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Astronomical Discovery

Chapter 7: CHAPTER II
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About This Book

A series of six illustrated lectures examines how astronomical discoveries arise, comparing deliberate search, mathematical prediction, and chance. The author uses case studies that range from planetary identification and the prediction followed by observational confirmation of a planet, to classical measurements exposing aberration of light and the nutation of the Earth’s axis, and to more accidental finds such as novae and comets. Other chapters treat the discovery of regular sunspot cycles and the detection of subtle variations in latitude, emphasizing the roles of method, instrumentation, and serendipity. Prefatory remarks reflect on luck versus skill and note the sources and observatory experiences behind the accounts.

Hypothesis of many fragments.

The thought occurred to Olbers that they were perhaps fragments of a single body which had been blown to pieces by some explosion, and that there might be more of the pieces; and he therefore suggested as a guide for finding others that, since by the known laws of gravitation, bodies which circle round the sun return periodically to their starting-point, therefore all these fragments would in due course return to the point in the heavens where the original planet had exploded. Hence the search might be most profitably conducted in the neighbourhood of the spot where the two first fragments (which had been named Ceres and Pallas) had already been found. We now have good reason to believe that this view is a mistaken one, but nevertheless it was apparently confirmed by the discovery of two more bodies of the same kind, which were called Juno and Vesta; the second of these being found by Olbers himself after three years’ patient work in 1807. Hence, although the idea of searching for a more or less definitely imagined planet was not new, although Bode had conceived it as early as 1785, and organised a search on this plan, three planets were actually found before the first success attending a definite search. Ceres, as already remarked, was found by a pure accident; and the same may be said of Pallas and Juno, though it may fairly be added that Pallas was actually contrary to expectation.

Minor Planets, 1801 to 1850.

Number Name. Discoverer. Date.
  1 Ceres Piazzi 1801
  2 Pallas Olbers 1802
  3 Juno Harding 1804
  4 Vesta Olbers 1807
  5 Astraea Hencke 1845
  6 Hebe Hencke 1847
  7 Iris Hind 1847
  8 Flora Hind 1847
  9 Metis Graham 1848
10 Hygeia De Gasparis 1849
11 Parthenope De Gasparis 1850
12 Victoria Hind 1850
13 Egeria De Gasparis 1850

Here now is a table showing how other bodies were gradually added to this first list of four, but you will see that no addition was made for a long time. Not that the search was immediately abandoned; but being rewarded by no success for some years, it was gradually dropped, and the belief gained ground that the number of the planets was at last complete. The discoverers of Uranus and of these first four minor planets all died before any further addition was made;Hencke’s long search. and it was not until the end of 1845 that Astraea was found by an ex-postmaster of the Prussian town of Driessen, by name Hencke, who, in spite of the general disbelief in the existence of any more planets, set himself diligently to search for them, and toiled for fifteen long years before at length reaping his reward. Others then resumed the search; Hind, the observer of an English amateur astronomer near London, found Iris a few weeks after Hencke had been rewarded by a second discovery in 1847, and in the following year Mr. Graham at Markree in Ireland (who is still living, and has only just retired from active work at the Cambridge Observatory) found Metis; and from that time new discoveries have been added year by year, until the number of planets now known exceeds 500, and is steadily increasing.

 

By permission of Messrs. Macmillan & Co.
I.—J. C. Adams.

 

II.—A. Graham.
DISCOVERER OF THE NINTH MINOR PLANET (METIS).

 

You will see the great variety characterising these discoveries; some of them are the result of deliberate search, others have come accidentally, and some even contrary to expectation. Of the great majority of the earlier ones it may be said that enormous diligence was required for each discovery; to identify a planet it is necessary to have either a good map of the stars or to know them thoroughly, so that the map practically exists in the brain. We need only remember Hencke’s fifteen years of search before success to recognise what vast stores of patience and diligence were required in carrying out the search.The photographic method. But of late years photography has effected a great revolution in this respect. It is no longer necessary to do more than set what Sir Robert Ball has called a “star-trap,” or rather planet-trap. If a photograph be taken of a region of the heavens, by the methods familiar to astronomers, so that each star makes a round dot on the photographic plate, any sufficiently bright object moving relatively to the stars will make a small line or trail, and thus betray its planetary character. In this way most of the recent discoveries have been made, and although diligence is still required in taking the photographs, and again in identifying the objects thus found (which are now very often the images of already known members of the system), the tedious scrutiny with the eye has become a thing of the past.

Table showing the Number of Minor Planets Discovered
in each Decade since 1850.

1801 to 1850—altogether13discoveries.
1851 to 1860—"49"
1861 to 1870—"49"
1871 to 1880—"108"
1881 to 1890—"83"
1891 to 1900—"180announcements
In 1901"36"
"  1902"50"
"  1903"41"
 Total609

[N.B.—Many of the more recent announcements turned out to refer to old discoveries.]

Scarcity of names.

The known number of these bodies has accordingly increased so rapidly as to become almost an embarrassment; and in one respect the embarrassment is definite, for it has become quite difficult to find names for the new discoveries. We remember with amusement at the present time that for the early discoveries there was sometimes a controversy (of the same kind as in the case of Uranus) about the exact name which a planet should have. Thus when it was proposed to call No. 12 (discovered in 1850, in London, by Mr. Hind) “Victoria,” there was an outcry by foreign astronomers that by a subterfuge the name of a reigning monarch was again being proposed for a planet, and considerable opposition was manifested, especially in America. But it became clear, as other discoveries were added, that the list of goddesses, or even humbler mythological people, would not be large enough to go round if we were so severely critical, and must sooner or later be supplemented from sources hitherto considered unsuitable; so, ultimately, the opposition to the name Victoria was withdrawn. Later still the restriction to feminine names has been broken through; one planet has been named Endymion, and another, of which we shall presently speak more particularly, has been called Eros. But before passing to him you may care to look at some of the names selected for others:—

No. Name.  No. Name.
248 Lameia 389 Industria
250 Bettina 391 Ingeborg
261 Prymno 433 Eros
264 Libussa 443 Photographica
296 Phaëtusa 457 Alleghenia
340 Eduarda 462 Eriphyla
341 California 475 Ocllo
350 Ornamenta 484 Pittsburghia
357 Ninina 503 Evelyn
385 Ilmatar

Bettina.In connection with No. 250 there is an interesting little history. In the Observatory for 1885, page 63, appeared the following advertisement:—“Herr Palisa being desirous to raise funds for his intended expedition to observe the Total Solar Eclipse of August 1886, will sell the right of naming the minor planet No. 244 for £50.” The bright idea seems to have struck Herr Palisa, who had already discovered many planets and begun to find difficulties in assigning suitable names, that he might turn his difficulty into a source of profit in a good cause. The offer was not responded to immediately, nor until Herr Palisa had discovered two more planets, Nos. 248 and 250. He found names for two, leaving, however, the last discovered always open for a patron, and on page 142 of the same magazine for 1886 the following note informs us how his patience was ultimately rewarded:—“Minor planet No. 250 has been named ‘Bettina’ by Baron Albert de Rothschild.” I have not heard, however, that this precedent has been followed in other cases, and the ingenuity of discoverers was so much overtaxed towards the end of last century that the naming of their planets fell into arrears. Recently a Commission, which has been established to look after these small bodies generally, issued a notice that unless the naming was accomplished before a certain date it would be ruthlessly taken out of the hands of the negligent discoverers. The provisional letters.Perhaps we may notice, before passing on, the provisional system which was adopted to fill up the interval required for finding a suitable name, and required also for making sure that the planet was in fact a new one, and not merely an old one rediscovered. There was a system of numbering in existence as well as of naming, but it was unadvisable to attach even a number to a planet until it was quite certain that the discovery was new, for otherwise there might be gaps created in what should be a continuous series by spurious discoveries being struck out. Accordingly it was decided to attach at first to the object merely a letter of the alphabet, with the year of discovery, as a provisional name. The alphabet was, however, run through so quickly, and confusion was so likely to ensue if it was merely repeated, that on recommencing it the letter A was prefixed, and the symbols adopted were therefore AA, AB, AC, &c.; after completing the alphabet again, the letter B was prefixed, and so on; and astronomers began to fear that they had before them a monotonous prospect of continually adding new planets, varied by no incident more exciting than starting the alphabet over again after every score.

Fortunately, however, on running through it for the fifth time, an object of particular interest was discovered.Eros. Most of these bodies revolve at a distance from the sun intermediate between that of Mars and that of Jupiter, but the little planet which took the symbol DQ, and afterwards the name of Eros, was found to have a mean distance actually less than that of Mars, and this gave it an extraordinary importance with respect to the great problem of determining the sun’s distance. To explain this importance we must make a small digression.

Transit of Venus.

About the middle of the last century our knowledge of the sun’s distance was very rough, as may be seen from the table on p. 32; but there were in prospect two transits of Venus, in 1874 and 1882, and it was hoped that these would give opportunities of a special kind for the measurement of this important quantity, which lies at the root of all our knowledge of the exact masses and dimensions of not only the sun, but of the planets as well.

 

Fig. 1.

 

The method may be briefly summarised thus: An observer in one part of the earth would see Venus cross the disc of the sun along a different path from that seen by another observer, as will be clear from the diagram. If the size of the earth, the distance of the sun, and the relative distance of Venus be known, it can be calculated what this difference in path will be. Now the relative distance of Venus is known with great accuracy, from observing the time of her revolution round the sun; the size of the earth we can measure by a survey; there remains, therefore, only one unknown quantity, the sun’s distance. And since from a knowledge of this we could calculate the difference in path, it is easy to invert the problem, and calculate the sun’s distance from the knowledge of the observed difference in path. Accordingly, observers were to be scattered, not merely to two, but to many stations over the face of the earth, to observe the exact path taken by Venus in transit over the sun’s disc as seen from their station; and especially to observe the exact times of beginning and ending of the transit; and, by comparison of their results, it was hoped to determine this very important quantity, the sun’s distance. It was known from previous experience that there were certain difficulties in observing very exactly the beginning and end of the transit.The “Black Drop.” There was an appearance called the “Black Drop,” which had caused trouble on previous occasions; an appearance as though the round black spot which can be seen when Venus has advanced some distance over the sun’s disc was reluctant to make the entry and clung to the edge or “limb” of the sun as it is called, somewhat as a drop of ink clings to a pen which is slowly withdrawn from an inkpot. Similarly, at the end of the transit or egress, instead of approaching the limb steadily the planet seems at the last moment to burst out towards it, rendering the estimation of the exact moment when the transit is over extremely doubtful.

These difficulties, as already stated, were known to exist; but there is a long interval between transits of Venus, or rather between every pair of such transits. After those of 1874 and 1882 there will be no more until 2004 and 2012, so that we shall never see another; similarly, before that pair of the last century, there had not been any such occasion since 1761 and 1769, and no one was alive who remembered at first hand the trouble which was known to exist. It was proposed to obviate the anticipated difficulties by careful practice beforehand; models were prepared to resemble as nearly as possible the expected appearances, and the times recorded by different observers were compared with the true time, which could, in this case of a model, be determined. In this way it was hoped that the habit of each observer, his “personal equation” as it is called, could be determined beforehand, and allowed for as a correction when he came to observe the actual transit.Failure. The result, however, was a great disappointment. The actual appearances were found to be totally different in character from those shown by the model; chiefly, perhaps, because it had been impossible to imitate with a model the effect of the atmosphere which surrounds the planet Venus. Observers trained beforehand, using similar instruments, and standing within a few feet of each other, were expected, after making due allowance for personal equation, to give the same instant for contact; but their observations when made were found to differ by nearly a minute of time, and after an exhaustive review of the whole material it was felt that all hope of determining accurately the sun’s distance by this method must be given up. The following table will show how much was learned from the transits of Venus, and how much remained to be settled. They left the result in doubt over a range of about two million miles.

 

Sun’s Distance, in Millions of Miles, as found by Different Observers

Before the Transits of Venus estimates varied between 96 million miles (Gilliss and Gould, 1856) and 91 million (Winneche, 1863), a range of 5 million miles.

The Transits of 1874 and 1882 gave results lying between 93¼ million (Airy, from British observations of 1874), 92½ million (Stone, from British observations of 1882), and 91½ million (Puiseux, from French observations), a range of 1¾ millions.

Gill’s Heliometer results all lie very near 93 millions. The observations of Mars in 1877 give about 100,000 miles over this figure: but the observations of Victoria, Iris, and Sappho, which are more trustworthy, all agree in giving about 100,000 miles less than the 93 millions.

It became necessary, therefore, to look to other methods; and before the second transit of 1882 was observed, an energetic astronomer, Dr. David Gill, had already put into operation the method which may be now regarded as the standard one.

Modern method for sun’s distance.

We have said that the relative distance of Venus from the sun is accurately known from observations of the exact time of revolution. It is easy to see that these times of revolution can be measured accurately by mere accumulation. We may make an error of a few seconds in noting the time of return; but if the whole interval comprises 10 revolutions, this error is divided by 10, if 100 revolutions by 100, and so on; and by this time a great number of revolutions of all the planets (except those just discovered) have been recorded. Hence we know their relative distances with great precision; and if we can find the distance in miles of any one of them, we can find that of the sun itself, or of any other planet, by a simple rule-of-three sum. By making use of this principle many of the difficulties attending the direct determination of the sun’s distance can be avoided; for instance, since the sun’s light overpowers that of the stars, it is not easy to directly observe the place of the sun among the stars; but this is not so for the planets.Photography. We can photograph a planet and the stars surrounding it on the same plate, and then by careful measurement determine its exact position among the stars; and since this position differs slightly according to the situation of the observer on the earth’s surface, by comparing two photographs taken at stations a known distance apart we can find the distance of the planet from the earth; and hence, as above remarked, the distance of the sun and all the other members of the solar system. Or, instead of taking photographs from two different stations, we can take from the same station two photographs at times separated by a known interval. For in that interval the station will have been carried by the earth’s rotation some thousands of miles away from its former position, and becomes virtually a second station separated from the first by a distance which is known accurately when we know the elapsed time. Again, instead of taking photographs, and from them measuring the position of the planet among the stars, we may make the measurements on the planet and stars in the sky itself;Dr. Gill’s expedition to Ascension. and since in 1878, when Dr. Gill set out on his enterprise of determining the sun’s distance, photography was in its infancy as applied to astronomy, he naturally made his observations on the sky with an instrument known as a heliometer. He made them in the little island of Ascension, which is suitably situated for the purpose; because, being near the earth’s equator, it is carried by the earth’s rotation a longer distance in a given time than places nearer the poles, and in these observations for “parallax,” as they are called, it is important to have the displacement of the station as large as possible. For a similar reason the object selected among the planets must be as near the earth as possible; and hence the planet Mars, which at favourable times comes nearer to us than any other superior planet[1] then known, was selected for observation with the heliometer.

And now it will be seen why the discovery of the little planet Eros was important, for Mars was no longer the known planet capable of coming nearest to us; it had been replaced by this new arrival.

Further, a small planet which is in appearance just like an ordinary star has, irrespective of this great proximity, some distinct advantages over a planet like Mars, which appears as a round disc, and is, moreover, of a somewhat reddish colour. When the distance of an object of this kind from a point of line such as a star is measured with the heliometer it is found that a certain bias, somewhat difficult to allow for with certainty, is introduced into the measures; and our confidence in the final results suffers accordingly.Victoria, Iris, and Sappho. After his observations of Mars in 1878, Dr. David Gill was sufficiently impressed with this source of error to make three new determinations of the sun’s distance, using three of the minor planets instead of Mars, in spite of the fact that they were sensibly farther away; and his choice was justified by finding that the results from these three different sets of observations agreed well among themselves, and differed slightly from that given by the observations of Mars.Eros. Hence it seems conclusively proved that one of these bodies is a better selection than Mars in any case, and the discovery of Eros, which offered the advantage of greater proximity in addition, was hailed as a new opportunity of a most welcome kind. It was seen by a little calculation that in the winter of 1900-1901 the planet would come very near the earth; not the nearest possible (for it was also realised that a still better opportunity had occurred in 1894, though it was lost because the planet had not yet been discovered), but still the nearest approach which would occur for some thirty years; and extensive, though somewhat hasty, preparations were made to use it to the fullest advantage. Photography had now become established as an accurate method of making measurements of the kind required; and all the photographic telescopes which could be spared were pressed into the service, and diligently photographed the planet and surrounding stars every fine night during the favourable period. The work of measuring and reducing these photographs involves an enormous amount of labour, and is even yet far from completed, but we know enough to expect a result of the greatest value. More than this we have not time to say here about this great problem, but it will have been made clear that just when astronomers were beginning to wonder whether it was worth while continuing the monotonous discovery of new minor planets by the handful, the 433rd discovery also turned out to be one of the greatest importance.

To canons for the advantageous prosecution of research, if we care to make them, we may therefore add this—that there is no line of research, however apparently unimportant or monotonous, which we can afford to neglect. Just when we are on the point of relinquishing it under the impression that the mine is exhausted, we may be about to find a nugget worth all our previous and future labour. This rule will not, perhaps, help us very much in choosing what to work at; indeed, it is no rule at all, for it leaves us the whole field of choice unlimited. But this negative result will recur again and again as we examine the lessons taught by discoveries: there seem to be no rules at all. Whenever we seem to be able to deduce one from an experience, some other experience will flatly contradict it. Thus we might think that the discovery of Eros taught us to proceed patiently with a monotonous duty, and not turn aside to more novel and attractive work; yet it is often by leaving what is in hand and apparently has first claim on our attention that we shall do best, and we shall learn in the next chapter how a failure thus to turn flexibly aside was repented.

 

 


CHAPTER II

THE DISCOVERY OF NEPTUNE

Search for definite objects.

In the last chapter we saw that the circumstances under which planets were discovered varied considerably. Sometimes the discoveries were not previously expected, occurring during a general examination of the heavens, or a search for other objects; and, on one occasion at least, the discovery may be said to have been even contrary to expectation, though, as the existence of a number of minor planets began to be realised, there have also been many cases where the discovery has been made as the result of a definite and deliberate search. But the search cannot be said to have been inspired by any very clear or certain principle: for the law of Bode, successful though it has been in indicating the possible existence of new planets, cannot, as yet, be said to be founded upon a formulated law of nature. We now come, however, to a discovery made in direct interpretation of Newton’s great law of gravitation—the discovery of Neptune from its observed disturbance of Uranus. I will first briefly recall the main facts relating to the actual discovery.

Disturbance of Uranus.

After Uranus had been discovered and observed sufficiently long for its orbit to be calculated, it was found that the subsequent position of the planet did not always agree with this orbit; and, more serious than this, some early observations were found which could not be reconciled with the later ones at all. It is a wonderful testimony to the care and sagacity of Sir William Herschel, as was remarked in the last chapter, that Uranus was found to have been observed, under the mistaken impression that it was an ordinary star, by Flamsteed, Lemonnier, Bradley, and Mayer, all observers of considerable ability. Flamsteed’s five observations dated as far back as 1690, 1712, and 1715; observations by others were in 1748, 1750, 1753, 1756, and so on up to 1771, and the body of testimony was so considerable that there was no room for doubt as to the irreconcilability of the observations with the orbit, such as might have been the case had there been only one or two, possibly affected with some errors.

It is difficult to mention an exact date for the conversion into certainty of the suspicion that no single orbit could be found to satisfy all the observations; but we may certainly regard this fact as established in 1821, when Alexis Bouvard published some tables of the planet, and showed fully in the introduction that when every correction for the disturbing action of other planets had been applied, it was still impossible to reconcile the old observations with the orbit calculated from the new ones.Suspicion of perturbing planet. The idea accordingly grew up that there might be some other body or bodies attracting the planet and causing these discrepancies. Here again it is not easy to say exactly when this notion arose, but it was certainly existent in 1834, as the following letter to the Astronomer Royal will show. I take it from his well-known “Account of some Circumstances historically connected with the Discovery of the Planet exterior to Uranus,” which he gave to the Royal Astronomical Society at its first meeting after that famous discovery (Monthly Notices of the R.A.S., vol. iii., and Memoirs, vol. xvi.).

 

No. 1.—The Rev. T. J. Hussey to G. B. Airy.
[Extract.]

“‘Hayes, Kent, 17th November 1834.

“‘With M. Alexis Bouvard I had some conversation upon a subject I had often meditated, which will probably interest you, and your opinion may determine mine. Having taken great pains last year with some observations of Uranus, I was led to examine closely Bouvard’s tables of that planet. The apparently inexplicable discrepancies between the ancient and modern observations suggested to me the possibility of some disturbing body beyond Uranus, not taken into account because unknown. My first idea was to ascertain some approximate place of this supposed body empirically, and then with my large reflector set to work to examine all the minute stars thereabouts: but I found myself totally inadequate to the former part of the task. If I could have done it formerly, it was beyond me now, even supposing I had the time, which was not the case. I therefore relinquished the matter altogether; but subsequently, in conversation with Bouvard, I inquired if the above might not be the case: his answer was, that, as might have been expected, it had occurred to him, and some correspondence had taken place between Hansen and himself respecting it. Hansen’s opinion was, that one disturbing body would not satisfy the phenomena; but that he conjectured there were two planets beyond Uranus. Upon my speaking of obtaining the places empirically, and then sweeping closely for the bodies, he fully acquiesced in the propriety of it, intimating that the previous calculations would be more laborious than difficult; that if he had leisure he would undertake them and transmit the results to me, as the basis of a very close and accurate sweep. I have not heard from him since on the subject, and have been too ill to write. What is your opinion on the subject? If you consider the idea as possible, can you give me the limits, roughly, between which this body or those bodies may probably be found during the ensuing winter? As we might expect an eccentricity [inclination?] approaching rather to that of the old planets than of the new, the breadth of the zone to be examined will be comparatively inconsiderable. I may be wrong, but I am disposed to think that, such is the perfection of my equatoreal’s object-glass, I could distinguish, almost at once, the difference of light of a small planet and a star. My plan of proceeding, however, would be very different: I should accurately map the whole space within the required limits, down to the minutest star I could discern; the interval of a single week would then enable me to ascertain any change. If the whole of this matter do not appear to you a chimæra, which, until my conversation with Bouvard, I was afraid it might, I shall be very glad of any sort of hint respecting it.’

“My answer was in the following terms:—

No. 2.—G. B. Airy to the Rev. T. J. Hussey.
[Extract.]

“‘Observatory, Cambridge, 1834, Nov. 23.

Airy’s scepticism.

“‘I have often thought of the irregularity of Uranus, and since the receipt of your letter have looked more carefully to it. It is a puzzling subject, but I give it as my opinion, without hesitation, that it is not yet in such a state as to give the smallest hope of making out the nature of any external action on the planet ... if it were certain that there were any extraneous action, I doubt much the possibility of determining the place of a planet which produced it. I am sure it could not be done till the nature of the irregularity was well determined from several successive revolutions.’”

Although only a sentence or two have been selected from Airy’s reply (he was not yet Astronomer Royal), they are sufficient to show that the problem of finding the place of such a possible disturbing body was regarded at that time as one of extreme difficulty; and no one appears seriously to have contemplated embarking upon its solution. It was not until many years later that the solution was attempted. Of the first attempt we shall speak presently, putting it aside for the moment because it had no actual bearing on the discovery of the planet, for reasons which form an extraordinary episode of this history. The attempt which led to success dates from November 1845.Le Verrier’s papers. The great French astronomer Le Verrier, on November 10, 1845, read to the French Academy a paper on the Orbit of Uranus, considering specially the disturbances produced by Jupiter and Saturn, and showing clearly that with no possible orbit could the observations be satisfied. On June 1, 1846, followed a second paper by the same author, in which he considers all the possible explanations of the discordance, and concludes that none is admissible except that of a disturbing planet exterior to Uranus. And assuming, in accordance with Bode’s Law, that the distance of this new planet from the sun would be about double that of Uranus (and it is important to note this assumption), he proceeds to investigate the orbit of such a planet, and to calculate the place where it must be looked for in the heavens. This was followed by a third paper on August 31st, giving a rather completer discussion,Planet to be detected by disc. and arriving at the conclusion that the planet should be recognisable from its disc. This again is an important point. We remember that in the discovery of Uranus it needed considerable skill on the part of Sir William Herschel to detect the disc, to see in fact any difference between it and surrounding stars; and that other observers, even when their attention had been called to the planet, found it difficult to see this difference. It might be expected, therefore, that with a planet twice as far away (as had been assumed for the new planet) the disc would be practically unrecognisable, and as we shall presently see, this assumption was made in some searches for the planet which had been commenced even before the publication of this third paper. Le Verrier’s courageous announcement, which he deduced from a consideration of the mass of the planet, that the disc should be recognisable, led immediately to the discovery of the suspected body.Galle’s discovery of the planet. He wrote to a German astronomer, Dr. Galle (still, I am glad to say, alive and well, though now a very old man), telling him the spot in the heavens to search, and stating that he might expect to detect the planet by its appearance in this way; and the same night Dr. Galle, by comparing a star map with the heavens, found the planet.

To two points to which I have specially called attention in this brief summary—namely, the preliminary assumption that the planet would be, according to Bode’s Law, twice as far away as Uranus; secondly, the confident assertion that it would have a visible disc—I will ask you to add, thirdly, that it was found by the aid of a star map, for this map played an important part in the further history to which we shall now proceed. It may naturally be supposed that the announcement of the finding of a planet in this way, the calculation of its place from a belief in the universal action of the great Law of Gravitation, the direction to an eminent observer to look in that place for a particular thing, and his immediate success,—this extraordinary combination of circumstances caused a profound sensation throughout not only the astronomical, but the whole world; and this sensation was greatly enhanced by the rumour which had begun to gather strength that, but for some unfortunate circumstances, the discovery might have been made even earlier and as a consequence of totally independent calculations made by a young Cambridge mathematician, J. C. Adams.Adams’ work publicly announced. Some of you are doubtless already familiar with the story in its abridged form, for it has been scattered broadcast through literature. In England it generally takes the form of emphasising the wickedness or laziness of the Astronomer Royal who, when told where to look for a planet, neglected his obvious duty, so that in consequence another astronomer who made the calculation much later and gave a more virtuous observer the same directions where to look, obtained for France the glory of a discovery which ought to have been retained in England. There is no doubt that Airy’s conduct received a large amount of what he called “savage abuse.” When the facts are clearly stated I think it will be evident that many of the harsh things said of him were scarcely just, though at the same time it is also difficult to understand his conduct at two or three points of the history, even as explained by himself.

Facts undoubted.

There is fortunately no doubt whatever about any of the facts. Airy himself gave a very clear and straightforward account of them at the time, for which more credit is due to him than he commonly receives; and since the death of the chief actors in this sensational drama they have been naturally again ransacked, with the satisfactory result that there is practically no doubt about any of the facts. As to the proper interpretations of them there certainly may be wide differences of opinion, nor does this circumstance detract from their interest. It is almost impossible to make a perfectly colourless recital of them, nor is it perhaps necessary to do so. I will therefore ask you to remember in what I now say that there is almost necessarily an element of personal bias, and that another writer would probably give a different colouring. Having said this, I hope I may speak quite freely as the matter appears in my personal estimation.

Airy’s “Account.”

Airy’s account was, as above stated, given to the Royal Astronomical Society at their first meeting (after the startling announcement of the discovery of the new planet), on November 13, 1846, and I have already quoted an extract from it. He opens with a tribute to the sensational character of the discovery, and then states that although clearly due to two individuals (namely, Le Verrier and Galle),“A movement of the age.” it might also be regarded as to some extent the consequence of a movement of the age. His actual words are these: “The principal steps in the theoretical investigations have been made by one individual, and the published discovery of the planet was necessarily made by one individual. To these persons the public attention has been principally directed; and well do they deserve the honours which they have received, and which they will continue to receive. Yet we should do wrong if we considered that these two persons alone are to be regarded as the authors of the discovery of this planet. I am confident that it will be found that the discovery is a consequence of what may properly be called a movement of the age; that it has been urged by the feeling of the scientific world in general, and has been nearly perfected by the collateral, but independent labours, of various persons possessing the talents or powers best suited to the different parts of the researches.”

I have quoted these words as the first point at which it is difficult to understand Airy’s conduct in excluding from them all specific mention of Adams, knowing as he did the special claims which entitled him to such mention; claims indeed which he proceeded immediately to make clear.Airy under-estimated Adams’ work. It seems almost certain that Airy entirely under-estimated the value of Adams’ work throughout. But this will become clearer as we proceed. The “account” takes the form of the publication of a series of letters with occasional comments. Airy was a most methodical person, and filed all his correspondence with great regularity. It was jestingly said of him once that if he wiped his pen on a piece of blotting-paper, he would date the blotting-paper and file it for reference. The letters reproduced in this “account” are still in the Observatory at Greenwich, pinned together just as Airy left them; and in preparing his “account” it was necessary to do little else than to have them copied out and interpolate comments. From two of them I have already quoted to show how difficult the enterprise of finding an exterior planet from its action on Uranus was considered in 1834. To these may be added the following sentence from No. 4, dated 1837. “If it be the effect of any unseen body,” writes Airy to Bouvard, “it will be nearly impossible ever to find out its place.” But the first letter which need concern us is No. 6, and it is only necessary to explain that Professor Challis was the Professor of Astronomy at Cambridge, and in charge of the Cambridge Observatory, in which offices he had succeeded Airy himself on his leaving Cambridge for Greenwich some eight years earlier.

 

No. 6.—Professor Challis to G. B. Airy.
[Extract.]

“‘Cambridge Observatory, Feb. 13, 1844.

Challis mentions Adams to Airy,

“‘A young friend of mine, Mr. Adams of St. John’s College, is working at the theory of Uranus, and is desirous of obtaining errors of the tabular geocentric longitudes of this planet, when near opposition, in the years 1818-1826, with the factors for reducing them to errors of heliocentric longitude. Are your reductions of the planetary observations so far advanced that you could furnish these data? and is the request one which you have any objection to comply with? If Mr. Adams may be favoured in this respect, he is further desirous of knowing, whether in the calculation of the tabular errors any alterations have been made in Bouvard’s Tables of Uranus besides that of Jupiter’s mass.’

“My answer to him was as follows:—

No. 7.—G. B. Airy to Professor Challis.
[Extract.]

“‘Royal Observatory, Greenwich, 1844, Feb. 15.

“‘I send all the results of the observations of Uranus made with both instruments (that is, the heliocentric errors of Uranus in longitude and latitude from 1754 to 1830, for all those days on which there were observations, both of right ascension and of polar distance). No alteration is made in Bouvard’s Tables of Uranus except in increasing the two equations which depend on Jupiter by 150 part. As constants have been added (in the printed tables) to make the equations positive, and as 150 part of the numbers in the tables has been added, 150 part of the constants has been subtracted from the final results.’

“Professor Challis in acknowledging the receipt of these, used the following expressions:—

No. 8.—Professor Challis to G. B. Airy.
[Extract.]

“‘Cambridge Observatory, Feb. 16, 1844.

“‘I am exceedingly obliged by your sending so complete a series of tabular errors of Uranus.... The list you have sent will give Mr. Adams the means of carrying on in the most effective manner the inquiry in which he is engaged.’

“The next letter shows that Mr. Adams has derived results from these errors.

No. 9.—Professor Challis to G. B. Airy.

“‘Cambridge Observatory, Sept. 22, 1845.

“‘My friend Mr. Adams (who will probably deliver this note to you) has completed his calculations respecting the perturbation of the orbit of Uranus by a supposed ulterior planet,and suggests Adams’ visit to Greenwich. and has arrived at results which he would be glad to communicate to you personally, if you could spare him a few moments of your valuable time. His calculations are founded on the observations you were so good as to furnish him with some time ago; and from his character as a mathematician, and his practice in calculation, I should consider the deductions from his premises to be made in a trustworthy manner. If he should not have the good fortune to see you at Greenwich, he hopes to be allowed to write to you on this subject.’

“On the day on which this letter was dated, I was present at a meeting of the French Institute. I acknowledged it by the following letter:—

No. 10.—G. B. Airy to Professor Challis.

“‘Royal Observatory, Greenwich, 1845, Sept. 29.

“‘I was, I suppose, on my way from France, when Mr. Adams called here; at all events, I had not reached home, and therefore, to my regret, I have not seen him. Would you mention to Mr. Adams that I am very much interested with the subject of his investigations, and that I should be delighted to hear of them by letter from him?’

“On one of the last days of October 1845, Mr. Adams called at the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, in my absence and left the following important paper:—

No. 11.—J. C. Adams, Esq., to G. B. Airy.

Adams’ announcement of the new planet.

“‘According to my calculations, the observed irregularities in the motion of Uranus may be accounted for by supposing the existence of an exterior planet, the mass and orbit of which are as follows:—

Mean distance (assumed nearly in accordance with Bode’s Law)    38.4
Mean sidereal motion in 365.25 days    1° 30′.9
Mean longitude, 1st October 1845 323 34
Longitude of perihelion 315 55
Eccentricity 0.1610.
Mass (that of the sun being unity) 0.0001656.

For the modern observations I have used the method of normal places, taking the mean of the tabular errors, as given by observations near three consecutive oppositions, to correspond with the mean of the times; and the Greenwich observations have been used down to 1830: since which, the Cambridge and Greenwich observations, and those given in the Astronomische Nachrichten, have been made use of. The following are the remaining errors of mean longitude:—

Observation—Theory.

  "    "
1780 +0.27  1813 -0.94
1783 -0.23  1816 -0.31
1786 -0.96  1819 -2.00
1789 +1.82  1822 +0.30
1792 -0.91  1825 +1.92
1795 +0.09  1828 +2.25
1798 -0.99  1831 -1.06
1801 -0.04  1834 -1.44
1804 +1.76  1837 -1.62
1807 -0.21  1840 +1.73
1810 +0.56

The error for 1780 is concluded from that for 1781 given by observation, compared with those of four or five following years, and also with Lemonnier’s observations in 1769 and 1771.

“‘For the ancient observations, the following are the remaining errors:—

Observation—Theory.

  "     "     "
1690 +44.4   1750 - 1.6   1763 - 5.1
1712 + 6.7   1753 + 5.7   1769 + 0.6
1715 - 6.8   1756 - 4.0   1771 +11.8

The errors are small, except for Flamsteed’s observation of 1690. This being an isolated observation, very distant from the rest, I thought it best not to use it in forming the equations of condition. It is not improbable, however, that this error might be destroyed by a small change in the assumed mean motion of the planet.’

“I acknowledged the receipt of this paper in the following terms:—

No. 12.—G. B. Airy to J. C. Adams, Esq.

“‘Royal Observatory, Greenwich, 1845, Nov. 5.

Airy’s inquiry about the “radius vector.”

“‘I am very much obliged by the paper of results which you left here a few days since, showing the perturbations on the place of Uranus produced by a planet with certain assumed elements. The latter numbers are all extremely satisfactory: I am not enough acquainted with Flamsteed’s observations about 1690 to say whether they bear such an error, but I think it extremely probable.

“‘But I should be very glad to know whether this assumed perturbation will explain the error of the radius vector of Uranus. This error is now very considerable, as you will be able to ascertain by comparing the normal equations, given in the Greenwich observations for each year, for the times before opposition with the times after opposition.’

“I have before stated that I considered the establishment of this error of the radius vector of Uranus to be a very important determination. I therefore considered that the trial, whether the error of radius vector would be explained by the same theory which explained the error of longitude, would be truly an experimentum crucis. And I waited with much anxiety for Mr. Adams’ answer to my query. Had it been in the affirmative, I should at once have exerted all the influence which I might possess, either directly, or indirectly through my friend Professor Challis, to procure the publication of Mr. Adams’ theory.

“From some cause with which I am unacquainted, probably an accidental one, I received no immediate answer to this inquiry. I regret this deeply, for many reasons.”