John Long's journal, 1768-1782

Soon after the departure of the trader, a large band, consisting of about 100, came in; my stock of rum was very small, which was a misfortune, as rum is too important in treaties with the Indians to be easily dispensed with. On their arrival they wished to drink, but I continued to barter for all their furs before I gave them any rum: having finished the business, they grew clamorous, when I gave them as much rum as I could spare, upon receipt of which they embarked in tolerable good humour.

In the month of April the last band came in, and I was extremely perplexed how to act, having a very small portion of rum, and no prospect of encreasing my stock; I was therefore obliged to dilute it so as to make it about one-fifth part weaker than usual, which made twenty gallons of very passable Indian rum. Having supplied them [134] with wearing apparel, &c. and received their peltry, I gave them a taste of the scuttaywabo, and just before my embarkation made the following speech:

“Haguarmissey cockinnor an Nishinnorbay kee wabindan cawwickcar nin serpargussey nee zargetoone, keennerwind kaygo kee cushkendum webatch neennerwind tercushenan nepewar annacotchigon nin ojey petoone. Wa haguarmissey cockinnor meenwendesay bazam Ebeckcheck megoyyack debwoye neegee kaygo arwayyor matchee oathty, kee cannawendan cockinnor, mokoman, baskeyzegan goyer becka, kee minniquy kaygo arwayyor annascartissey woke, mornooch kee permartissyan cockinnor an Nishinnorbay nogome debwoye negee nepewar artawway winnin ojey zargetoone an Nishinnorbay, keshpin suggermarch wennewar metach nin ojey debarchemon kitchee ojemaw awassa woity kitchee wakaygan Michillimakinac metach kaygoshish ween ojey bockettywaun keennerwind.

“Now, my friends, take courage, I have always shewn you a good heart, and you all know I am full of pity for you, your wives, and children; therefore do not be uneasy, or think the time long I shall be absent from you. I hope the Master of Life will give me courage and strength to return to you, and bring you goods. Now, as you know I have no sugar on my lips, nor any spear at my tongue, and that my ears are not stopt, nor my heart bound up, I hope you will deliver up your knives, guns, and tomahawks, and have no bad heart before you begin to drink, so that on my return I may find you all well. I shall speak with [135] courage to the great English chief, at Michillimakinac, and he will open his heart to you.”

Having finished my speech, the weapons were collected and delivered to me. I then gave them a considerable quantity of rum, after which I returned their knives, &c. to convince them of the good opinion I entertained of them, and that I had no doubt but they would attend to the advice I had given them. I then got into my canoe, and waving my hand, was saluted by a discharge of 200 guns, which I returned by one volley, and pursued my journey in good spirits, heartily pleased at leaving my winter quarters.

We continued our voyage without meeting with any occurrence worth relating till we arrived at the Skunk’s River, where I had unfortunately shot off a chief’s ear, as I have before related. Here I met with the new married couple, and some of the same band to whom I was so much obliged in the preceding December for singing the love-songs; and being desirous of obtaining a perfect knowledge of their manners and customs, I made many inquiries, and among other knowledge gained information of the Chippeway form of courtship, which I presume will be acceptable to those who have as much curiosity as myself.^[86]

INDIAN COURTSHIP

When an Indian wishes to take a wife, and sees one to his mind, he applies to the father of the girl, and asks his consent in the following words:

[136] “Nocey, cunner kee darmissey kee darniss nee zargayyar kakaygo O waterwarwardoossin cawween peccan weettey gammat ottertassey memarjis mee mor.”

“Father, I love your daughter, will you give her to me, that the small roots of her heart may entangle with mine, so that the strongest wind that blows shall never separate them.”

If the father approves, an interview is appointed, for which the lover prepares by a perspiration; he then comes into her presence, sits down on the ground, and smokes his pipe: during the time of smoking, he keeps throwing small pieces of wood, of about an inch in length at her one by one to the number of one hundred. As many as she can catch in a bark bowl, so many presents her lover must make to her father, which he considers as payment for his daughter. The young warrior then gives a feast, to which he invites all the family—when the feast is done, they dance and sing their war songs.—The merriment being over, and mutual presents exchanged between the lover and her relations, the father covers them with a beaver robe, and gives them likewise a new gun and a birch canoe, with which the ceremony ends.

When the French became masters of Canada, the ceremony of marriage between the Savages was very fantastical.

When a lover wished his mistress to be informed of his affection, he procured an interview with her, which was always at night, and in [137] the presence of some of her friends; this was conducted in the following manner:

He entered the wigwam, the door of which was commonly a skin, and went up to the hearth on which some hot coals were burning; he then lighted a stick of wood, and approaching his mistress, pulled her three times by the nose, to awaken her; this was done with decency, and being the custom, the squaw did not feel alarmed at the liberty. This ceremony, ridiculous as it may appear, was continued occasionally for two months, both parties behaving during the time in all other respects, with the greatest circumspection.

The moment she becomes a wife, she loses her liberty, and is an obsequious slave to her husband, who never loses sight of his prerogative. Wherever he goes she must follow, and durst not venture to incense him by a refusal, knowing that if she neglects him, extreme punishment, if not death, ensues. The chief liberty he allows her is to dance and sing in his company, and is seldom known to take any more notice of her than of the most indifferent person: while she is obliged to perform the drudgery of life, which custom or insensibility enables her to do with the utmost cheerfulness.

A circumstance of this kind I recollect reading which happened at Beaver Creek, about twenty-five miles from Fort Pitt. An Indian woman observing some white men to carry fire-wood on their shoulders, took up her hatchet, and brought them in a short time a great burden on her back; and throwing it down by the fire, said, she not only pitied [138] them, but thought it was a great scandal to see men doing that which was properly the work of women.

The men consider women as of no other use but to produce them children, and to perform the drudgeries of life; as to the offspring, he prefers the sons to the daughter, because he expects they will all prove warriors. The daughters they do not value for the same reason that they subjugate their wives, deeming them worthy only to wait on warriors and do those things which would disgrace the male sex.

We pursued our journey to Lac le Nid au Corbeau, where we killed some wild geese and ducks, which at this season of the year have a fishy taste. Here we rested two days to enable us to pursue the remainder of our voyage with greater vigour. The third morning, at daybreak, we embarked, and arrived at La grande Côte de la Roche, where we were fortunate enough to kill two bears, which eat remarkably fine, and having some leisure time to spare in the cookery, we enjoyed them with as high a relish as in better situations we had done more luxuriant meals.

We proceeded to Cranberry Lake, where we caught some fish, and picked as many cranberries as we could conveniently carry; from thence we continued our route to Portage la Rame, where we were again wind-bound for some days; but during our stay we had not a single visitor to disturb us. At length the wind proving favourable, we proceeded to Riviére la Pique; on my arrival I was immediately struck with the remembrance of the escape I had from Payshik Ogashey [139] last year; but my mind was almost as instantly relieved by the recollection of his being killed, and no longer a terror to traders.

This was one among many instances in which I found that when the heart is oppressed with unpleasant recollections, or forebodings, the Author of our Being conveys relief to the mind very unexpectedly. This sudden transition we are too apt to impute to our own wisdom, and to attribute the escape from dangers we have experienced, or the hopes of deliverance which we form, entirely to our own sagacity and foresight. The Indians, on the contrary, think more properly; they say it is the Master of Life from whom we derive that presence of mind which has extricated or procured us relief. To the Master of Life the Indian addresses himself even for his daily support.—To him he imputes his victories and his success; and when subdued, and fastened to the stake, he thanks him for giving him courage to open his veins.—It is this confidence which enables him to bear the severest tortures with composure, and in the height of anguish, to defy the utmost malice of his enemies.

Notwithstanding the Chippeways, as well as the greater part of the Indian nations, of North America, think so justly, it is to be lamented that it is not universally so. The Mattaugwessawauks, it is said, do not worship a Supreme Being, and that when success attends them in war, they attribute the merit of the victory to their own valour and skill. But notwithstanding their disbelief of a Master of Life, in some respects, they are not less superstitious than other Savages, for they think that certain places are haunted by evil spirits, whose power they dread, and impressed with these ideas cautiously avoid them. Another proof [140] of their superstition is, if one of their people is killed by accident, they preserve a hand or a foot, which they salt, and dry, and keep as a charm to avert calamities; by which it appears, that although they do not acknowledge a dependance on a good spirit, they entertain fears and apprehensions of a bad one; which induces one to hope that such a deviation from the common belief of mankind may never be confirmed, as it would stamp human nature with an odium too horrid to think of. But to conclude this digression—we continued our voyage to Pays Plat, where we stayed some days in the society of traders, who had also wintered in the inlands, and others who arrived with goods to supply those who were engaged to return; but as my time was expired, I returned to Michillimakinac. After waiting on the commanding officer, and giving an account of my stewardship to my employers, I retired to Chippeway Point, a spot of ground out of the Fort, where I lived with an Indian family, who occasionally made me mackissins, and other parts of Indian dress.^[87]

[141] Remain some Time at Chippeway Point.—Account of a whimsical Circumstance, whereby I had nearly incurred the Displeasure of the Commanding Officer.—Narrative of the fortunate Escape of a Mr. Ramsay, a Trader.—Undertake to escort a Quantity of Merchandise from the Mississippi to Michillimakinac, which I perform with Success.—Return to Montreal; from thence to Quebec, where I engage with a new Employer.

During the time I remained at Chippeway Point, I had frequent offers from the officers to sleep at their quarters within the fort; but being accustomed to lie in the woods, I generally preferred that situation. A circumstance happened soon after my arrival, which I shall relate.

In consequence of Indian treachery in the year 1764, (when the Savages, commanded by Pontiac the chief, under the pretence of a game at ball, formed a plan to destroy the inhabitants, and take possession of the fort, and in which they unfortunately succeeded, to the extreme mortification of the English), there was a standing order that no Indian should be permitted to enter the fort with fire arms; nor any squaw, or Indian woman, allowed to sleep within the walls of the garrison on any pretence whatever; and for the better security of the inhabitants, when a council is held with the chiefs, double sentries are always placed.^[88]

[142] Having a strong desire to introduce a great chief’s daughter and her sister, (notwithstanding the governor’s orders) I communicated my intentions to an officer, and desired his assistance to complete the plan. He very politely told me that he could not appear to countenance my scheme, but would give me every possible assistance consistent with his station. I assured him that they were a great chief’s daughters, and that I would be answerable for their conduct.

With his consent I applied to two soldiers, and asked them if they could spare time to roll a large hogshead of bottled porter from Chippeway Point to the Fort; they told me whenever it suited me they would be ready to assist. Having purchased the hogshead, and got it rolled down the hill whilst the officers were at dinner, I told the squaws of my plan, and having knocked out the head and bung, and bored several holes to admit as much air as possible, desired them to get in, which with some difficulty I persuaded them to do. I then replaced the head, and ran immediately to the soldiers to acquaint them that the porter was ready, and desired their assistance without delay, as I was afraid some of the bottles were broken, and it would be proper to examine them as soon as possible.

The soldiers immediately returned with me, and applying their shoulders to the cask, rolled it up the hill with great labour and fatigue, continually observing that it was very heavy. Just as they arrived at the gate, the commanding officer and the commissary were coming through, and seeing the hogshead, asked the soldiers what they had got there? they replied it was bottled porter for a trader, who had desired them to roll it from the Point. As a vessel had just then arrived from the Détroit, [143] the commanding officer was so satisfied with the account the soldiers gave, that he observed it was very fortunate, for they now should have plenty of good beer to drink. The soldiers had scarcely rolled another turn, when unluckily one of them kicked his foot against a stone, who with the extreme pain he suffered, fell down. The other, not being able to sustain the whole weight, let go his hold, and the hogshead rolled down the hill with great velocity. Just as it came to the bottom the head fell out, and the squaws exhibited the deception. Unfortunately the commanding officer was near at hand when the accident happened, and though it was a manifest breach of his orders, he could not help smiling at the conceit; and looking at the imprisoned females, said to them, “pretty bottled porter indeed!” The squaws were so confused that they ran with the utmost precipitation into the woods, and did not make their appearance for several days.

On the commanding officer’s return to the fort, enquiry was made for me, and I was under the necessity of obeying his summons, although I confess my situation was very unpleasant. As soon as I came into his presence, assuming a look of displeasure, he asked me how I could dare to disobey the orders of the garrison, which I knew were issued to prevent the most serious consequences; that I was more culpable than another person, knowing the nature and disposition of the Indian women, and the impropriety and danger of confiding in them, adding that for the sake of example, and to prevent others from acting so inprudently, he believed he should send me down to Montreal in irons.

Alarmed at my situation, I made the best apology in my power, and assured him I was extremely sorry for my conduct, but hoped he would [144] pardon it. This acknowledgment of the offence induced him to forgive me, and as he said he considered it a frolic of youth, he would pass it over, but cautioned me against playing such tricks again. I felt myself extremely obliged by his lenity, and promised to conduct myself with more propriety in future, which promise I faithfully kept: for though the experiment to admit the squaws would not have been attended with any bad consequences, I did not chuse again to risk the commanding officer’s displeasure.

On the 11th of August, the traders arrived from the Mississippi, and brought an account of an extraordinary escape which a Mr. Ramsay and his brother had from a tribe of the nation of the Poes, in their way to St. Joseph.

The Poes are a very wild savage people, have an aversion to Englishmen, and generally give them as much trouble as possible in passing or repassing the Fort of St. Joseph’s, where some French traders are settled by their permission.^[89]

It seems the Canadians were invited by the Savages to land, and Mr. Ramsay supposing they had some furs to dispose of, ordered his men to go on shore; when standing up in his canoe just before his debarkation, three of the warriors waded through the water neck-high, dragged him out of his canoe, and carried him on shore. Mr. Ramsay’s men immediately landed, and were preparing to follow their master, but observing eleven Indians near at hand, and perceiving the bad intention of the chiefs, got again into their canoes, leaving the one in which Mr. Ramsay and his son were, on the beach, and paddled to an adjacent [145] island, waiting the event of a circumstance which threatened death to their masters.

Mr. Ramsay being tied to the stump of a tree, and his son narrowly watched, the Indians rummaged the canoe, and brought up as much rum as they thought they could drink; they then began to sing their war songs; and making a large fire near the stump to which Mr. Ramsay was tied, they sat down on the ground, and began to insult him, telling him he was an old woman, and obliged his brother to join in the derision.

The usual mode of execution among the Savages, is as follows:

When a warrior is taken, he is brought into a hut, and tied with small cords made of the bark of trees, about the size of a cod-line: he is then fastened to a stump, and a small rattle put into his hand, called chessaquoy, which he shakes while he sings the dead war song:

“Wabindan payshik shemagonish kitchee mannitoo; nee wee waybenan nee yoe Matchee Mannitoo.”

“Master of Life, view me well as a warrior; I have thrown away my body against the bad spirit.”

When the song is finished, the prisoner is untied, and made to run the gauntlet through two ranks of women, who are provided with small sticks to beat him. After this punishment a dog-feast is prepared with bear’s grease and huckleberries, of which he is obliged to eat. He [146] is then brought again to the stake, when wood is placed round him. He now sings his war song, and the women set fire to the pile, the prisoner singing as it burns. The bones are then collected and fixed to the war-standard, which is a high pole painted with vermillion.

It is said that the nation of the Followens, or Wild Oats,^[90] kill their wives and children before they go to battle, that in case of a defeat the enemy shall not have any prisoners of their nation.

The Poes, beginning to feel the effects of the rum, examined the cords, which were made of the bark of the willow tree, and ordered some wood to be put round the stump, to be ready when they should find themselves disposed to burn him. Soon after they untied him, and brought him to the war-kettle to make his death-feast; which consisted of dog, tyger-cat, and bear’s grease, mixed with wild oats, of which he was compelled to eat. Mr. Ramsay, knowing the nature of Indians, complied with seeming cheerfulness, and said he was satisfied. He was taken back to the intended place of execution, and tied again to the stump, from which, with great composure, he desired permission to make his speech before he changed his climate, which being granted, he immediately spoke to them to the following effect:

“It is true the Master of Life has sent me here to those Indians whose hearts are full of poisoned blood, and as they mean me to change my climate, I shall go with courage to a better trading ground, where I shall find good Indians. They have always known me to have had pity on them, their wives, and children, since I have been a trader, and to have opened my heart to them on all occasions; but now the [147] bad spirit has joined his heart with theirs, to make me change my climate, which I am glad of, for I am better known in the country I am going to, and by greater warriors than ever these were. I now look on all the chiefs as old women; and as I am the Peshshekey (or buffalo), I shall drink my last with them, and carry the news to the warriors in the other climate.”

Having attentively heard his speech, they prepared for his death; which he perceiving, immediately told his brother not to be disheartened, as he had hopes of overcoming their fury, and desired him to ply them with rum, and keep their kettles constantly filled. His brother followed the instructions he gave him, and distributed the rum among them very plentifully. When Mr. Ramsay discovered that they were sufficiently intoxicated to be incapable of doing mischief, he desired his brother to cut his cords; and being released, assisted in pouring rum down their throats till they were quite insensible. Fired with resentment at their intended barbarity, he and his brother cut all their throats, loaded his canoe with the articles they had taken out, and paddled from shore as fast as they could. The men hailed him at some distance, and were rejoiced to see him safe; and after arranging their cargo, pursued their journey into the Indian country, by a different course.

I was informed Mr. Ramsay returned afterwards to Michillimakinac, where he was congratulated by the commanding officer on his fortunate escape; but he never thought it prudent to go that route again.

About this time the Indian traders formed a company of militia, which I joined with the rank of adjutant and lieutenant, under Captain [148] John Macnamara. In the month of June 1780, news was brought from the Mississippi, that the Indian traders had deposited their furs at La Prairie des Chiens, or Dogs’ Field, (where there is a town of considerable note, built after the Indian manner) under the care of Mons. Longlad, the king’s interpreter;^[91] and that the Americans were in great force at the Illinois, a town inhabited by different nations, at the back of the Kentuckey State, under the Spanish government, who have a fort on the opposite shore, commanded by an officer and about twelve men, to prevent illicit trade.^[92]

The commanding officer at Michillimakinac^[93] asked me to accompany a party of Indians and Canadians to the Mississippi, which I consented to with the utmost cheerfulness. We left the post with thirty-six Southern Indians, of the Ottigaumies and Sioux nations, and twenty^[94] Canadians, in nine large birch canoes, laden with Indian presents. After a march of three days I was taken ill, which I attributed to hard living in the Nipegon Country; considering, however, the urgency of the business, and that there was not any one of the party capable of acting as interpreter, I struggled with my indisposition; apprehending, also, that if I could not pursue the journey, I should be exposed to great inconveniences; and therefore I encreased my endeavours, determined to risk my life at all hazards.

The fourth day we encamped at Lac les Puans, so called, I apprehend, from the Indians who reside on the banks being naturally filthy^[95]—here we got plenty of deer and bears, Indian corn, melons and other fruit. The Southern Indians have more villages, and are better civilized than the Northern, the climate being warm, and nature more prolific, which [149] enables them to raise the fruits of the earth without much labour. Their houses are covered with birch bark, and decorated with bows and arrows, and weapons of war. Their beds are bark and matts made of rushes.

We pursued our voyage to Ouisconsin, a fine River, with a strong current for about sixty leagues, which our canoes ran down in a day and a half; and upon which we saw an immense quantity of ducks, geese, and other fowl. On this river we were obliged to unload our canoes, in order to transport our goods across the portage, about two miles in length. We encamped on the banks, and intended setting off at break of day, but one of the Indians was bitten by a rattlesnake, which Mr. Adair calls the bright inhabitant of the woods, and which had fourteen rattles.

Mr. Beatty relates that as he was preaching to the Indians and others, at a small house near Juniata River, a rattlesnake crept into the room, but was happily discovered and killed; and before the people could well recover themselves, a snake of another kind was discovered among the assembly, which was also killed without any other detriment than disturbing the congregation, which surprised him very much, as it was a matter of astonishment how these reptiles could crawl into the house without being offended by some one, and which also excites them to bite.

The Indians say that when a woman is in labour, holding the tail of a rattlesnake in her hand, and shaking the rattles, assists her delivery. It is always observable that the Indians take out the bag which contains [150] the poison of this venomous reptile, and carry it alive in their medicine box when they go to war.

This unfortunate accident retarded our journey till the unhappy sufferer relieved himself by cutting out the wounded part from the calf of his leg, and applying salt and gunpowder, and binding it up with the leaves of the red willow tree; he was soon able to proceed, bearing the pain with that fortitude for which the Savages are so eminently distinguished.

At the close of the next day we encamped near the river, and it rained very hard: the Indians made some bark huts. One of them walking some distance in the woods, discovered a small loghouse, in which he found a white man, with his arms cut off, lying on his back. We conjectured he had been settled at the spot, and killed by a bad Indian, which must have happened very recently, as he was not putrid. Before our departure we buried him.

The next day we arrived at the Forks of the Mississippi, where were two hundred Indians of the nation of the Renards, or Foxes, on horseback, armed with spears, bows and arrows. They did not seem pleased with our appearance, which Warbishar, the chief of our band, told me.^[96] Just before we landed they dismounted, and surveyed us. The Sioux asked me if I was afraid; I told them I had seen a greater number of Savages before, and more wild than any of the Southern Indians. Warbishar gave orders to strike ashore. As soon as we landed, the Renards took our Indians by the hand, and invited them into their camp. In the space of an hour they prepared a feast, which consisted of five [151] Indian dogs, bear, beaver, deer, mountain cat, and racoon, boiled in bear’s grease, and mixed with huckleberries. After the repast, the Indians danced and sung. A council was then held, when the chief of the Renards addressed Warbishar to this effect.

“Brothers, we are happy to see you; we have no bad heart against you; although we are not the same nation by language, our hearts are the same: we are all Indians, and are happy to hear our great Father has pity on us, and sends us wherewithal to cover us, and enable us to hunt.”

To which Warbishar made answer.—“It is true, my children, our great Father has sent me this way to take the skins and furs that are in the Dog’s Field, under captain Longlad’s charge, least the Great Knives (meaning the Americans)^[97] should plunder them. I am come with the white man (meaning me) to give you wherewithal to cover you, and ammunition to hunt.”

When the speech was finished, we immediately distributed the presents, got our canoes into the water, and left the Renards in the most friendly manner.

After seven days journey we arrived at La Prairie des Chiens,^[98] where we found the merchants’ peltry, in packs, in a loghouse guarded by captain Longlad and some Indians, who were rejoiced to see us. After resting some time, we took out about three hundred packs of the best skins, and filled the canoes. Sixty more which remained, we burnt, to prevent the enemy from taking them, having ourselves no [152] room to stow any more, and proceeded on our journey back to Michillimakinac. About five days after our departure, we were informed that the Americans came to attack us, but to their extreme mortification we were out of their reach. Seventeen days after leaving La Prairie des Chiens, we arrived at Lac les Puans, where we found a party of Indians encamped. The next day we embarked, and arrived at Michillimakinac, after an absence of eighty days. Soon after my return, I waited on the commanding officer, expecting payment for my services; but was referred for satisfaction to the Indian traders, from whom I never received any compensation.

By this means I was left destitute even of the necessaries of life; but I did not remain long in this uncomfortable situation, for I soon found protection and support among the Indians; but as their assistance would not afford the means to appear in civil society, I was under the necessity of soliciting friendship from the merchants, to enable me to return to Montreal, which I fortunately obtained. I left Michillimakinac in the beginning of September, and arrived at Montreal on the 27th of the same month.

I embraced the first opportunity to call on my old master, expecting to find him in good health, but alas! he had paid the debt of nature, and was succeeded by his nephew, who had been cotemporary clerk with me. He permitted me to lodge at his house for a fortnight, but a few days after my abode with him, my situation being different from what I had experienced during the life of my old master, I asked him to fit me out with an assortment of goods for the Indian trade, and promised to remit him payment in furs. He told me I was welcome to any [153] goods he had in his store that would suit me, but on examining the stock, all the merchandise proper for the Savages was disposed of, and nothing left that would answer any profitable purpose.

I then left his house, returning him thanks for his civility; and having procured pecuniary assistance from a friend, took lodgings in the town, where I stayed some time. I then went to Quebec, where a gentleman accidentally hearing that I was out of employ, and knowing that I could speak the Indian languages, sent for me and engaged me in his service, to go among the Indians at Lake Temiscaming,^[99] or any other situation I might think most eligible for commerce.

[154] Leave Quebec—Description of the Loretto Indians; some Remarks relative to an Assertion, that the American Indians have no Beards.—Mistake the Mercury Packet of Quebec for an American Privateer.—Proceed on our Journey, and arrive at our Winter Residence.—Description of several Sorts of Snakes.—Meet with great Success, and soon complete our Traffic.—Return to Quebec.

Being furnished with a proper assortment of merchandise, I left Quebec, and proceeded to Tadousac,^[100] which is at the end of the Saguenay River, near the River St. Laurence. About nine miles from Quebec there is a village inhabited by the Loretto Indians, who are properly of the nation of the Hurons.^[101] They embraced Christianity, through the means of the Jesuits, and follow the Catholic religion. The women have remarkable good voices, and sing hymns in their own language most charmingly. They cultivate the ground, and bring the produce to market; and in their manners they are the most innocent and harmless of all the Savages in North America. Their houses are decent, and built after the Canadian fashion; they are an exception to the generality of Indians, seldom drinking any spirituous liquors; they are for the most part tall, robust people, and well shaped; have short black hair, which is shaved off the forehead from ear to ear, and wear neither caps nor hats. With regard to their beards, though they are scarcely visible, they have them in common with all the tribes of Savages; but having an aversion to excrescences, they carefully pluck [155] out every hair from the upper jaw and chin with brass wire, which they twist together in the form of pincers; and it is well known that all traders carry out that article of commerce for this express purpose.

Baron de la Hontan seems to have been much mistaken when, in speaking of the Savages, he says that they have no beards. Lord Kaims was also in the same error, when he asserted there is not a single hair on an Indian’s body, excepting the eyelashes, eyebrows, and hair of the head, and that there is no appearance of a beard.

This observation Mr. James Adair remarks is utterly void of foundation, as can be attested by all who have had any communication with them; and major Robert Rogers,^[102] who certainly knew the Indians as well as any man, says that they totally destroy their beards; which proves beyond a doubt that they are not naturally imbarbes.

I have been led into these observations from the perusal of Lord Kaims’s Sketches of the History of Man,^[103] who not only insists that the Indians have no beards, but builds on the hypothesis to prove a local creation.

Tadousac is on the sea side, north of the River St. Laurence, and inhabited by a few Indians called mountaineers, who live chiefly on fish;^[104] and one trader, clerk to the gentleman in whose service I was engaged.

There is a French clergyman and a church for the Indians, who are all Catholics. At this village I remained a fortnight, during which [156] time the American privateers were continually cruizing about. One morning there was a great fog, but we could just discern at a small distance a vessel: this alarmed the priest and the Indians. My brother Englishman (the trader who was settled here) joined with me in soliciting the Indians to stand their ground, which the priest strongly opposed, though paid by the British government. This incensed me, and I insisted on taking some of his flock with me to reconnoitre, and endeavour to discover what vessel she was, though I had strong suspicions she was an American privateer. We went towards the shore, but could not discover the number of guns she mounted; we returned to our camp, and all the Indians at my request accompanied me to attack her. We embarked in canoes, dressed alike, and as we approached perceived she lay at anchor, and was a vessel of inconsiderable force, mounting only eight small swivels. I immediately went on one side of her, and directed the Indians to the other, to inclose her as much as we could. Having reached the vessel, I took hold of a rope and went on board; the captain was alarmed, and his fears were increased when he saw himself surrounded with canoes, filled with Savages armed with guns and tomahawks; however, he advanced towards me, and clapping me on the shoulder, asked what I wanted? I was too politic to make any reply at that time. He then asked me, if I would have some biscuit? I replied, caween, or no. He shook his head, as much as to say, I wish I could know what you want. The Indians then came on board, and the captain having only seven men; and our number being upwards of forty, well armed, did not know how to act, but, probably willing to please me, ordered his men to get some biscuit and rum. Whilst the sailors were gone, I perceived she was an English vessel, and then asked the captain in English to whom she belonged; he was very agreeably surprised, [157] told me his name was Allcrow, and that he commanded the Mercury Packet of Quebec. This information gave me occasion to rejoice we did not take rough means; and when I communicated the intelligence to the Indians they were highly pleased, and shook hands with the captain.

The captain then accompanied us to shore in our canoes, and we landed at our encampment. We afterwards went to the priest’s house, where we dined. Mr. Martin, the priest, and myself were invited on board the next day, when we had an excellent repast, with plenty of wine and other liquors. Unfortunately we drank too freely, and returning in the evening, the priest began to be very angry with me for encouraging the Savages; this reprehension, with his former conduct, incensed me exceedingly, and in the heat of passion I threw him overboard, but by the assistance of the sailors he was saved. On our landing, our contest led us to blows, but we were soon parted. When we were recovered from intoxication, we shook hands, and afterwards remained good friends.

The next day the Indians were seized with an epidemic fever, which deprived them of the use of their limbs, and occasioned a delirium. The disorder attacked me very severely, but by the friendly assistance of Mr. Martin, who had a medicine chest, in about three weeks I recovered.

The winter now advancing very rapidly, and the unavoidable delay at this post, obliged me to proceed on my journey on snow shoes, carrying all my goods on Indian slays, through the woods, and over [158] high mountains.

We travelled twenty-one days, on a deep snow, about one hundred leagues through the Saguenay country, which was very fatiguing, till we arrived at a place called Checootimy;^[105] about half way up the river on which it stands the salt water ebbs and flows. Only a few Indians reside here, and one Indian trader, with whom I wintered, and hunted, killing a great many animals. Early in the spring I took my leave of him, and being furnished with canoes, pursued my journey to St. John’s Lake; from thence to Panebacash River, to Lake Shaboomoochoine, which lies northeast of Lake Arbitibis about the distance of seven days Indian march.^[106]

Near the Falls of Panebacash River I landed, and ascended a high mountain, to survey a large cave, about two hundred yards deep, and three yards wide at the mouth. Here I picked up a piece of ore, about three inches square; the exterior crust was black and very thin, and when broke, appeared yellow. I brought it to Quebec, but by some accident lost it, which I lamented exceedingly, as some of my friends to whom I shewed it were of opinion that it was very valuable.

This journey was farther inland, by near eighty leagues, than any trader had ever been, the only settlement in that part of Canada being at St. Peter’s Lake, where a French house was formerly established, and where an English trader, who was employed by the merchants in whose service I was engaged, resided.

I arrived at Lake Shaboomoochoine on the 26th of May, 1781, where I intended only to stay a few days; but some Indians arrived who assured me that it would answer my purpose to winter, and promised [159] to supply me with fish, furs, and skins. This induced me to remain here; and I built a house suitable for my business, and kept two Indians with their wives to hunt for me.

On the 29th we set our nets, and in about four hours caught abundance of large trout, pike, maskenonjey, pickerill, and white fish, and as the country abounded with wild fowl, we were never without two courses at table, with roots for garden stuff.

On the 17th of June a band of Indians arrived, who were agreeably surprised to see a trader at a place where no one had settled before, and they were particularly delighted when they heard me speak their own language.

During my residence here I saw a great many snakes; and one day in particular as I was walking in the woods, I discovered one of those reptiles in the grass; the instant I perceived it, I cut a long stick and dropt it gently on the snake’s head; it immediately moved, and I could hear the rattles very distinctly. Whilst I was surveying the brightness of its colours, which were inexpressibly beautiful, it was coiling itself round like a rope to dart at me; this warned me of my danger, and I took the taper end of the stick, and let the heavy end fall on its head; the weight of the blow stunned it, and seizing this opportunity, I struck it again, which killed it. I measured it, and judged the length to be at least five feet and an half, and the thickest part about four inches in circumference, with nine rattles on the tail, which agreeable to the general observation, made his age nine years; but I believe this is not an established fact, as it is uncertain at what time the rattle begins to appear.

[160] The flesh of this reptile is delicious, and I have frequently eaten of it with great goût. I have seen the Indians poison it with the juice of tobacco.

Whilst I am on the subject, though not quite connected with it, I shall make some observations on the turkey and black water snake.

The turkey snake is longer than the rattle snake, with stripes on the back, and a spear at the end of its tail like an anchor, and a double row of teeth in each jaw. It takes its name from its voice, which resembles the note of a wild turkey. In the Mississippi it feeds on wild rice, which grows among long grass, bearing its head frequently erect, and makes a noise like a turkey to decoy it; as the bird approaches, the snake darts its tail into it, and makes it an easy prey.

The black water snake is used by the Indians when they go to war; they pull out the teeth, tie the head and tail together, and fasten it round their bodies, which soon kills it. They take it off every night, and put it on every morning.

In travelling from Toniata Creek, on the River St. Laurence to Pimetiscotyan Landing, on Lake Ontario, I saw one of these snakes swimming with a flat fish in its mouth, which I had the good fortune to shoot, and released the prisoner from the jaws of death.^[107]

I kept a flag constantly flying at my little fort, which the Indians paid respect to by a salute from their guns. The band who were at this time with me held a council, and made me a present of two very large [161] beaver robes, and several valuable skins, with plenty of provisions, for which I supplied them with tobacco, rum, trinkets, and ammunition. Two days after they left me, and desired me to wait their return, which I promised, provided they would bring me furs and skins to load the canoes, and they should be repaid with Indian goods. As I depended on their punctuality, I remained perfectly satisfied.

I was then left with two white men, and two Indians and their wives. We passed our time in hunting and fishing; and as there were a great many small islands near us, we made frequent trips to shoot wild fowl, which enabled us to keep a good table. On one of the islands we discovered two Indian huts, but from their appearance no person had visited them for a length of time. About half a mile from the place we saw a high pole, daubed over with vermilion paint; on the top were placed three human skulls, and the bones hung round: the Indians supposed it had been erected many years. About an hour before sun set we returned to our wigwam. The next morning, in the absence of the Indians, the Canadians assisted me in mixing the rum, and assorting the goods, to be prepared against the arrival of the Savages, and to fill up the time, which hung heavy on our hands.

On the 24th of June, a band of Indians arrived from Lake Arbitibis, who brought a considerable quantity of excellent furs and skins, with dried meat, which I bartered for. When the bargain was made, I gave them some rum, as usual upon such occasions, which, after their long march, highly delighted them. They drank very plentifully, as I had exceeded the common donation, but their cargo deserved it; and I always found it my interest to be generous to them upon a barter.

[162] On their departure, taking an Indian for my guide, I made a visit to a brother trader, one hundred and fifty miles from my settlement. I stayed with him about a fortnight, and was on the point of returning, when two Indians came to inform me, by the desire of my Canadians, that a band of Savages waited for me. In about five days we returned, and I bartered for all their furs.

On the 16th of July, about fifty Savages came with their spring hunt, which I also bartered for, though the peltry was very inferior to what is collected in winter; but as I was determined to make as good a season as possible, I was eager to avail myself of every opportunity to increase my stock.

The latter end of the month, the band who had promised to return came in, and fulfilled their promise, bringing a large quantity of furs, which, with the stock I had collected during their absence, was as much as my canoes would hold. They also brought intelligence that the Hudson’s Bay Company had been pillaged of their furs by the French.^[108]

Early in the month of August I made up my packs, and embarked for Quebec, where I arrived in about six weeks, to the great joy of my employers, who, from my long absence, were very uneasy; however, the cargo fully satisfied them, and convinced them of my industry and integrity in their service. Being persuaded I had undergone great fatigue, they made me a handsome present above my salary, and I quitted their service, and the Indian life, with a resolution to endeavour to procure an employ less hazardous, and where I could partake [163] of the pleasures of society with less fatigue both of body and mind.

I remained some time at Quebec, and intended to pass my winter there, but my money being nearly exhausted, and my mind not reconciled to another Indian voyage, I returned to Montreal, where I found friends to supply my wants till the spring following.

[164] Visit Fort George.—Remarkable Instance of Courage in a Mohawk Indian.—Return to England.—Enter into a new Engagement, and return to Canada, with Merchandise for the Indian Commerce.

In May I took a trip to Fort George, situated on a lake of the same name, called by the French, Saint Sacrement, where I stayed with some of the Mohawks, who were encamped there.^[109] In the beginning of the French and Indian war in 1757, there was a remarkable instance of resolution and cool deliberate courage in one of these Savages, occasioned by a sentence being passed upon a soldier to receive five hundred lashes for intoxication.

An Indian known by the name of Silver Heels, from his superior agility, as well as his admirable finesse in the art of war, and who had killed more of the enemy than any one of the tribes in alliance with Great Britain, accidentally came into the fort just before the soldier was to receive his punishment, and expressed his displeasure that a man should be so shamefully disgraced. He went up to the commanding officer, and asked him what crime the soldier had committed: the officer not chusing to be questioned, ordered one of his men to send Silver Heels away, and to inform him that the company of Indians was not agreeable on such occasions; Wa! wa! or, Oh! oh! replied the Savage, but what is the warrior tied up for? For getting drunk, answered [165] the soldier:—Is that all? said Silver Heels, then provide another set of halberts, and tie up your chief, for he gets drunk twice a day. Having said so, he instantly left the fort, telling the soldier he should quickly return, to endeavour to prevent the punishment being inflicted. Soon after the delinquent was tied up, and the drummers in waiting to obey orders, Silver Heels returned; and going up to the officer, with a tomahawk and scalping knife, said to him, Father, are you a warrior, or do you only think yourself so? If you are brave, you will not suffer your men to strike this soldier whilst I am in this fort. Let me advise you not to spill the good English blood which to-morrow may be wanted to oppose an enemy.—The officer, turning upon his heel, answered with an indignant look, that the soldier had transgressed, and must be flogged.—Well! replied Silver Heels, then flog him, and we shall soon see whether you are as brave a warrior as an Indian.

About two days after the officer was riding some distance from the fort, and Silver Heels was lying flat on his stomach, according to his usual custom when he watched to surprize an enemy. The officer passed without perceiving him, when he instantly sprung up, and laying hold of the horse’s bridle, told the officer to dismount and fight him. The officer judging it improper to risk his life against a Savage, refused to dismount, and endeavoured to spur his horse. Silver Heels perceiving his intention, tomahawked the horse, who fell down suddenly, and the officer rolled on the ground without being hurt. Now, says Silver Heels, we are on equal terms, and, as you have a brace of pistols and a sword, you cannot have any objection to fight me. The officer still refusing, Silver Heels told him, that he thought himself a warrior when he ordered one of his white slaves to be flogged for a [166] breach of martial law, but that he had now forgot the character he then assumed, or he certainly would have fought him: and looking very sternly, added, that he had a great mind to make him change his climate; but as that mode of proceeding would not answer his purpose, and sufficiently expose him among his brother warriors, he might walk home as soon as he pleased; and that to-morrow morning he would come to the fort with the horse’s scalp, and relate the circumstance. The officer was rejoiced to escape so well, though he was obliged to walk a distance of three miles.

The next morning Silver Heels arrived, and asked to see the officer, but was denied admission into his presence. Some of his brother officers came out, and enquired his business; he related to them the circumstance between the officer and himself, and exhibited the trophy; adding, that to-morrow he intended going to war, and should make a point of taking an old woman prisoner, whom he should send to take the command of the fort, as the great chief was only fit to fight with his dog, or cat, when he was eating, lest they should have more than him. Then asking for some rum (which was given him), he left the fort to fulfil his promise, but was soon after killed in an engagement, fighting manfully at the head of a party of Mohawks, near the Bloody Pond, joining to Lord Loudon’s road, in the way to Albany.

Just before the frost set in, I returned to Montreal, and visited my old Cahnuaga friends, where I amused myself in the Indian way, as I always preferred their society to the Canadians; notwithstanding, I occasionally mixed in more civilized amusements, and as I danced tolerably well, my company was generally sought after.

[167] The Canadians are particularly fond of dancing, from the seigneur to the habitant; and though the meaner sort of people do not excel in it, there is a peculiar ease, and careless indifference, which, though it appears too rustic, is far from being disagreeable. The beverage on these occasions is sour Spanish red wine, called black strap; and this, homely as it would be thought in more refined assemblies, is there considered as a very handsome manner of treating their friends.

The winter being passed, I determined to go to Quebec, and endeavour to get a passage to England, not having any prospect of a permanent settlement in Canada. On my arrival I put up at a tavern, and lived as moderately as possible, from necessity more than inclination; for every one knows that Indian traders, like sailors, are seldom sufficiently prudent to save much money. Fortunately for me, I met with an old school-fellow at Quebec, a captain of a ship, whom I had not seen for sixteen years. To him I communicated my distressed situation, and by him was generously relieved. In addition to this act of kindness, he promised me a free passage to England on board his vessel, which offer I accepted with pleasure and gratitude.

Having fixed the time of his departure, I took the post, and went to Montreal to settle my affairs: I then returned to Quebec, from whence we sailed the 11th day of October, 1783, and put into Newfoundland. When we came in sight of harbour, several of us requested permission to take the long boat, and row on shore, which was granted; but it being a dead calm, we made very little way. We had not left the ship more than a league, when a southwest wind sprang up, and retarded us considerably. In the evening the wind abated, and with hard rowing [168] we reached the shore about midnight, both fatigued and hungry. Early in the morning the ship came into harbour, and had suffered some damage by beating about in the night, which induced the captain to dispose of the cargo. On the 9th of November we left Newfoundland, on board another vessel: our passage was favourable, without any remarkable occurrence, and we arrived in London the 30th of the same month.

In February, 1785, I quitted Montreal, and walked from La Prairie to St. John’s,^[110] where I accidentally found a friend who supplied me with money to go to New York. I proceeded to Stony Point, where I stayed two days with some loyalist officers, some of whom accompanied me to Crown Point, where we also stayed three days.^[111] We then parted company, and I hired a slay, which carried me safely to New York, where I took a lodging, and lived as moderately as I could.

During my residence there, I met a Loretto Savage, called Indian John, who had been in the American service all the war, and who waited to receive a reward for his fidelity, as the Congress were then sitting. He told me he had been at war for them nine years, had killed a great many of their enemies, and had only received a gun, two blankets, three pieces of Indian gartering, and one hundred dollars in paper money, which he could not make use of; and as I understood his language he desired me to render him service by interpreting for him to the governor. I desired him to call at my lodgings, and in the mean time I wrote down the circumstances he had related to me, that I might be prepared, in case I was sent for at a short notice.

A few days after he explained to me more fully the nature of his claim, and how he had been trifled with by Congress. I asked him his reasons for engaging in the American service; he told me that at the commencement of the war, the Big Knives (meaning the Americans), had advised him to turn his heart from the English, and promised to supply all his [170] wants; and, as an additional inducement, that they would pay a better price for a scalp than had been usually given, and at the close of the war he should have land and stock sufficient to maintain himself and family: but he was now convinced they only meant to serve themselves, as he had frequently applied for a performance of their promises without success; and that he was determined to get satisfaction some way or other.

I told him I was not sorry for his disappointments; that he was a bad Indian for deserting his good father, who lived on the other side the great water, and who was universally beloved by all who knew him, particularly by the Loretto nation; and as the subjects of this great and good father lived near his village, and gave every proof of their love and friendship to his nation, which he could not be ignorant of, I was surprized that he should suffer his heart to be moved by the changeable winds, and was sorry to add, that I believed he was the only Loretto Indian with two minds, and therefore I was unwilling to say any thing in his behalf before Congress.

These remarks on his conduct seemed to affect him, and he replied, that he hoped, notwithstanding he had deserted the cause of his great father, he should find me his friend to attend him when his affair should be taken under consideration by Congress, as he had not any one in New York who could serve him so essentially. I told him, that in spite of my just displeasure, his situation had melted my heart, and I would not refuse his request.

In about four days he came to acquaint me that Congress were then sitting, and he believed they would pay his demand if I would go [171] with him, and interpret to the governor; but having taken an active part against the Americans during the war, I would willingly have been excused. On his urging my promise to him, I could not resist, and immediately accompanied him to the council, where Governor Franklin was president, who asked me if I knew Indian John; I told him, only by seeing him at New York, and that I came at his particular request to speak in his behalf. He desired me to assure the Indian that he might depend on having his demand satisfied in a few days, and to make his mind easy: this I communicated to him, with which he seemed perfectly satisfied.

Soon after he was sent for, and he received an order on a merchant for one hundred dollars, which being presented for payment, was not honoured: this incensed John, and he desired me to tell the merchant, that the Congress and their agents were all thieves. The merchant excused himself by saying that the treasury was very poor, and could not immediately satisfy every demand.

The next day John went again to the governor, and having acquainted him with the refusal of the draft, received an order on another merchant, which was duly honoured.^[112] John’s heart was quite elated, and in less than ten days he had disposed of all the money, like a true Indian, principally in drink.

My interference in favour of the Indian made me well known, and procured me an introduction to a respectable mercantile house, from which I got credit for the Indian trade. Having arranged my cargo, I proceeded in a vessel to Albany, where I arrived on the 18th of June. [172] At this place I unloaded my goods, and got them conveyed in a waggon to Schenectady, where I purchased two boats. On the 6th of July I proceeded up the Mohawk River, to the German Flats, where I stayed three days; during which time a band of Oneida Indians came and solicited me to winter at their village, which was about ten days march from Fort Stanwix. I complied with their request, and set off with twenty-eight horses to carry my baggage, being obliged to travel through the woods, and sold my boats to satisfy those from whom I hired the horses. I arrived safe at the village with all my goods, but finding the plan was not likely to turn out advantageous, after a residence with them three weeks, I bartered for the few skins they had, and having re-purchased my boats, I left my Indian friends, proceeding immediately to the Jenesee Lake, where I arrived on the 14th of September.

Having landed and secured my goods, I ordered my men to prepare a house. The chiefs, on hearing of my arrival, assembled, and came up to me, accompanied by their young men, expecting presents, which I was obliged to make; and I asked permission to stay on their ground. Some consented, and others disapproved; at the last, after consulting each other, they told me I might go on with the building. The men immediately proceeded with cheerfulness and dispatch, in hopes of finishing the business before their return; but how transitory are all human events! whilst the men were at work, some Indians came in great haste to desire my attendance at the council fire, which was at a small distance from my intended place of residence. I obeyed the summons, and sat down by the chiefs, when one of them rose up, and addressed me to the following effect.

[173] “You are the Sugar, for so you are called in our tongue, but you must not have too much sweetness on your lips. All the Oneida Indians say they have heard that you are only come under a pretence to get our lands from us; but this must not be, my young warriors will not suffer any Englishman to settle here. You are like the great chief, General Johnson, who asked for a spot of ground, or large bed, to lie on; and when Hendrick, the chief of the Mohawks, had granted his request, he got possession of a great quantity of our hunting grounds; and we have reason to think that you intend to dream us out of our natural rights.^[113] We loved Sir William, and therefore consented to all his requests; but you are a stranger, and must not take these liberties: therefore, my advice is, that you depart to-morrow at break of day, or you will be plundered by the young warriors, and it will not be in our power to redress you.”

As I have mentioned a council, I shall describe the form of a house erected for that purpose near Fort Pitt.

The building is long, with two fires in it at a proper distance from each other, without any chimney or partition: the entry into the house is by two doors, one at each end: over the door the figure of a turtle was drawn, which is the ensign of the particular tribe: on each doorpost was cut out the face of an old man, an emblem of that gravity and wisdom that every senator ought to be possessed of. On each side, the whole length of the house within, is a platform, or bed, five feet wide, raised above the floor one foot and a half, made of broad pieces of wood split, which serves equally for a bed to sleep on, and a place to sit down. It is covered with a handsome mat made of rushes, and at the upper end of the building the king, or great chief sat.

[174] To return from this digression,—We baled up our goods, and proceeded to Fort Oswego, which I attempted to pass, but was prevented by a centinel, who informed me that no batteau with goods could pass without the commanding officer’s permission. I told him I was not an American, and would wait on him to know if he had issued such orders. I travelled in my Indian dress, and left my men at the landing, about a mile and a half from the garrison. I paid my respects to him, and acquainted him with my situation: he told me he should be very happy to oblige me, but that it was impossible to pass the fort without proper credentials; and as I had them not, he desired me to return to the United States, to prevent my goods being seized. Notwithstanding this friendly advice, I was determined to run the risk, and, to my extreme mortification, they all were seized by the customhouse officers, by them deposited in the king’s warehouse, and afterwards condemned.

In this distressed situation, and very ill in health, I went down in a king’s boat to Cataraqui, where I arrived on the 8th of November, and took up my abode at Mr. Howell’s tavern. My indisposition increasing, I was obliged to keep to my blankets, and had only one faithful squaw to attend me. In this miserable state I lay some time, expecting every hour to change my climate, though determined to use every endeavour to effect a recovery. At this interesting period my correspondent arrived from England, and notwithstanding the losses he had sustained by my imprudence, performed the part of a good Samaritan, pouring oil and wine into my wounds; and finding my disorder required medical assistance, desired a surgeon to attend me, and I was soon sufficiently recovered to pursue my journey to La Chine, where I remained some months in preparing the goods which he brought from England [175] for a Northwest journey among the Indians, intending to go next spring to Michillimakinac; mais la mauvaise fortune qui nous poursuivit toûjours, frustrated all our schemes, and obliged us to leave La Chine on the 26th of May, 1786, from whence we proceeded in a large Schenectady boat^[114] to Oswegatche, where we stopped a few hours, and landed at a place called Toniata Creek, where I determined to apply for five hundred acres of land as a loyalist settler;^[115] which being granted me by government, I immediately felled timber to build a house for the accommodation of Indians, in hopes of deriving considerable advantages by barter.

In a few days the Indians came to trade with us, which gave us encouragement, and at the same time flattered us with the pleasing ideas of succeeding in commerce: but some affairs requiring my friend’s attendance at Montreal, trade suffered a temporary suspense, and at his return he told me that we must leave our quarters, for he was apprehensive of a seizure for an English debt.

In this cruel dilemma, flight was our only security, and we embarked all our goods on board a large batteau, and proceeded to Pimitiscotyan landing upon Lake Ontario, where we entered a creek, and found accommodation at a trader’s house. The next morning we prepared a house for trade, and for some days went on successfully; but our happiness was of short duration, for an officer pursued us, and took possession of all the effects he could find, even to the tent which sheltered us from the weather, and carried them down to Montreal, where they were sold for less than one fourth part of their original cost and charges.—Thus circumstanced, without any property to trade with, we came down [176] to the Bay of Kenty, and resided there ten months among the loyalist settlers, whose hospitality tended to soften the rigour of distress, and alleviate my sorrows. Early in spring, 1786, we crossed over to Carlton Island, and from thence to Fort Oswego, intending to go into the United States by that post; but not having any pass, we were not allowed to pursue our journey. In this mortifying situation I advised my friend to adopt another plan, and procured a conveyance to Salmon Creek, about twenty miles from the Fort. Here we rested one day, and with five pounds of pork, and two loaves of bread, we set off on foot, escorted by a squaw, expecting to reach Fort Stanwix in about four days; but the old path was entirely obliterated, and we were obliged to return in the evening to the creek, disappointed in the attempt. Unwilling to make another effort, we agreed to return to Fort Oswego, and though the distance was not more than twenty miles, we were six days before we reached the garrison.