SECOND EXPEDITION
[104] Proceed to winter again among the Nipegon Indians;—Design of an Indian to plunder us;—unfortunate Accident happens to an Indian Chief;—narrowly escape being assassinated by an Indian Straggler; Murder of Joseph la Forme, a Trader.
On the 15th of August I left Pays Plat, with four birch canoes, and the same men who wintered with me at Lac la Mort, and arrived at Riviére la Pique, which runs into Lake Superior: this river is very crooked for about seven miles, and extremely deep; it abounds with fish, particularly pike, from which it takes its name.[74] On our landing, we found a large band of Chippeways, and some of the Rat nation, who immediately prepared a feast for us of dried meat, fish, &c. Among them was an Indian named Ogashy, or the horse; he was reckoned, even by his own tribe, a bad Indian, which put me on my guard during my encampment there. I traded for their skins and furs, and gave them some rum, with which they had a frolic, which lasted for three days and nights; on this occasion five men were killed, and one woman dreadfully burnt. When the fumes of the liquor had evaporated, they began, as usual, to reflect on the folly of their conduct, and all except Ogashy expressed great concern; he seemed rather to be pleased at the mischief which had happened, and before my departure, I was informed that he intended to destroy me, and plunder the property. To frustrate his villainous intention, I kept him in good humour, and made [105] him sleep in my hut, a compliment he seemed highly pleased with, and which I believe for the time diverted him from his purpose; and though by no means fond of his company, I judged it most prudent to have my enemy in sight. In the morning I gave him a glass of rum, and promised him a two-gallon keg to carry off the ground, which, as the Indians express themselves, drove the bad spirit from his heart. When my men had prepared every thing for embarkation, I gave the chief of the band the liquor, and a single bottle of rum more than I promised to Ogashy, unknown to the rest, in which I had infused a considerable quantity of laudanum. Unsuspicious of what I had done, he put the bottle to his mouth, and shaking me by the hand, said to me, “Kee talinimanco negee,” or, “your health, friend,” and immediately took a hearty draught which soon stupified and lulled him into a profound sleep, in which, I was afterwards informed, he remained twelve hours, depriving him of the power of doing harm, and that soon after, an Indian who had an antipathy against him, and only sought an opportunity of gratifying his resentment, tomahawked him. His eldest son burnt him, and fixed his bones on a high pole, as he was the head chief of the tribe.
We proceeded on our voyage, and arrived at a short carrying place, called Portage la Rame, where we encamped for nine days, being wind bound; here we found a number of Indians in the same situation.
As soon as Lake Superior was passable with safety, we continued our journey through strong and dangerous rapids, which kept us continually in the water, and very sensibly affected our limbs; on these occasions, [106] where great exertion is necessary, all distinction is laid aside, and it is tel maitre, tel valet, the bourgeois must work as hard as the engagés, to encourage them to do their duty with more alacrity, and avoid all cause of complaint.
The wind proving favourable, we proceeded to Cranberry Lake, so called from the great quantity of cranberries growing in the swamps. We stopped here two days to refresh ourselves after the great fatigue we had undergone in struggling against the rapids. Being sufficiently recovered, and having nothing to detain us, we proceeded to a short carrying place called La grande Côte de la Roche, near the entrance of the Nipegon River, which is a high ridge of rocks that must be passed to avoid the great cataract which I mentioned in my former voyage. At this time we had very little animal food, but fortunately killed three large bears in the middle of the portage, which supported us several days, besides which, we reserved some of the meat we had smoked and dried to carry with us.[75]
From La grande Côte de la Roche we proceeded to Lac le Nid au Corbeau, or Crow’s Nest Lake, which is about two hundred miles in circumference, and supplied by a number of small rivers; there are also several islands on it which furnish the Indians with great plenty of wild fowl: bears are also found here in abundance, and a surprising number of beaver dams, running in a crooked direction about ten miles. The Chippeways hunt here, and find a great deal of game.
The reader will observe that in the first voyage I gave an account of another Crow’s Nest Lake, which is very small, with an island in the [107] middle with high palm trees: in such an extent of country it is not surprising that there should be two places of the same name.[76]
During our stay a band of Indians arrived from Lake Arbitibis, who probably were dissatisfied with the trader they dealt with, and intended to go to Michillimakinac, but finding that I understood their language, they bartered with me, and made me a present of meat and fish. An accident happened here which had nearly proved fatal, and which was of infinite service to me ever after, by putting me more on my guard in all transactions with the Savages.
Some of the chiefs being desirous of seeing my Northwest guns, I was obliged to open a case for their inspection; this I did unwillingly, as the weather was fine, and I was extremely anxious to get to the wintering ground before a heavy fall of snow: having shewn them the guns, they loaded four, and laid them down by the cases, intending to try them; during the time they were thus employed I was busy in arranging the goods that had been displaced in getting at them; but as soon as I was at leisure, I took up one of the guns in a careless manner, not knowing it was charged, and snapped the lock, which most unfortunately shot off the ear of one of the chiefs, and I also received some injury by the powder flying in my face, and almost depriving me of sight. The discharge was so instantaneous, and appeared so premeditated that the chief reproached me in very severe terms for the injury I had done him, and threatened revenge; however, I soon convinced him it was an accident, and giving him some presents, he consoled himself for the loss of his ear, which was very large and handsome, and without a single break, which made it very valuable in his estimation. It was fortunate [108] I did not kill him, as in all probability we should have been sacrificed to the resentment of the band.
The Indians pride themselves in having large ears, and extended as wide as possible, which renders them liable to be pulled off. It is very common in drunken frolics to lose them; but when they are only torn, they cut them smooth with a knife, and sew the parts together with a needle and deers’ sinews, and after sweating in a stove, resume their usual cheerfulness.
The next day we took our leave, and pursued our journey to Shecarke Sakiegan, or the Skunk’s Lake, which runs with a strong current. In the fall it abounds with geese and ducks: here we hunted one day, and with good success. The next morning at break of day we embarked, and had favourable weather till we arrived at Lake Schabeechevan, or the Weed Lake. This lake is about one hundred and eighty miles in circumference, and full of small islands; it abounds with fish, and the swamps are full of wild rice and cranberries; it is about six days march from Lac la Mort.
This lake was an unfortunate situation to my employers last year, when one of their servants, Jaques Santeron, went off with a valuable cargo. On my arrival, I looked out for the house he had erected, but could not discern the least trace of it; probably he was so elated that he made a feu de joye on the prospect of being his own master. At the extremity of this lake is a fall of water, which runs from a river of the same name, and has a direct communication with the waters leading from Fort Albany, within the boundaries of the Hudson’s Bay territories: [109] it is about thirty days march across nineteen portages and creeks, besides fourteen rapids, which are a great hindrance to the journey. The Indians run down the strong currents without the least fear, and seldom meet with any accident, performing the voyage in one third part of the time they take in ascending, and without any damage to their canoes, which in going against the stream are frequently rendered useless, and they are obliged to make new ones, before they can pursue their voyage; but it is a most convenient circumstance that they are no where at a loss for birch bark, and being also very expert, they will make a canoe in three days sufficiently large to carry three people with necessaries for their support, and room to stow their furs and skins.[77] On this lake there are about one hundred and fifty good hunters, who make a great many packs of beaver, &c. and this was one inducement for settling here, which was increased by the prospect of a plentiful supply of fish, rice, and cranberries, which are winter comforts of too great consequence to be slighted.
Having secured the canoes, and refreshed my men with good soup, I left them in charge of the goods, and took two Indians to shew me a convenient place to build a house, which having fixed on, a building was erected, fifty feet long, and twenty feet wide, divided into two separate apartments, one for merchandise, and the other for common use. The rum being concealed in the woods, and every thing properly arranged, we put the fishing tackle in order; and as the lakes began to freeze very fast, I divided my men into two parties, one half to be employed in fishing, the remainder (except one man whom I always kept in the house) in providing fuel for winter. In about three weeks a sufficient quantity of wood was piled near the house, and the wood [110] cutters joined the fishing party: they proved very successful, so that our minds were more at ease than in the preceding year, not having the dread of famine.
In about ten days a numerous band of Indians arrived with their fall hunt, none of whom I had ever seen, not having wintered so far inland before. They seemed well pleased to find a trader settled among them, and particularly as I spoke the language; but when I informed them that I was a brother warrior, and shewed the marks of adoption in my flesh, they were highly delighted. The women were immediately ordered to make up huts, and prepare a feast; whilst this was doing the Indians came into my house, one by one, and seating themselves on the floor, began to smoke, and looked very cheerful. When I had given them tobacco and other Indian goods, the old chief, whose name was Mattoyash, or the Earth, took me round the neck, and kissed my cheek, then addressed me in the following words.
“Meegwoitch kitchee mannitoo, kaygait kee zargetoone an Nishinnorbay nogome, shashyyar payshik artawway winnin tercushenan, cawween kitchee morgussey, an Nishinnorbay nogome cawwickar indenendum. Kaygait kitchee mushkowway geosay haguarmissey waybenan matchee oathty nee zargetoone Saggonash artawway; winnin kaygait hapadgey kitchee morgussey an Nishinnorbay; kaygwotch annaboycassey neennerwind mornooch towwarch nee zargey debwoye kee appay omar, cuppar bebone nepewar appiminiqui omar.”—“I thank the Master of Life for loving us Indians, and sending us this day an English trader, who will open his heart to me and my young men. Take courage, young men, suffer not your hearts to be bound [111] up, and throw away the bad spirit from you: we all love the English traders, for we have heard of their pity to Savages; we believe that they have an open heart, that their veins run clear like the sun. It is true we Indians have but little sense when drunk, but we hope you will not think of this, and if you will stay with us, we will hunt with spirit for you.”
When he had finished his speech they all got up, and taking me by the right hand, conducted me to their hut; immediately on entering, one of the warriors placed me on a large beaver robe which was prepared for me, and put a wampum belt round my neck, singing all the time to the Master of Life, while myself and the chief were eating. When the feast was over, I took two of the Indians to my house, and gave them two kegs of rum, and ten carrots of tobacco, with other articles, for which they gave me all their peltry. They then began to frolic, which continued three days and nights: the only accident which happened was to a little child, whose back was broke by the mother. When they had rested a day after intoxication, I supplied them with plenty of ammunition for their winter’s hunt, and they departed perfectly satisfied with their reception. I cannot help relating the method I was obliged to adopt to quiet an old Indian woman, who was more troublesome than the rest, and continually importuned me for liquor.
I infused forty drops of the tincture of cantharides, and the same quantity of laudanum, into a glass of rum, and when she came to me soliciting very earnestly for the strong water, I gave her the dose which was prepared for her: she drank it without hesitation, and being already much intoxicated, it made her stagger. But this did not satisfy her, and [112] she still asked for more; I then repeated the dose, which she also drank, and then fell on the floor. I ordered my Canadian to carry her out of the house, and lay her carefully near her own wigwaum, where she remained twelve hours in a deep sleep, to my entire satisfaction. I have always found laudanum extremely useful; in general it may be considered an essential article in the commerce with the Indians, as it proves the only method of overcoming their intoxicated senses, and making the life of a trader more tolerable, by putting a stop to their impertinence.
On the 19th of November a band of about forty Indians came in with a few skins and a great quantity of dried meat, with some bears’ grease, which I purchased for a little rum, and advised them to carry it along with them off the ground; they complied with my wishes and embarked perfectly sober.
It was always my custom to endeavour to persuade them to take away the rum, though I seldom succeeded. The fatigue of watching them when the liquor begins to operate is inconceivable, besides the risk of our lives and property.
After their departure I was left for near a month with only one man, the rest being employed in fishing and watching the marten traps: in both pursuits they were successful, but particularly in the former, having brought home near eight thousand, trout, pike, pickerill, and white fish, which we hung up as usual to freeze. When the severe weather sets in every man has his allowance served out twice a day, and this rule is constantly adhered to even though the stock be very considerable.
[113] In the beginning of December a new married couple arrived, and having given them a little rum, they got very merry; and perceiving the woman was in great good humour, I desired her to sing a love-song, which she consented to with cheerfulness.
THE SONG
“Debwoye, nee zargay ween aighter, payshik oathty, seizeebockquoit shenargussey me tarbiscoach nepeech cassawicka nepoo, moszack pemartus, seizeebockquoit meteek.”
“It is true I love him only whose heart is like the sweet sap that runs from the sugar-tree, and is brother to the aspin leaf, that always lives and shivers.”
I thanked her for her song, and giving the husband a bottle of scuttaywabo,[78] left them together to enjoy their hearts’ delight; and as there was not sufficient to intoxicate them, I was not afraid of a jealous fit. I always bore in mind the circumstance at Lac la Mort, and my fortunate escape. In the morning they departed, paying me well for my presents with some beaver, bear, and otter skins.
A few days after an Indian arrived, with his two wives and three children; they immediately came into my house, and sat down by the fire. I thought I discovered deceit in his countenance, and watched him very narrowly. I asked him what success he had met with in his hunt? He told me he believed the Master of Life was angry with him, for he had fired at several animals, and expended all his ammunition, without doing execution. This was a figurative mode of expression, [114] and convinced me that he was lazy, and could not get credit for what he wanted: he added, that his family had been without provisions some days, and hoped I would cheer their hearts, and be a friend to them. I then ordered a large kettle to be put on the fire, and boiled some fish, which they ate of very heartily, particularly the women and children.
I questioned him concerning his hunting grounds: he told me he was from Hudson’s Bay, and had come so far, hearing some traders were settled at Skunk’s Lake, and as he knew there were plenty of animals, he expected to get a great many skins. This I was convinced was false, and I immediately considered him as a straggler, or he certainly would not have travelled so far, unless he had done something to displease the servants at the Company’s forts, and could not obtain credit. Looking at me very earnestly, he asked me to trust him a gun, blanket, and ammunition; but I refused him: this displeased him; and going out of the house, one of them called him, the other followed him out, and said something to him in a low tone of voice: this appeared to me like a confederacy, and put me on my guard. In a few minutes he returned, and renewed his solicitations; saying, “Are you afraid to trust me forty skins? I will pay you in the spring.”—I told him I never gave credit to any but good hunters, and I was sure he was an idle straggler, who lived without industry, and advised him to return to his own tribe, and solicit their assistance who knew him better than I did. So severe a check to his application (and which I was afterwards sorry for) seemed to rouze the bad spirit in his heart, and he left me under the influence of the Matchee Mannitoo, and went down to his canoe, seeming to be in deep discourse with his wives.
[115] My man observing them, watched them very narrowly, and saw the Indian endeavouring to file off the end of his gun, to make it convenient to conceal under his blanket; having shortened and loaded it, he returned with it hid under his dress. This transaction being a convincing proof of his diabolical intention, I directed my man to stand on one side of the door, and I took my post on the other, waiting his entrance into the house. Just as he passed the threshold, I knocked him down with a billet of wood, and taking his short gun from him, beat him so much that we were obliged to carry him down to his canoe, where his family were waiting for him, and ordered them all off the ground, threatening that in case of refusal his canoe should be instantly broken to pieces, and his family turned adrift. The squaws and children appeared very much distressed, and with great reluctance obeyed my orders. Thus I got rid of an unprincipled set; and, as will soon appear, escaped a danger which was certainly intended to involve me and my men in utter ruin.
A few days after their departure, an Indian arrived and informed me that Mr. Joseph la Forme, a brother trader who was settled at Lac le Sel, was killed by a Savage, and described his person. I had no doubt but he was the same man who attempted to destroy me. I communicated every circumstance of his conduct, and the revenge I took on the occasion. The Indian congratulated me on my happy escape, as he was known to be a bad man by all the tribe, having killed his brother and one of his wives last fall, which was the reason that the band he belonged to would not suffer him to stay among them. As I was anxious to know the particulars, I desired him to relate them. He told me that he was informed by a Savage whom he accidentally met, and [116] to whom the murderer had revealed the particulars, that the Indian being disappointed in his design against me, pursued his journey with the bad spirit in his heart, and arrived at Joseph La Forme’s house, which he entered, and asked for rum and tobacco, which was given him; but observing he had not any thing to trade with, La Forme was suspicious of him: whilst he was smoking he asked for credit, but was refused, and told that he was not only a bad hunter, but that he had a heart of lead. This imprudent reproach incensed him, and observing no one in the house but the trader, (the men being fishing) he watched a convenient opportunity, and when La Forme stooped to light his pipe, shot him through the head, plundered the house of a few things, and went off.
On this information I dispatched six Indians, with a trusty Canadian, to endeavour to secure the property, in which they fortunately succeeded, and brought away all the peltry, merchandise, &c. and the deceased trader’s men, whom I engaged in my service. About six weeks after, one of the tribe whom he had formerly offended, and who had heard of this recent act of villainy, after repeated reproaches for his baseness, tomahawked him, cut off his head, and brought it to my house to shew my Indians.
The unhappy fate of Joseph La Forme affords a melancholy example of the precarious situation of all Indian traders; and furnishes a useful lesson of instruction to those who may in future be engaged in commerce with the Savages—that it is frequently more prudent to conceal resentment than to gratify it.
The latter end of January, 1779, a band of the Rat Nation arrived, belonging to Shekarkistergoan, or the Skunk’s-head Lake, which is between Lake Nipegon and Lake Manontoye. They brought me provisions and furs, which I bartered for; giving them rum, as usual, of which they drank freely without doing any mischief. After their departure we were short of provisions, having a larger household to provide for, by taking La Forme’s men into my service. We were reduced to a few fish and some wild rice, or menomon (which are kept in muccucks, or bark boxes), to support myself and seventeen men; the allowance to each being only a handful of rice and a small fish, about 2lb. weight, which is boiled together and makes pleasant soup. I have often been surprised that fish-broth is not more generally used, as it is certainly very palatable; but I am not sufficiently informed in medical knowledge to speak either of its wholesomeness or nutritive qualities. Sturgeon broth is delicious, and leaves a pleasing taste on the tongue; but as it rather increases the appetite for food, [118] as I have experienced, it should not be taken but when there is plenty of meat to be got. This fish is very common in Albany, and is sold at 1d. per lb. York currency. The flesh is called Albany beef.
The frost continuing very severe, and no appearance of Indians to supply our wants, we were obliged to take off the hair from the bear skins, and roast the hide, which tastes like pork. This, with some tripe de roche boiled, was all our nourishment.[79]
Tripe de roche, or hawercoon, is a weed that grows to the rocks, of a spongy nature, and very unwholesome, causing violent pains in the bowels, and frequently occasions a flux. I am informed the traders in the Northwest, have often experienced this disorder; and some of them, in very severe weather, have been compelled to eat it for fourteen days successively, which weakened them exceedingly. When the disorder does not terminate in a flux, it occasions a violent vomiting, and sometimes spitting of blood, with acute spasms in the bowels.
After suffering great hardships, I advised my men to make marten traps, and set them in the woods as they did last winter at Lac la Mort, which supplied us occasionally, but very short of our real wants. At last a band of Indians arrived with ten slay load of meat and furs, which relieved us, and gave us fresh spirits. My men discovered them at a distance, and, though much enfeebled by severe hunger, put on their snow shoes to meet them.
It is surprising what efforts nature makes to support distress, and how cheerfully she struggles when the prospect of relief is near at [119] hand; every painful recollection of past sufferings quickly vanishes, and new life seems to breathe through every vein. Those who live in constant luxury, and are ignorant of the meaning of the bread of carefulness, are strangers to the joy arising from an unexpected supply, and sitting down to a table in the wilderness. Hunger needs not the borrowed aid of sauce; and, in the language of Pope, “To enjoy, is to obey.”—How delightful is such obedience!
The Indians seeing our distress by our looks, which were very meagre, gave us all their provisions, consisting of bear, racoon, and moose. The kettle was soon put on the fire, and we made a comfortable repast, with cheerful hearts; the Indians during the time enjoying the happiness of relieving our wants.
Notwithstanding the cruelty of Savages, they possess virtues which do honour to human nature, and exhibit instances of generosity and kindness which the most philanthropic soul cannot exceed. They are ignorant of those mean sordid sentiments which disgrace many more enlightened, and more wealthy; and from the knowledge I have of their disposition, I am sure they would blush at the parsimonious conduct of those whom Providence hath blessed with affluence.
After the repast, the chief (not willing to disturb us before) asked for some tobacco, and having smoked some time, said he had bad news to tell me, which some Indians had informed him of, concerning Mr. Fulton, then at Shekarkistergoan, and which he was sorry to relate, as it affected him exceedingly. I desired him to finish his pipe, and drink a glass of rum before he began the story; and at the same [120] time mentioned my surprise at not hearing of any remarkable circumstance, having traded with a band of the Rat nation within a few days, who came from that Lake. He told me he had met the band, and related the affair to them, who were much astonished; but as Mr. Fulton’s men were not returned from fishing when they left the place, the transaction was not known till after their departure.
Mr. Fulton being obliged to divide his men into two parties, which is called the cawway, or casting lots, which party shall hunt and fish, and which shall stay with the master, did so accordingly. The fishing party consisted of Charles Janvier, François St. Ange, and Lewis Dufresne, all natives of Canada, who, being provided with axes, ice-cutters, and fishing materials, set off, and at the expiration of eight days arrived at a convenient place, where they built a hut, in which they lived for some time tolerably well; but fish failing them, and having no success in hunting, they were almost starved. In this situation, said the chief, the bad spirit had entered into the heart of Janvier, and he being the strongest man, supported hunger better than his companions, by which he was enabled soon after to effect a diabolical purpose he had formed, of killing the first Indian who should come in his way, and which he had declared he would do. In the height of their distress Janvier perceived a Savage at some distance, with a load at his back, and instantly returning to the hut, told his poor dispirited partners of their approaching relief. They instantly got up, though very weak, and came out of the hut as fast as their feeble limbs would allow them. The Indian arrived, took off his load, which was only two otters, and two hares, and gave them to Janvier, who received them with great satisfaction; and when he had skinned them, boiled [121] them in the kettle without cleansing them, so extreme was their hunger. This seasonable relief was soon devoured, and from the eagerness with which Janvier eat, and the satisfaction which appeared in his countenance when he looked at the Savage, the men were in hopes he had forgot the rash determination he had formed, and flattered themselves his mind was not so depraved as to entertain a thought of doing an injury to the man whose timely assistance had saved their lives. The next morning the Indian told them he was sorry he could not assist them further, having no ammunition, but that he was going to Mr. Fulton for a supply.
Janvier’s heart being inexorable even to the kindness he had received, desired the Savage to assist him in placing a large log of wood on the fire, as his companions were unable to do it. The Indian cheerfully complied, and stooping to take it up, Janvier knocked him down with an axe and dragged him to the door of the hut, cut him up, and with the most unfeeling barbarity put as much of the flesh of his deliverer into the kettle as he thought sufficient for a meal. When it was dressed, he compelled François St. Ange, and Louis Dufresne, to partake of it, and obliged them to kiss the cross which hung at his breast, and swear by all the saints never to reveal the transaction; threatening, at the same time, that if they did they should share the same fate. Intimidated by his threats, and the certainty that he would fulfil them, they solemnly promised perfect compliance with his injunctions. Having overcome their first aversion, which extreme hunger had occasioned, they ate immoderately of the horrid meal, and soon after fell sick, with violent reachings. During their indisposition they complained to each other softly, that it was eating the Indian’s flesh [122] which had occasioned their sickness: Janvier overhearing them, called them fools and rascals, and asked them if they were afraid the Savage would come to life again; and with an insolent sneer desired them to tell him which they thought the best part of a man? The poor fellows only replied they were very sick and could not tell the cause. In a few days (having no other provision) the Indian was eaten up, and Janvier determined to have human flesh if no other could be obtained. To this end he sought an opportunity to quarrel with St. Ange—Dufresne not daring to interfere in the dispute. Janvier willing, however, to appear as plausible in the eyes of Dufresne as possible, widened the breach very artfully, till pretending he was no longer able to contain his anger, asked Dufresne if he did not think St. Ange deserved the Indian’s fate, for daring to say he would reveal the circumstance he had so solemnly sworn to conceal. Dufresne dreading the consequences of differing with him in sentiment, said he thought St. Ange was to blame; upon which reply, Janvier immediately struck him with an axe, and killed him: he then cut him up, and boiled a part, of which he obliged Dufresne to partake, he not daring to shew any reluctance. Fortunately for Dufresne the weather became more moderate, and having caught plenty of fish, they proposed to return to their master. Janvier, intoxicated with ideas of his superiority, obliged Dufresne to drag him in an Indian slay to Mr. Fulton’s house—a cruel imposition upon him, and a dreadful service to a weak emaciated man! but knowing he was unable to resist, he made a virtue of necessity, and obeyed the tyrant with seeming cheerfulness. On the journey he was frequently reminded of his oath, and the fatal consequences that would attend him if he should ever divulge the secret, which Janvier assured him would produce instant death.
[123] Mr. Fulton was much rejoiced at their return, being in want of his men, as the Indians were daily coming in with their winter hunt. Soon after their arrival he made enquiry after St. Ange—but no answer was given. He then addressed Janvier directly upon the subject, who said he was gone on the hunt with a chief of the name of Onnemay, or the Sturgeon, whom Mr. Fulton knew, and that he would soon return. One of the Canadians contradicted him by saying that could not be true, as Onnemay left Mr. Fulton’s house the day before their return. Janvier then said he might be mistaken in the chief’s name, as he was not well acquainted with the Indian language, and Dufresne, for fear of a discovery at that time, changed the conversation in hopes of pleasing Janvier.
Several days elapsed, and St. Ange not returning, Janvier was again questioned, who told them as before, and appealed to Dufresne for the truth of his assertions, which he was obliged to confirm.
Mr. Fulton not being perfectly satisfied, examined them apart; from Janvier he could not get any information, but Dufresne hesitated, and at last said he had sworn not to reveal—but that St. Ange would never return.—Mr. Fulton endeavoured to convince him that the breach of an oath, so imposed, was no crime; and in the end he convinced the Canadian that it was so far from being obligatory in the sight of God, that it would be a sin of the most heinous nature in him to conceal the truth; artfully adding, as an additional argument to induce him to reveal the transaction, that if he had no doubt he was himself perfectly innocent, he could not have any honest motive for secrecy, and that he had no occasion to dread the resentment of Janvier, as he would engage to [124] protect him from all hazard by the discovery. Thus persuaded and encouraged, Dufresne disclosed the whole affair, but requested Mr. Fulton’s secrecy, which he promised until the conversation should be renewed, when it was agreed that he should relate every particular in Janvier’s presence. Janvier was repeatedly urged by the rest of the men to give them some information respecting the absence of St. Ange, but he remained obstinately silent: some of them went so far as to accuse him in pretty plain terms of knowing too much about him, but he treated their insinuations with indifference.
Mr. Fulton having disposed of all his goods, prepared to leave his wintering ground, and every thing being properly arranged they departed. The first night after their departure Mr. Fulton loaded a brace of pistols, and having previously acquainted his men with the discovery Dufresne had made, and the punishment he intended for the villain, came out of his tent and stood by the fire round which the Canadians were seated. The conversation about St. Ange being purposely renewed, Mr. Fulton remarked it was cruel to leave him in the woods with the Indians, and blamed Janvier particularly, as he was the foreman of the party, and therefore the more responsible. Janvier nettled at the repetition of the subject, (for guilt is soon angry) replied that St. Ange was able to take care of himself, and that he had not any controul over him. Dufresne was then censured; upon which, agreeably to the plan settled with Mr. Fulton, he divulged the whole transaction, and gave a full account of every particular of Janvier’s conduct. Janvier attempted to take instant revenge for the aspersion, as he called it, and denied the charge with the most hardened effrontery and solemn asseverations. Mr. Fulton then thought it a proper time [125] to interfere; and to cover him if possible with confusion, asked him “which was the best part of a man?” Janvier replied, with ready insolence, that those who had eaten human flesh could easily tell: but being repeatedly urged, and at length thrown off his guard, he replied in great wrath, the feet. The party encouraged by this confession, pressed the charge, till at last he confessed the facts he was accused of, and declared that in a similar situation he would kill his brother.
Mr. Fulton could no longer suppress his resentment, and going up to Janvier, told him he was an abandoned villain, first for killing a harmless Indian who had generously relieved his wants, and afterwards eating him like a cannibal; that not content with these atrocious acts, he had encreased his guilt by another deliberate murder on a defenceless man, his companion, his fellow-labourer, and friend; that he was a disgrace to human nature, and ought not to be suffered to live a moment longer; and without allowing him time to reply, shot him through the head. The men were ordered to bury him, and in the morning Mr. Fulton continued his journey to Michillimakinac, where on his arrival he surrendered himself to the commanding officer, who on a close examination of the men, honourably acquitted him; but recommended him not to venture again into those parts, where the Indian was killed, lest the Savages should hear of the transaction, and resent the death of one of their tribe, whereby the innocent might suffer for the acts of the guilty.[80]
In the month of February I had a visit from a trader, dressed in a smoked leather shirt; who was accompanied by three Indians, and had been absent five days from Fort Albany.[81] He said he was induced to come [126] from a motive of curiosity to see me, not having heard of any person wintering so far inland before, except the servants belonging to the Hudson’s Bay Company. At that time I had very little provisions, and eight men to maintain, besides Mr. Joseph La Forme’s Canadians; our chief food was tripe de roche; on his arrival the kettle was on the fire with the leaves: he asked what food I had; I ordered some to be taken out of the pot, and put into a bark dish, which he tasted, but could not swallow. I informed him that it had been a principal part of our diet for many days, and in the best of times we had nothing but wild animal food, and seldom any flour, as the quantity of Indian corn we were able to bring along with us from Pays Plat was not sufficient to last the winter. When I had given him a description of my mode of living, which he confessed was very different from the comforts he enjoyed, I took him into my store, and shewed him the packs of beaver I had collected: this increased his surprise, as he could not conceive how it was possible to transport a sufficient quantity of goods to barter for the value I seemed to be in possession of. He asked me to return with him, and promised to supply me with provisions; but I told him I was engaged in an employ, and had supported the same disagreeable situation the preceding winter at Lac la Mort; and as I could not expect to pass my life among the Indians with so much ease as in England, my duty obliged me to remain till the season was over, when I should return and endeavour to make myself some amends for the hardships I had endured, by giving a good account of the merchandise intrusted to my care, and receiving a reward for my labours. In the morning he took his leave, wishing me the speedy arrival of some Indians who might be able to relieve me from such pressing necessity by supplying me with plenty of more nourishing and palatable food.
[127] This civility from one of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s servants leads me to make some few observations in vindication of that respectable body, whose character has been so severely, and I think so unjustly, censured.
Mr. Joseph Robson, one of the company’s servants, who resided in their factory six years as surveyor and supervisor of the buildings, in a work published by him some years since,[82] animadverts in very strong terms on the mode in which the governors of forts exert what he calls their uncontroulable authority, and asserts that their extreme tyranny is a perpetual source of personal disgust. He also says, that “the overplus trade is big with iniquity, and no less inconsistent with the company’s true interest, than it is injurious to the natives, who by means of it are become more and more alienated, and are either discouraged from hunting at all, or induced to carry all their furs to the French.” It may be necessary here to observe, that the overplus trade arises from the peltry which the company’s servants obtain in barter with the natives beyond the ratio stipulated by the company, and which belongs to themselves.
This is a heavy charge, and, if true, a very proper cause of complaint; but it should seem there is not sufficient ground for the accusation, for Mr. Robson afterwards says that this overplus trade is of little advantage to them, for “that part of it, they always add to the company’s stock, for the sake of enhancing the merit of their services, and apply the remainder to their own use, which is often expended in bribes to skreen their faults, and continue them in their command.” What a strange degree of folly, as well as of guilt! that the governors are so [128] weak and so wicked as to commit enormities only to make a temporary advantage, and are obliged to distribute the wages of iniquity in order to skreen themselves from its consequences among the company, and their confederates in vice; whereas by a contrary conduct they would be equally rich, more respected, and also feel an inward satisfaction of mind from the consciousness of having discharged their trust with integrity; ideas too absurd to be admitted. With regard to the company, it cannot be supposed they are ignorant of this “overplus trade,” or the means by which their servants obtain the advantages arising from it; if they are not, and no impartial person will suppose they are, they not only allow but approve of the conduct of their governors, from a conviction of its being beneficial to the interests of the company; a proper reward for the labours of their servants, or from some other motive, which because it is adopted by men so respectable, and so much above reproach, must be allowed to be wise and prudent.
In the next place, I believe it will be very difficult to prove that the conduct of the governors has “alienated the natives from the company’s interest, and discouraged them from hunting.” The former is at present by no means clear, as I am credibly informed the New Northwest Company,[83] whose trade extends to the boundaries of the settlements of the Hudson’s Bay Company, find very little encouragement from the Indians; if therefore the natives were disgusted, they would embrace the first opportunity of shewing their dislike, by carrying their peltry to the new traders; nothing can be more natural than to expect that this would be the consequence; but as they have not done so, the inference is fair that they are not disgusted.
[129] Another observation is, “that the cruel and oppressive behaviour of the governors and captains towards the inferior servants, not only deters useful people from engaging in the company’s service (a circumstance they should attend to for their own interest), but furnishes one pretext for the bad character that is given of the company.”
Though in the particular department in which I have been many years engaged as an Indian interpreter and trader, I have had few opportunities of a personal and intimate acquaintance with many of the company’s servants (having been in a commerce in direct opposition to their interest), yet I can speak with confidence in regard to some of them whom I have conversed with; that in every point of view I believe them to be useful servants, and well skilled in the language of the natives.—So far in answer to the assertion “that useful people are deterred from entering into the service.” And by way of refuting the charge of “cruelty and oppression,” I need only add, what none I think will deny, that they have been so well satisfied with the conduct of their superiors, that many of them have continued in the service more than twenty years.
I believe, upon the whole, it will appear that the conduct of the governors at home and abroad, is perfectly consistent with the true interests of the company, and that any other mode of behaviour would tend to anarchy and confusion; and I must declare for my own part that I never heard of that personal disgust which Mr. Robson so much complains of, but have rather found an anxious solicitude to be employed in their service.
[130] Mr. Carver, in his history of North America, observes, “that on the waters which fall into Lake Winnepeek, the neighbouring nations take a great many furs, some of them they carry to the Hudson’s Bay Company’s factories, situated at the entrance of the Bourbon River, but this they do with reluctance on several accounts; for some of the Assinipoils and Killistinoe Indians,[84] who usually traded with the company’s servants, told him that if they could be sure of a constant supply of goods from Michillimakinac, they would not trade any where else; that they shewed him some cloth, and other articles purchased at Hudson’s Bay, with which they were much dissatisfied, thinking they had been greatly imposed on in the barter.”
To this Mr. Carver adds, “that allowing their accounts true, he could not help joining in their opinion; but afterwards he admits that this dissatisfaction might probably proceed, in a great measure, from the intrigues of the Canadian traders; and that the method they took to withdraw the Indians from their attachment to the Hudson’s Bay Company, and to engage their good opinion in behalf of their new employers, was by depreciating, on all occasions, the company’s goods, and magnifying the advantages that would arise to them from trafficking entirely with the Canadian traders: in this they too well succeeded; and from this, doubtless, did the dissatisfaction which the Assinipoils and Killistinoes proceed.” But, says he, further, “another reason augmented it, the length of the journey to the Hudson’s Bay Factories, which they informed him took up three months during the summer heats to go and return, and from the smallness of their canoes they could not carry more than one third of the beaver they [131] killed, so that it is not to be wondered at that the Indians should wish to have traders come to reside among them.” As Mr. Carver did not travel in the interior parts as a trader, he could not have any interested commercial motives; on that account he is certainly entitled to credit as an impartial observer: the public will judge of his remarks, and how far they tend to censure, or approve, the conduct of the Hudson’s Bay Company.
I am induced to indulge this digression in consequence of a new publication on the present state of Hudson’s Bay by Mr. Umfreville.[85]
It has unfortunately happened that the company’s enemies have been frequently of their own household, persons in whom they placed confidence and to whom they entrusted the mysteries of their commerce. Differences will naturally arise, and doubtless have arisen between the governors and their servants, in which case no man is, or ought to be, obliged to stay in a service that is disagreeable to him; but then it is certainly sufficient to leave the employ, and highly improper to endeavour to prejudice the interest he once thought and felt it his duty to promote; and I am of opinion that not a single transaction, or circumstance, should be revealed that has not an immediate reference to the cause of the disagreement, or is necessary to support or vindicate a reputation. The present governors are men of great probity, and probably may not condescend to take notice of these heavy charges against them; but as the most exalted virtue may be injured by groundless assertions, I trust the public will not be displeased with any endeavours, however feeble, to vindicate the character of so respectable a body. As I do not intend to enter on the subject more fully, I shall only entreat the reader, if [132] he wishes further satisfaction on this head, to peruse the publication of Mr. Robson, who was one of the company’s servants, and who, Mr. Umfreville acknowledges to be a true and impartial writer. From his account the reader will judge of the propriety of Mr. Umfreville’s censures on the conduct of the governors of the Hudson’s Bay Company. A more copious examination of Mr. Umfreville’s publication would exceed the limits I have prescribed to myself; and I cannot but think that those who peruse it will readily perceive how much injustice he has done to the governors and the company.