confessions, etc., ii. pp. 21 and 103].
France.—Confessio Gallicana of 1559 (xxxii, 221).
Netherlands.—Confessio Belgica of 1561 (xxxiv, 233); Netherlands Confession of 1566 (xxxv, 935); Frisian Confession of 1528 (xxi, 930).
Hungary.—Hungarian Confession of 1562 (xxviii, 376).
Bohemia.—Bohemian Confession of 1609 (xxxix, 453).
[6] It has been suggested that the ecclesiastical jurisdiction which grew out of the Elizabethan settlement of religion in England borrowed not a few characteristics from the Lutheran consistorial courts.
[7] William Farel, a devoted Zwinglian, was called a “Lutheran preacher” by the authorities of Freiburg (Herminjard, Correspondance, ii. 205n.), and the teaching of himself and his colleagues was denounced as the “Lutheran heresy.” This was the popular view. Educated and reforming Frenchmen like Lefèvre discriminated: they had no great liking for Luther, and admired Zwingli (ibid. i. 209n.).
[8] Peter Tschudi, writing to Beatus Rhenanus from Paris (May 17th, 1519) says: “Reliqui, quod equidem literis dignum censeam, nil superest, quam M. Lutheri opera ab universa eruditorum cohorte obviis ulnis excipi, etiam iis qui minimum sapiunt plausibilia” (Herminjard, Correspondance des Réformateurs dans les pays de langue française, 2nd ed. i. 46). In Nov. 1520, Glareanus wrote to Zwingli that Paris was excited over the Leipzig Disputation; and Bulæus shows that twenty copies of a pamphlet, entitled Disputatio inter egregios viros et doctores Joa. Eckium et M. Lutherum, arrived in Paris on Jan. 20th, 1520 (ibid. 62, 63n.).
[9] A. Rilliet, Les Origines de la Confédération Suisse: Histoire et Légende (Geneva, 1869); J. Dierauer, Geschichte der schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft (Gotha, 1890).
[10] Sources: O. Myconius, “Vita Huldrici Zwinglii” (in Neander’s Vitæ Quatuor Reformatorum, Berlin, 1841); H. Bullinger, Reformationsgeschichte (Frauenfeld, 1838-40); Johann Salat, Chronik der schweizerischen Reformation von deren Anfüngen bis 1534 (vol. i. of Archiv für schweizerische Reformationsgeschichte, Solothurn, 1868); Kessler, Sabbata (ed. by Egli, St. Gall, 1902); Strickler, Actensammlung zur schweizerischen Reformationsgeschichte in den Jahren 1521-32 (Zurich, 1877-84); Egli, Actensammlung zur Geschichte der Züricher Reformation, 1519-33 (Zurich, 1879); W. Gisi, Actenstücke zur Schweizergeschichte der Jahre 1521-22 (vol. xv. of Archiv für die schweizer. Geschichte), pp. 285-318; Herminjard, Correspondance des Réformateurs dans les pays de langue française (Geneva, 166-93); Stähelin Briefe aus der Reformationszeit (Basel, 1887).
Later Books: Stähelin, Huldreich Zwingli: sein Leben und Wirken nach den Quellen dargestellt, 2 vols. (Basel, 1895-97); Mörikofer, Ulrich Zwingli nach den urkundlichen Quellen, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1867-69); S. M. Jackson, Huldreich Zwingli, 1484-1531 (New York, 1901); Cambridge Modern History, II. x. (Cambridge, 1903); Ruchat, Histoire de la Réformation de la Suisse, ed. by Vulliemin, 7 vols. (Paris, 1835-38).
[11] Joachim de Watt, a native of St. Gallen (b. 1484, December 30) was a distinguished scholar. He became successively physician, member of council, and burgomaster in his native town, and did much to establish the Reformation; he was a well-known author, and wrote several theological works.
[12] Heinrich Loriti was the most distinguished of all the Swiss Humanists. He studied successively at Bern, Vienna, and Köln, and attained the barren honour of being made Court-poet to the Emperor Maximilian. At Basel, where he first settled, he kept a boarding school for boys who wished to study the classics, and in 1517 he transferred himself and about twenty young Switzers, his pupils, to Paris. He modelled his school, he was pleased to think, on the lines of the Roman Republic, was Consul himself, had a Senate, a prætor, and meetings of Comitia. He remained a fast friend of Zwingli.
[13] Johann Heigerlin (Faber) remained a steadfast Romanist. He became vicar-general to the Bishop of Constance, and as such was an antagonist of Zwingli. He ended his days as Bishop of Vienna. He wrote much against Luther, and was known as the “hammer of the Lutherans.” Along with Eck and Cochlæus, he was the distinguished champion of the Romanist cause in Germany.
[14] For details about Zwingli’s papal pension, cf. S. M. Jackson, Huldreich Zwingli, p. 114.
[15] Cf. Schaff, Creeds of the Evangelical Protestant Churches (London, 1877), p. 197; Niemeyer, Collectio Confessionum in ecclesiis reformalis, publicatarum (Leipzig, 1840), p. 3; Müller, Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche: Zwinglis Theses von 1523, Art. 49, p. 5.
[16] Müller, Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche (Leipzig, 1903), pp. xviii and 7. The Instruction is a lengthy document.
[17] Literal translations of these hymns are given in Professor Macauley Jackson’s Huldreich Zwingli, the Reformer of German Switzerland (New York and London, 1903), pp. 133, 134.
[18] Stähelin, Briefe aus der Reformationszeit, pp. 15-19.
[19] William Farel was born in 1489 at a village near Gap in the mountainous south-east corner of Dauphiné, on the border of Provence. He belonged to a noble family, and was devout from his earliest years. He describes a pilgrimage which he made as a child in his book Du vray usage de la croix de Jésus-Christ (pp. 223 f.). All through his adventurous life he preserved his rare uprightness of character, his fervent devotion, and his indignation at wrong-doing of all kinds. He persuaded his parents to allow him to go to Paris for education, and reached the capital about 1509. He probably spent twelve years there, partly as student and partly as professor in the college Le Moine. There he became the friend and devoted disciple of Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples, and this friendship carried him safely through several religious crises in his life. He followed Lefèvre to Meaux, and was one of the celebrated “group” there. When persecution and the timidity or scruples of the bishop caused the dispersion of these preachers, Farel went back to Dauphiné and attempted to preach the Gospel in Gap. He was not allowed parce qu’il n’estoit ne moine ne prestre, and was banished from the district by bishop and people. He next tried to preach in Guyenne, where he was equally unsuccessful. Thinking that there was no place in France open to him, he took himself to Basel. There he asked the University to allow him to hold a public disputation on certain articles which he sent to them. The authorities refused. He then addressed himself to the Council of the city, who permitted the discussion. The thirteen articles or Theses defended by Farel are given in Herminjard, Correspondance des Réformateurs dans les pays de langue française (i. 194, 195). He gathered a little church of French refugees at Basel (the ecclesiola of his correspondence), but was too much the ardent and impetuous pioneer to remain quietly among them. By the end of July 1524 he was preaching at Montbèliard, some miles to the south of Belfort, and the riots which ensued caused Oecolampadius to beseech him to temper his courage with discretion (Herminjard, Correspondance, etc., i. 255). He went thence to Strassburg (April 1525), to Bern, attempted to preach in Neuchâtel, and finally (middle of November 1526) opened a school at Aigle, an outlying dependency of Bern, hoping to get opportunity to carry on his evangelistic work. He was soon discovered, and attempts were made to prevent his preaching; but the authorities of Bern insisted that he should be unmolested. In the beginning of 1527 he was actively engaged at the great Disputation in Bern. That same year he was made pastor of Aigle and put in possession of the parsonage and the stipend; but such work was too tame for him. He made long preaching tours; we find him at Lausanne, Morat, Orbe, and other places, always protected by the authorities of Bern. He began his work in Geneva in 1532.
[20] Berthold Haller was born at Aldingen (1492); studied at Rothweil and Pforzheim, where he made the acquaintance of Melanchthon. He became a Bachelor of Theology of the University of Köln; taught for some time at Rothweil, and then at Bern (1513-1518). He was elected people’s priest in the great church there in 1521. His sympathetic character and his great eloquence made him a power in the city; but his discouragements were so many and so great that he was often on the point of leaving. Zwingli encouraged him to remain and persevere.
[21] Sebastian Meyer was a priest from Elsass who had been preaching in Bern since 1518 against the abuses of the Roman Church. The notorious conduct of the Dominicans in Bern (1507-9), and the action of Samson, the Indulgence-seller, in 1518, had made the Bernese ready to listen to attacks against Rome.
[22] Herminjard, Correspondance des Réformateurs dans les pays de langue française (2nd ed.), ii. 55.
[23] Ibid. ii. 94, 95.
[24] Ibid. ii. 61, 74, 89, 94, 96.
[25] Ruchat, Histoire de la Réformation de la Suisse, i. 368.
[26] The invitation began: “Nous l’Advoyer, le petit et le grand Conseil de la cité de Berne, à tous et à chascun, spirituelz et séculiers, prélatz, abbés, prévostz, doyens, chanoynes, curés, sacrestains, vicaires prescheurs de la Parolle de Dieu, et à tous prebstres, séculiers ou réguliers, et à tous Noz advoyers, chastellains, prévostz, lieutenans, et tous autres officiers et à tous Noz chers, féaulx et aymés subjectz, et à tous manans et habitans de Nostre domaine et ségnorie aux quelz les presentes lètres viendront,—Salut, grâce et bénivolance!
“Sçavoir faisons, combien que Nous ayons fait beaucoup d’ordonnance et mandemens publiques, pour la dissension de nostre commune foy Chrestienne, à ce meuz et espoirans, que cela profiteroit à la paix et concorde Chrestienne, comme chose très utile,” etc.; Herminjard, ii. 54.
[27] Cf. Scots Confession of 1560, Art. xix.: “The trew Kirk quhilk alwaies heares and obeyis the voice of her awin Spouse and Pastor.”
[28] The Theses, in the original German, are printed by Müller, Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche (Leipzig, 1903), pp. xviii, 30; and in French by Herminjard in Correspondance des Réformateurs dans les pays de langue française (2nd ed.), ii. 59, 60.
[29] Sebastian Wagner was born at Schaffhausen in 1476. He studied at Paris under Lascaris, taught theology in the Franciscan monastery at Zurich, then at Constance. He adopted the Reformation, and, returning to his native town, became its reformer.
[30] Herminjard, Correspondance des Réformateurs, etc. ii. 95 n.
[31] Herminjard, Correspondance des Réformateurs, etc. ii. 55.
[32] Ibid. ii. 99 n.
[33] Ibid. ii. 98 n.
[34] Nicholas de Watteville, born in 1492, was canon of St. Vincent in Bern, protonotary apostolic, prior of Montpreveyres, and provost of Lausanne. He visited Rome in 1517, and there received the Abbey of Montheron; and the year following he was made a papal chamberlain to Pope Leo x. He gave up all his benefices on December 1st, and soon afterwards married Clara May, a nun who had left the convent of Königsfeld. He was always a great admirer of William Farel, and often interfered to protect the impetuous Reformer from the consequences of his own rashness. His younger brother, J. J. de Watteville, became Advoyer or President of Bern, and was a notable figure in the history of the Reformation in Switzerland. The family of de Watteville is still represented among the citizens of Bern.
[35] As early as June 15th, 1523, the Council of Bern had issued an ordinance for the preachers throughout their territories, which enjoined them to preach publicly and without dissimulation the Holy Gospel and the doctrine of God, and to say nothing which they could not establish by true and Holy Scripture; to leave entirely alone all other doctrines and discussions contrary to the Gospel, and in particular the distinctive doctrines of Luther. Later (May 21st, 1526), at a conference held between members of the Council of Bern, deputies from the Bernese communes, and delegates from the seven Roman Catholic cantons, it was agreed to permit no innovation in matters of religion. This agreement was not maintained long; and the Bernese went back to their ordinance of June 1523. It seems to have been practically interpreted to mean that preachers might attack the power of the Pope, and the doctrines of Purgatory and the Invocation of Saints, but that they were not to say anything against the current doctrine of the sacraments. Cf. Decrees of the Council of Bern, quoted in Herminjard, Correspondance des Réformateurs dans les pays de langue française, (Geneva, 1878), i. 434 n., ii. 23 n., also 20.
[36] Herminjard, Correspondance, etc., ii. 123, 138, 199, 225, etc. In Sept. 1530, Bern wrote to the Bishop of Basel, who had imprisoned Henri Pourcellet, one of Farel’s preachers: “Nous ne pouvons d’ailleurs pas tolérer que ceux qui partagent notre foi chrétienne soient traités d’une telle manière,” p. 277.
[37] Sources: E. F. K. Müller, Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche (Leipzig, 1903), pp. 1-100; Hospinian, Historia Sacramentaria, 2 vols. (Geneva, 1681).
Later Books: Ebrard, Das Dogma vom heiligen Abendmahl und seine Geschichte (Frankfurt a M. 1845-46), vol. ii.; Schweizer, Die protestantischen Centraldogmen in ihrer Entwickelung innerhalb der reformierten Kirche (Zurich, 1854-56); Hundeshagen, Die Konflikte des Zwinglianismus, Lutherthums, und Calvinismus in den Bernischen Landkirchen 1522-1558, nach meist ungedruckten Quellen dargestelt (Bern, 1842); compare also vol. i. 352 ff.
[38] Müller, Die Bekenntnisschriften des reformierten Kirche, p. 30.
[39] Cf. vol. i. 352 ff.
[40] Leibnitz, Pensées de Leibnitz, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1803) p. 106.
[41] Müller, Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche, p. 159.
[42] Sources: Mémoires et documents publiés par la Société d’histoire et d’archæologie de Genève (especially vols. ii. v. ix. xv. xx.); Froment, Les Actes et gestes marveilleux de la cité de Genève (ed. of 1854 by G. Revillod); La Sœur Jeanne de Jussie, Le Levain du Calvinisme (ed. of 1865); G. Farel, Lettres certaines d’aucuns grandz troubles et tumultes advenuz à Genève, avec la disputation faicte l’an 1534 (Basel, 1588); Registres du Conseil de Genève (known to me only through the extracts given by Herminjard, Doumergue, and others); Herminjard, Correspondance des Réformateurs dans les pays de langue française, 9 vols. (Geneva, etc., vols. i. ii. in a 2nd edition, 1878, vols. iii.-ix. 1870-97); Calvin, Opera omnia, vols. xxix.-lxxxvii. of the Corpus Reformatorum (Brunswick and Berlin, 1869-97); Bonnet, Lettres françaises de Jean Calvin (Paris, 1854); Beza, Vita Calvini (vol. xlix. of the Corpus Reformatorum); Rilliet, Le premier catéchisme de Calvin (Paris, 1878).
Later Works: Doumergue, Jean Calvin, les hommes et les choses de son temps (only three vols. published, Lausanne, 1899, 1902, 1905); Bungener, Jean Calvin, sa vie, son œuvre et ses écrits (Paris, 1862-63); Kampschulte, Johann Calvin, seine Kirche und seine Stadt in Genf (Leipzig, 1869-99); A. Roget, Histoire du peuple de Genève depuis la Reforme jusqu’ à l’escalade (Geneva, 1870-83); Dunant, Les relations politiques de Genève avec Berne et les Suisses de 1536-64 (Geneva, 1894); Ruchat, Histoire de la Réformation de la Suisse, ed. by Vulliemin (Paris and Lausanne, 1835-38).
[43] Ruchat, Histoire de la Réformation de la Suisse (Paris, 1835-38), iii. 138.
[44] We read of Luther’s books being read in Geneva as early as May 1521, and that their effect was to give several of the people heart to care little for the threats of the Pope; in 1522, Cornelius Agrippa, writing to Capito (June 17th), and Haller, writing to Zwingli (July 8th), speak of Francis Lambert (vir probus et diligens minister Verbi Dei), who had preached in Geneva, Lausanne, Freiburg, and Bern; and in 1527, Hofen, secretary to the Council of Bern, writing to Zwingli (Jan. 15th), thinks that Geneva could be won for the Reformation,—he had noticed that the people no longer cared much for Indulgences or for the Mass (Herminjard, Correspondance, etc. i. 101-3, 318 n., ii. 9 f., 10 n.; cf. 6).
[45] J. A. Gautier, Histoire de Genève (Geneva, 1896), ii. 349. The nun, Sœur Jeanne de Jussie, in her Levain du Calvinisme (p. 46), says “Au mois de Juin, dimanche matin, le 9, certain nombre de mauvais garçons plantèrent grands placards en impression par toutes les portes des églises de Genève, esquels estoient contenus les principaux poincts de la secte perverse luthérienne”; and another contemporary chronicler says that the placards promised a “grand pardon général de Jesus Christ” (Herminjard, Correspondance, etc. ii. 422 n.).
[46] Their letter said that it was reported that “nonnullos ex Gebennensibus apposuisse certas cedulas inductorias ad novam legem, contra auctoritatem episcopalem, et quod habent libros et promulgant; quod est contra voluntatem D. Friburgensium” (Ibid. ii. 421 n.).
[47] Ibid. ii. 424.
[48] Herminjard, Correspondance, ii. 425 n.
[49] Cf. p. 39, n.
[50] Herminjard, Correspondance, etc. ii. 22 f. Farel preached his first sermon at Aigle on Friday, Nov. 30th, 1526.
[51] Ibid. ii. 14, 15.
[52] Ibid. ii. 15 n.
[53] Ibid. ii. 31 n.
[54] Farel seems to have asked his converts to submit to baptism; they were baptized in the presence of the congregation on making a solemn and public profession of their faith.—Ibid. 48 n.
[55] Herminjard, Correspondance, etc. ii. 105 n.
[56] Ibid. ii. 130, 131.
[57] Herminjard, Correspondance, etc. ii. 131 n.
[58] Ibid. ii. 137.
[59] M. Herminjard gives a list of their names—Claud de Glantinis, Alexandre le Bel, Thomas ——, Henri Pourcellet, Jean Bosset, Antoine Froment, Antoine Marcourt, Eymer Beynon, Pierre Marmoud, Hugues Turtaz, and perhaps Jean Holard, Pierre Simonin or Symonier, Claude Bigothier, Jean de Bély, Jean Fathon.
[60] Cf. letter of Farel to Fortunat Andronicus, in Herminjard, Correspondance, etc. ii. 307.
[61] Herminjard, Correspondance, etc. ii. 270 n.
[62] Herminjard, Correspondance, etc. ii. 365 n., 390.
[63] Ibid. ii. 347, 372.
[64] Ibid. ii. 362 n.
[65] The ordinance was entitled, Ordnung wic sich pfarrer und prediger zu Statt und Land Bern, in leer und leben, halten sollen, mit wyterem bericht von Christo, und den Sacramenten, beschlossen im Synodo daselbst versamlet am 9 tag Januarij—Anno 1532. The doctrinal decisions of the Synod are to be found in Müller, Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche (Leipzig, 1903), pp. 31 ff.
[66] Herminjard, Correspondance, etc. ii. 364.
[67] Froment married (1529) Marie Dentière, who had been abbess of a convent in Tournai, and had been expelled for her Evangelical opinions. She was a learned lady, a friend of the Queen of Navarre, who sometimes preached, according to the nun Jeanne de Jussie, and made many converts. She wrote a piquant epistle to the Queen of Navarre, exposing the intrigues which drove Calvin, Farel, and Coraut from Geneva. A portion of this very rare Epistle is printed by Herminjard, Correspondance, etc. v. 295 ff.
[68] Froment, Les Actes et Gestes merveilleux de la cité de Genève (ed. of 1854 by G. Revillod), pp. 9 and 12-15.
[69] The authorities of Freiburg in a letter to Geneva actually called this Dominican monk a “Lutheran preacher”; cf. their letter given in Herminjard, Correspondance, iii. 15 f.
[70] Ibid. iii. 38, f.
[71] The text of the decree is given in Herminjard, iii. 41 n.
[72] Jeanne de Jussie, Le Levain du Calvinisme, p. 53; Froment, Actes et Gestes, etc. 48-51.
[73] For the affair of Werly, see the letter of the Evangelicals of Geneva to the Council of Bern, given in Herminjard, Correspondance, etc., and the notes of the editor (iii. 46 ff.).
[74] After the defeat of his party by the combined efforts of Freiburg and Bern, the Bishop had quitted Geneva on August 1st, 1527; he returned there on July 1st, 1533, but left again after a fortnight’s residence (July 14th, 1533), disgusted, he said, at an act of iconoclasm.
[75] The priests of Geneva were notoriously turbulent. We read of at least five riots which they headed. The canons were worse. Pierre Werly had attempted the assassination of Farel on October 3rd, 1532 (Jeanne de Jussie, Le Levain du Calvinisme, p. 50); he had taken an active part in the riots caused by the placards in 1532.
[76] Herminjard, Correspondance, etc. iii. 38.
[77] Le Levain du Calvinisme, pp. 74, 75, 247 (where Canus is called Alexander de Molendino). Froment, who had been compelled to quit Geneva, had returned to the town along with Alexandre Canus immediately after the departure of the Bishop on the 14th of July 1533.
[78] Furbiti permitted himself to use strong language. Even the Romanist chronicler, the nun Jeanne de Jussie, records that Furbiti “touched to the quick the Lutheran dogs,” and said that “all those who belonged to that cursed sect were licentious, gluttons, lascivious, ambitious, homicides, and bandits, who loved nothing but sensuality, and lived as the brutes, reverencing neither God nor their superiors” (Le Levain du Calvinisme, p 79).