Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino, Volume 3 (of 3) / Illustrating the Arms, Arts, and Literature of Italy, from 1440 To 1630

APPENDIX III

(Page 22)

THE DUKE OF URBINO’S JUSTIFICATION, 1527.[256]

WE print this document with hesitation, and solely from its being the Duke's own and formal defence against very serious charges; which, however, it leaves untouched. It is a futile attempt to evade these by feeble and puling recrimination; to distract attention from their true merits by circumlocutions and reiterations, which our version has somewhat condensed. The original is one unbroken sentence, rudely constructed, apparently of purpose to mystify the reader.

APPENDIX IV

(Page 27)

SKETCH OF THE NEGOTIATIONS OF CASTIGLIONE AT THE COURT OF MADRID, 1525 TO 1529, COMPILED FROM THE ABBÉ SERASSI’S PREFACE TO VOL. II. OF CASTIGLIONE’S LETTERS, AND CORRECTED FROM AUTHENTIC SOURCES.

ON his arrival at Madrid, in March, 1525, Castiglione found the Emperor and his ministers much disposed for peace; but matters soon assumed a totally different aspect, on news of the victory of Pavia, which, by annihilating the army of Francis, and leaving him a prisoner, established the supremacy of Charles, and placed him in a position to dictate terms. This event modified the policy of the Italian princes, and especially that of the Pope, who, naturally irresolute, knew not what part to take, unwilling to abandon his avowed neutrality, yet seeing no security in standing aloof from a power so dominant as that of the Emperor. On the whole, he thought it safest to come to a provisional arrangement with Don Carlos de Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, giving him 100,000 ducats for payment of his troops, as the price of his aid in recovering for the Church Reggio and Rubbiera, which the Duke of Ferrara had seized on the death of Adrian VI. He at the same time named as his legate to the leading powers of Christendom, for the purpose of concluding a general peace, Cardinal Giovanni Salviati, who proceeded to Madrid to attend the conferences for the liberation of Francis and the security of Italy. In consort with Castiglione, the Legate urged that an envoy should be forthwith despatched to Rome and Venice, in order to remove those suspicions of the Emperor's design to make himself master of the entire Peninsula, which had arisen in consequence of the Marquis of Pescara taking possession of the chief fortresses of the Milanese, and besieging Francesco Sforza in his capital, on a pretext of his plotting with the other princes to drive the Spaniards out of Lombardy, and to deprive them of Naples; it being obvious that once established in these provinces, Charles would be paramount in Italy. As to the liberation of Francis, they could get nothing beyond professions of the utmost moderation, that matter being secretly negotiated by the Viceroy.

The Pontiff, getting no satisfaction on these points, began to lend an ear to a proposed league of France, England, and Venice; but, when on the point of subscribing it, he, to the infinite disgust of his colleagues, postponed his signature on a rumour that the Commendatore Herrera was at Genoa, on his way to offer very acceptable proposals; at length, however, finding that these reports were but opiates to set him asleep, he was induced to join the confederation, notwithstanding entreaties and promises of the imperial ambassador. This league filled Charles with indignation, as he fully understood it to be directed against himself, though masked by a condition sanctioning his adherence to it. But his rage was immoderate on receiving, through Castiglione, a papal brief, which justified the confederacy as necessary for the safety of Italy and the Holy See, and complained generally of the measures of his ministers, specifying various instances wherein they had ill responded to the pacific and affectionate dispositions entertained by his Holiness towards their master. Stung to the quick by a despatch which laid bare the secret tricks of their paltry intrigues, they persuaded the Emperor to return a sharp answer, appealing to a general council whatever steps Clement might have recourse to against him, which they represented as likely to endanger his possession of Naples, and even his tenure of the imperial crown. Castiglione, who enjoyed high personal favour, was able by dexterous representations to extract from Charles himself the hope of a milder reply, and meanwhile had from him authority to assure the Pontiff of his friendly intentions, and of his resolution to comport himself as a humble and liege son; and these favourable dispositions were the more readily effected, as he had received from the wavering Pontiff a revocation of the offensive brief the very day after it had been delivered. It was, therefore, with dismay that, when shown the secretary's answer, he found it in the utmost degree bitter and spiteful; and hurrying to the Emperor, he complained of the disrespect thus shown to his Majesty's wishes in an affair of such moment, protesting that he neither could write to his master what his Majesty had already instructed him, without belying the whole negotiation, nor could he, after such treatment, rely upon or report those favourable dispositions which his Majesty had hitherto professed. Charles replied that his real intentions were conformable to his previous professions, although he had been advised by his ministers to write in such terms as might justify and secure himself, in the face of such groundless imputations as had been made in the objectionable brief; adding the most solemn abjurations, that, if his Holiness comported himself peaceably towards all, he should ever continue a good and obedient son. In an autograph letter to the Nuncio, he reiterated this explanation of his answer, with a hope that the Pope would not take offence at its contents, and an assurance that Castiglione would never be belied by him. The document which the diplomatist had the tact thus to obtain, is relied upon by his biographers as a satisfactory negative to the suspicions of Varchi, that he betrayed the Pontiff and the Church, during his vexatious relations with the Spanish court.

Meanwhile, Francis having been released, on terms which he was unable as well as unwilling to execute, and his sons consequently remaining as hostages, the new League proceeded with hostilities against the Imperialists in Lombardy, and took Lodi, whilst their ambassadors still negotiated at Madrid for the Emperor's adherence to their confederation, and for release of the French princes. This farce of armed protocolising was further complicated by various by-plots, and by endless jealousies and misunderstandings among these diplomatists, so that the Spanish ministry found no difficulty in protracting it by a succession of petty cavils, in the hope of some favourable news from the seat of war. Such was the state of matters when the first sack of Rome by Don Ugo da Moncada and the Colonna, in September 1526, reached the imperial court, and along with it the hurried truce imposed upon Clement. Charles, affecting great indignation, immediately sent to the Pope Cesare Fieramosca, his master of horse, to disown the proceedings of Moncada, and to lavish professions for the peace and welfare of Italy, the only effect of which was to lull the facile and nerveless Pontiff into a fatal security, rudely dispelled by the assault of Bourbon on the heights of the Vatican.

APPENDIX V

(Page 140)

ACCOUNT OF THE ARMADA OF THE MOST SERENE DON JOHN OF AUSTRIA,
DRAWN UP AT MESSINA THE LAST OF JULY, 1571.[258]

1. Spanish Infantry, including those at Corfu.

2. Italian Infantry.

3. Private Individuals.

[Abstract.]

Naval Force.

33 ships, each carrying from 1500 to 4500, or from 6400 to 7000 souls.

Those carrying 700 remain for the westward.

9 large barks, part of them left for the westward, and partly taken for his Highness' effects and for artificial fireworks.

The division of the great galleys to be taken on or left behind is not yet made, not knowing the amount of duty required, nor the eighty paid by the court.

Artillery.

Ammunition.

Provisions.

His Highness has resolved that Doria shall accompany his galleys to the Levant, and assist in the transport of stores, under orders to return speedily with twelve galleys; and has made him Proveditore of the western squadron, consisting of forty galleys and other vessels.

APPENDIX VI

(Page 167)

INDULGENCE CONCEDED TO THE CORONA OF THE GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY BY POPE PIUS V., AND CONFIRMED BY THEIR HOLINESSES URBAN VIII. AND ALEXANDER VII. 1666.

“THIS Corona is called the Corona of the bowels of our Lord Jesus Christ, and consists of ten Ave Marias and one Pater Noster. Every person possessing this Corona shall obtain the remission of all his sins and plenary indulgence.

"Each time that he shall take it up in full faith, and look upon it, saying, 'Lord Jesus Christ, I pray thee by the merit of thy most holy Passion, have mercy on my soul and my weighty sins,' he shall obtain remission thereof; and whoever daily looks upon it and kisses it, for the merit of the most holy Passion, shall receive as above.

"Further, each time that he shall say this, he shall liberate a soul from purgatory, and saying it a thousand times, a thousand souls shall be liberated through the privilege of this Corona; and whoever shall look upon it by the merits of our Lord's Passion, or shall touch it in full faith, shall obtain plenary indulgence and remission as above.

"And further, any ecclesiastic wearing it whilst he says the holy mass shall have the like plenary indulgence and remission, and those hearing the mass shall gain forty days' indulgence.

"Power is given to the Grand Duke to dispense seven Coronas to as many persons, from time to time for ever, warning them that they must ask them in the name of God and through the merits of His most sacred Passion; and these should be delivered gratis."

[From a contemporary copy in Bibl. Cassinatensis, x. iv. 39, p. 369.]

APPENDIX VII

(Page 210)

MONUMENTAL INSCRIPTIONS OF THE DUCAL FAMILY OF URBINO.

WE have here collected the various inscriptions in memory of the sovereigns of Urbino and their consorts, so far as these have come to our knowledge. Several are taken from Giunta, Abozzamento della Città di Urbino, a MS. in the Albani Library at Rome; or from Lazzari, Dizionario dei Pittori di Urbino, where not unfrequent errors occur: others from the originals.

I. Count Guidantonio.

On a pavement tombstone in the old church of S. Donato, close to the Zoccolantine Monastery near Urbino, is a sculptured effigy in the Franciscan habit, with the following doggerel, in some parts illegible:—

II. Duke Oddantonio.

Quoted by Lazzari from a broken statue in the palace, which had been inscribed during his life:—

"Serenissimo Oddantonio, principi præclaro, Urbini Duci primo, qui vetusti generis splendore propriâque virtute insignis, ducali diademate a santissimo Eugenio IV. recto fuit judicio decoratus."

III. Duke Federigo.

On his statue in the palace by Girolamo Campagna of Verona.

"Federigo Urbini Duci optimo, S.R. ecclesiæ Vexillifero, fœderatorum principum ac aliorum exercitum imperatori, expugnatori, præliorum omnium victori, propagatæ ditionis ædificiis, et militaris virtutis literis exornatori, populis insigni prudentia, pietate, pace, justitiaque servatis, de Italia benemerenti, Franciscus Maria Dux, abnepos, faciendum curavit."

IV.

On his monument in the Zoccolantine Church of S. Bernardino, near Urbino:—

"D.O.M. Federigo Montefeltrio Urbini Duci II., Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ vexillifero, Italici fœderis aliorumque exercituum imperatori, præliorum passim victori nunquam victo, ditionis et bonarum artium propugnatori, celebris bibliothecæ et insignium ædificiorum, tum ad magnificentiam tum ad pietatem structori, quem licet aliis preferas, nescias tamen belli an pacis gloria seipsum superavit. Obiit ann. dom. MCCCCLXXXII. suo. LXV."

V. Duke Guidobaldo I.

On his monument in the same church:—

"Guidobaldo Federici filio, Urbini Duci III., qui adhuc impubes, paternam gloriam emulans, imperia viriliter fœliciterque gessit, juvenis de adversâ triumphans fortunâ, sed vi morbi corpore debilior animo vegetior, pro armis literas, pro militibus viros selectissimos, pro re bellica rem aulicam ita coluit, fovit, auxit, ut ejus aula ceteris præclarissimum extet exemplar. Obiit an. Dom. MDVIII., suo XXXVI. Et Elizabethæ Gonzagæ, miræ pudicitiæ feminæ, ipsi jugali amore et egregia virtute conjunctissima."

VI. Duke Francesco Maria I.

From a mural slab in Sta. Chiara at Urbino; written by Bembo.

"Francesco Mariæ Duci, amplissime belli pacisque muneribus perfuncto, dum paternas urbes, per vim ter ablatas, ter per virtutem recipit, et receptis æquissime moderatur; dum a pontificibus, a Florentinis, a Venetis exercitibus præficitur; deinceps et gerendi in Turcas belli, dum princeps et administrator assumitur, sed ante diem sublato, Leonora uxor fidissima et optima meritissimo posuit, et sibi."

VII. Duke Guidobaldo II.

From the same church:—

"D.O.M. Guidus Ubaldus Monfeltrius de Ruvere, Urbini Dux quintus, sanctæ Romanæ ecclesiæ, Philippi Hispaniarum Regis, Venetæque reipublicæ exercituum præfectus et imperator summus, magnanimitate et liberalitate adeo excelluit ut eum regia cum majestate aliis potius profuisse quam præfuisse dixeris. Obit humanum diem sexagenarius, anno Dñi MDLXXIII."

VIII. Duchess Vittoria.

From the same church:—

"Victoria Farnesia Guidi Ubaldi Urbini Ducis V. conjux, maximorum principum filia, soror, amita, parens: annis quidem plena, sed præter, mulierum captum virtutibus plenior, migravit e vita anno Dñi, MDCII."

IX.

On the centre slab of the pavement of S. Ubaldo, at Pesaro, where the two last-mentioned sovereigns were interred.

"Guid. Ub. II. Urb. Ducis V. et Victoriæ uxoris ossa."

X. Cardinal Giulio della Rovere.

From a mural slab in Sta. Chiara, at Urbino.

"Julio Montefeltrio e Ruvere, sanctæ Romanæ ecclesiæ cardinali; Umbriæ bis legatione magna cum laude perfuncto; Urbini, Ravennæ, aliarumque ecclesiarum antistiti; Lauretanæ domûs ac Sancti Francisci ordinum patrono; justitiâ, pietate, beneficentiâ, Principi celeberrimo; mortalitatem explevit nonas Septembris, anno Domini MDLXXVIII., ætatis vero XLIV."

XI. Prince Federigo.

Over his tomb in the pavement of the crypt in the cathedral at Urbino.

"D.O.M. In hoc quod Franciscus Maria II., postremus Urbini Dux, sibi paraverat sepulchro, quiescunt ossa Friderici ejus filii immatura morte prærepti, III. Kal. Julii, MDCXXIII., et suæ æt. ann. XVIII."

XII.

From a mural slab in Sta. Chiara, at Urbino.

"Federicum Urbini Principem, in quem Roborea domûs recumbebat, dies fugiens incolumem, cunctisque fortunæ muneribus vidit præfulgentem, eundemque primam intra juventam inopinatâ morte extinctum, dies veniens aspexit, III. Kal. Julii, MDCXXIII. Abi hospes, ac disce felicitatem vere vitream tunc præcipue frangi, cum maxime splendet."

XIII. Duke Francesco Maria II.

From the Church of the Crucifixion, near Urbania.

"Inclina Domine aurem tuam ad preces nostras, quibus misericordiam tuam supplices deprecamur, ut animam famuli tui Francisci Mariæ, Urbini Ducis, quam de hoc seculo migrare jussisti in pacis et lucis regione, constituas, et sanctorum tuorum jubeas, esse consortem."

XIV. Princess Lavinia della Rovere.

"Laviniæ Feltriæ de Ruvere, Guidobaldi V. Ducis Urb. V. filiæ, Alfonsi de Avalos, Vasti March., Hispani Magnatis conjugi, regiis virtutibus et forma spectabili, Italorum principum Romani Pontificis et Catholici Regis conciliatrici; qui inclyto orbata viro, virginibus claustra, pauperibus bona, Christo seipsum dicavit; demum avitâ major gloriâ victrix, ad eternam evocata pacem, eam sanctimoniæ famam reliquit, ut divinitus datum noscas ultimum Roboris in materno solo arvisque ramum, qui primus gloriosiorque vigebat. Obiit A.D. MDCXXXII., suo LXXV."

APPENDIX VIII

(Page 246)

STATISTICS OF URBINO

IT would be interesting could we, in concluding this work, offer some details as to the statistics of Urbino under its native princes. But although, under the genial sun and favouring circumstances of Italy, man has in various ages advanced beyond his fellows in mental culture and social development, the science of maturing the capabilities of his position, and of marking their progression, is of modern growth. The duties of rulers and subjects consisted until lately in defence of the common weal against obvious dangers: the promotion of its general prosperity, and the registration of its gradual ameliorations, were no part either of scientific government, or of individual study. Accordingly, the lights thrown upon statistics, by historians and general writers in the best days of Italian splendour, are too few and flickering to guide us to important facts; and, though we may familiarise ourselves with the Athenian court of Duke Guidobaldo I., its manners and its gossip,—though we may recall from the ample description of many authors the stately decorations of its palaces, the pageantry of its processions, the brilliancy of its revels,—we are left in total ignorance of the internal state of the country, of its resources and industry, of the numbers and the condition of its inhabitants, of the financial position of its government. It is not till late in the sixteenth century that we meet with some materials, which,—though meagre and inaccurate, and too often bearing the double impress of carelessness and contradiction,—enable us to form some tangible estimate as to these points.[259] Here, as in most cases, recording the impartial evidence of watchful observers, the Venetian Relazione are of considerable value. Those of Mocenigo and Zane, ambassadors at Urbino in 1570-74, have been already drawn upon in this work, but it is chiefly from the latter that we have gathered the following notices.

About the middle of the sixteenth century the revenues of the duchy did not exceed 40,000 scudi, and by the terms of its investiture the imposts could not be raised without papal sanction. This restriction having been removed upon the marriage of Duke Guidobaldo II.'s daughter to the nephew of Pius IV., that prince promptly availed himself of his new prerogative, augmenting them gradually to about double that amount. The reductions consequent upon the Urbino insurrection brought down the state revenues to about 60,000 scudi, and in 1570 Mocenigo estimates the whole income, including the allodial estates, at 100,000 scudi, adding an opinion that it was capable of being much increased. Of the 60,000 scudi, one-sixth part was derived from the salt, and two-sixths from licences granted for the export of corn [tratte], the remaining half being drawn from small taxes upon the townships, to which the rural population do not appear to have directly contributed. The corn-trade was carried on coastwise from Sinigaglia, amounting in ordinary years to about 150,000 staji or bushels of wheat, partly smuggled from the papal territory, which chiefly went to supply Venice and its dependencies. The palpable inadequacy of these resources was eked out by pay and allowances drawn by the last dukes from the Venetian Republic, the Church, or the King of Spain. The cense or annual payment to the Camera Apostolica under the investiture is variously stated at from 2190 to 2907 scudi, falling due on St. Peter's day.

With these Venetian Relazioni, a document of much apparent interest has been printed in the Archivio Storico, under the title of "Balance of income and expenditure in the state of Urbino."[260] On nearer inspection, however, its value falls far short of its promise, for the entries are so confused, and the arithmetical summations so incorrect, as to destroy nearly all confidence either in the details or the general results. Still it seems to have established a few facts throwing light upon the resources of the duchy in the last years of the sixteenth century.

The revenues may be thus classified:—1. Those of twelve towns, five smaller places, and the province of Montefeltro, derived from various taxes,[261] duties on butcher-meat, salt, wine, straw, weighhouse duties on grain and other provisions, and on merchandise, passenger toll at Pesaro, rents of houses and inns, tax on the Jews (producing 953 scudi), and a variety of minor imposts varying in different places. The customs of Pesaro yielded 1226 sc.; those of Sinigaglia 160, besides 436 for pot dues, and 6000 for grain and vegetables shipped for exportation. 2. Income from manufactures[262] in various towns, stated at 5712 sc. 3. The salt duties, or perhaps monopoly, 5407 sc. 4. Revenue from mills, payable in wheat (grano) at 4 sc. a soma, 5832 sc. 5. Value of barley and oats (spelta) contributed by various communities, 1020 sc. 6. Mountain rents, 610 sc. 7. Donatives paid in wine, wood, and straw, to the value of 630 sc. 8. Produce of allodial lands, in wheat, oats, barley, beans, lupines, peas, vetches, buckwheat, flour, hay, straw, hemp, lint, wine, walnuts, wool, cheese, pigeons, and waterfowl, to the gross amount of 7321 sc. The return of expenditure is too vague and confused to be of any use, but it contains provisions to the Duchess, amounting to about 7000 sc. From these returns the Venetian estimates would appear to be understated, and a contemporary writer, whose anonymous Reports upon the Italian principalities issued from the Elzivir press, sets down its revenues in 1610 at above 200,000 scudi, of which 8000 were paid as cess to the Camera Apostolica. The imposts were considered light, for the soil was in many parts productive, and grain was exported largely from it and the adjoining Marca, at the port of Sinigaglia. The Duke's treasure in S. Leo is reckoned at 2,000,000 of scudi, a palpable error for 200,000. In 1024, the Mercurius Gallicus estimates the revenues of the duchy at 300,000 scudi, besides allodial lands, and estates in Naples amounting to 50,000 more.

In regard to population, the estimate of Zane is 150,000, the majority of whom devoted themselves to agriculture and arms, commercial industry being almost unknown. He calculates the military force at 10,000 men, half of them being trained, and about three-fourths ready for foreign service; and he dwells upon the benefit which his Republic might derive from conciliating a state whence such a force could on any exigency be quickly obtained, without the necessity of seeking free passage from any other power. The report of 1610, which evidently verges upon exaggeration, gives the fighting men at 20,000, nearly all infantry. In 1591, as we learn from an original MS.,[263] the military force of the duchy amounted to 13,313 men, of whom 8300 carried arquebuses, and 3783 wore morions. From the same authority is taken the following tabular view of the whole population, classed under townships, and amounting in 1598 to 115,121 souls.

List of mouths in all the places of the state, drawn from the Rassegne de' Grani, &c., in 1598[264]:—

A report upon Urbino, drawn up for Urban VIII. during the last Duke's life, and preserved in the Albani Library, estimates the men trained to arms at from 8000 to 10,000, but badly officered, and ill-armed or accoutred. Since the Devolution, population had increased, and the last census of the legation, nearly corresponding with the duchy, gave 220,000 souls within an area of 180 square leagues, the city of Urbino containing 7500, besides 4500 in the adjacent district.

In 1574, few or none of the nobility drew from their estates a rental exceeding 3000 scudi, but there were many burgesses owning from 300 to 400 a year. The few merchants were chiefly foreigners. Most of the small towns had been dismantled of their fortifications, only some fifty having them kept in repair, of which about twenty belonged to as many petty feudatories.

A writer soon after the Devolution states the Duke's revenues at 100,000 to 120,000 scudi, including 20,000 of Spanish subsidy, as much of allodial income, and 30,000 from escheats, penalties, and the port duties of Sinigaglia, whence a great grain trade was carried on by the Venetians out of the Marca.[265] Some years after the duchy had lost its independence, although this export was then prohibited by Urban VIII., and notwithstanding the loss of the allodial estates, the Camera drew above 100,000 scudi from direct and fiscal taxation. The militia at that time numbered 8000 infantry and 500 cavalry, besides the garrison of Sinigaglia. The fattorie, or allodial farms, yielded to the Duke 14,000 scudi when leased, but afterwards, when administered on his account, they produced 18,000: the income from mills was about 6000; that of S. Leo 10,000, of which above 6000 were spent in maintaining the place.

Some idea may be formed of the provisions for administering justice from a narrative compiled after the Devolution, but which expressly states the arrangements for this purpose to be the same as adopted by the Dukes.[266] The judges were entitled vicars or captains, podestàs, commissaries, and lieutenants, and were removable at pleasure. The vicars or captains resided in certain small towns, and were notaries, who acted as judges and clerks within their assigned bounds. Their jurisdiction extended to all cases of injury or quarrel, which they were bound to decide according to the respective municipal statutes, or, in absence of such, according to those of Urbino. In civil causes they were limited to a certain amount; above which, recourse was had to the judge of the chief district town. They had no proper criminal jurisdiction, but were bound to report all accidents to the sovereign, who frequently remitted to them to examine into slight delicts; those inferring corporal punishment being sent to a doctor, under whom the vicar acted as clerk. The podestàs were judges-ordinary in all civil and criminal cases within their bounds: and where there was no resident commissary or lieutenant, the public administration and police were intrusted to them; to each of them there was assigned one clerk for criminal cases, called maleficj, and named by the Duke, and two for civil causes chosen by the community. The system of appeal from one of these courts to another, being founded upon local reasons, was complicated, and need not be detailed. The court of final resort in civil matters was the Collegiate Rota of Urbino, over which thirteen judges presided, five of whom were necessarily ecclesiastics. They held office for life, and vacancies were filled up by the sovereign from a leet of three voted by the remaining number. They sat twice a week, five being a quorum; and they had also the review of ecclesiastical causes, in which, however, the lay members had only a consultive voice. In certain suits their decision might be brought under review of the sovereign.

There were likewise three auditors, who had no ordinary jurisdiction, but sat daily in presence of the sovereign as an executive council, to whom all criminal matters were reported by the magistracy. Their salaries after the Devolution were 400 scudi a year. They were also bound to take cognisance of all fiscal affairs, and of all complaints brought before them, and they were charged with the interests of widows and orphans, and generally with all matters voluntarily brought before them by consent of parties. After the Devolution, their salaries were 400 scudi a year; that of the fiscal advocate, 384; and of the secretary of justice, 320. The income of the judges, whom we have already mentioned as located in the towns and villages, varied from half a scudo yearly to 240 scudi, the latter being the pay of the Captain of Urbino. The lower class of these officers were all notaries, but, after allowing for professional gains and fees, such remuneration was disgracefully small, especially as it was paid in the ducal money, which had become depreciated to two-thirds of the currency value in the papal states. The pay of the legate was 1400 scudi, that of the vice-legate 600, besides about 1200 of fees.

APPENDIX IX

(Page 390 note *1)

TWO SONNETS BY PIETRO ARETINO ON TITIAN’S PORTRAITS OF
DUKE FRANCESCO MARIA I. AND HIS DUCHESS LEONORA

I.

ON DUKE FRANCESCO MARIA I.

II.
ON DUCHESS LEONORA.

III.
SONNET BY BERNARDO TASSO, PRAYING TITIAN
TO PAINT HIS MISTRESS’S PORTRAIT.

APPENDIX X

(Page 410)

PETITION TO GUIDOBALDO II. DUKE OF URBINO,
BY CERTAIN MAJOLICA-MAKERS IN PESARO

Most illustrious and most excellent Lord Duke,

To your most illustrious Lordship have recourse these devoted petitioners, Mo. Bernardin Gagliardino and Co., Mo. Girolamo Lanfranchi, Mo. Rinaldo and Co., all makers of vases and bottles, citizens and inhabitants of Pesaro; Mo. Piermateo, and Mo. Bartolomeo Pignattari, citizens and indwellers of Pesaro; and all the others who inhabit the county of Pesaro;—setting forth how they find themselves continually, from year's end to year's end, subject to all sorts of burdens and imposts, exacted on real and personal property, and paying it with the sweat of their labour. They greatly complain how it seems to them wrong that strangers of their craft come into this city and district with similar productions, to take bread out of their hand, at all seasons of the year, a thing not allowed to themselves in other countries. For which causes they propose to your most illustrious Lordship the following articles for your signature.

First, that your Lordship would concede to them that no one, stranger or townsman, shall, on any pretext, sell, or export for sale from the city and district, earthen vases of whatever sort, excepting covered pans and oil-pitchers, or other vessels exceeding the size of a medrio; declaring always that, at the fair, all may sell any kind of vases, but at no intermediate time, on pain of forfeiture, and a penalty of ten lire of Bologna for each offence, one-half to your illustrious Lordship's chamberlain, one-fourth to the informer, and the rest to the party enforcing it; always excepting figured vases of Urbino, and white ones from Urbino and Faenza.

It is farther desired that no inhabitant, not engaged in this art in the city or district, be permitted to purchase foreign productions for resale, except those imported during the fair; always under the like penalties on contravention hereof.

And, in order to satisfy your Lordship that no inconvenience may arise to the city from this, they bind themselves henceforward to see that it be constantly supplied with such vases as are required, and usually made therein, and especially with figured vases of beautiful and stately character, and this for the customary prices, these being in nowise altered; and, in case of their departing from this, your Excellency shall be free to cancel these articles.

* * * * * *

Confirmed and enjoined as asked, but during our pleasure.

Pesaro, 27th April, 1552.

Passeri, p. 34.

APPENDIX XI

(Page 411)

LETTER FROM THE ARCHBISHOP OF URBINO TO CARDINAL GIULIO DELLA ROVERE,
REGARDING A SERVICE OF MAJOLICA

To the most illustrious and most reverend Lord, my singular Lord and patron, the Lord Cardinal of Urbino in Ravenna.

Most illustrious and most reverend Lord, my singular Lord and patron,

On arriving at Urbino, I ordered of Mo. Horatio [Fontana], vasaro, the service [credenza] commissioned by your most affectionate and most reverend Lordship, for the most illustrious Monsignore Farnese. And, as there will be so many vases done with grotesques, in addition to the white ones (as per inclosed list), I could not manage it for less than thirty-six scudi, which, if I am not mistaken as to what he gets from others, is very good treatment. All the white pieces will have on the reverse the arms of Farnese in small, and I feel certain that the service will give satisfaction. He promises to deliver it finished in little more than a month, and, as an inducement to serve you well, as I trust he will do, I have, at his request, advanced him some money. If your illustrious Lordship please, let M. Ludovico Perucchi be written to, that he may pay the above-mentioned sum on account of this. As soon as finished, I shall get Horatio to pack it well, in order to go safely, and shall despatch it to Rome in such way as you shall direct. And, having no more to say, I remain humbly kissing your hands, and commending you to our Lord God, that, in his favour, he ever give you all your desires. From Urbino, the 2nd of March, 1567.

Your most illustrious and most reverend Lordship's most humble servant,

Your Archbishop.

List of white pieces with arms on the reverse.

With grotesques.

APPENDIX XII

COLLECTIONS OF ART MADE BY THE DUKES OF URBINO

THE extent and value of the works of arts amassed by a series of sovereigns, who, during nearly two centuries, were continuously patrons of arts in its best days, cannot be uninteresting topics of inquiry, and fall within the scope of these volumes, as an important test of the knowledge and taste of the collectors. The beautiful objects which Castiglione and others include among the attractions of the palace at Urbino have thus acquired an almost classic importance, and to identify them with those now familiar to the travelled amateur were a pleasing result. Much more would it be so could we realise an ingenious theory put forward in the Quarterly Review,[267] that, by ascertaining what were the pictures first offered to the enthusiastic gaze of the youthful Raffaele, we might even now trace those early impressions of beauty which, reproduced by his fine genius and taste, have been unanimously adopted as standards of pictorial perfection. This gratifying hope is, however, delusive. To the ravages of two invasions, succeeded, in both instances, by military usurpation, may perhaps be imputed the disappearance of almost every picture which could have existed in the palace previously to 1521, for very few such were found there on the extinction of the ducal house in 1631. In order to throw every possible light upon this matter, I have spared no researches at Urbino, Pesaro, and Florence, and, from a variety of inventories, I have collected the facts which are now to be stated.

The principal sources of this information have been, First, a list of "good pictures," brought to Florence, in 1631, from the wardrobe of Urbino. It is in the archives of the Gallery degli Uffizi, at Florence, in the autograph of Pelli, and is obviously the document frequently referred to by him in his Galleria di Firenze. Second, a note of the objects of art in the Urbino inheritance, as inventoried by Bastiano Venturi in 1654. This is in a folio volume of inventories, preserved in the wardrobe archives of the Pitti Palace, and includes the succession of Duchess Livia, as well as that of her husband, the last Duke of Urbino. Third, selections from a full inventory of the wardrobe of Urbino, dated in 1623, and now No. 386 of the MSS. in the Oliveriana Library at Pesaro. Of these documents, the first is, unquestionably, of most importance as to the identity and value of the objects enumerated; and the last, having been compiled by a person unacquainted with art, cannot be much depended upon.

We may, however, estimate the extent of the collections in the different palaces of Francesco Maria II. from the Venturi inventory, and from another dated in 1623, which is No. 460 of the Oliveriana MSS. In the latter there are enumerated as at Pesaro (besides a series of sixty-two portraits in the gallery, sixty-nine maps, and a hundred and thirty-five plans of cities) eight hundred and forty-three pictures. This large amount includes apparently all the framed engravings, embroideries, and miniatures; and a great proportion were portraits of the ducal family and their connections. The small number which have the painters' names assigned to them renders this, the fullest list, of little interest. In the same palace are mentioned sixty-four pieces in marble, chiefly busts; and in various other palaces and chapels were some other pictures, seemingly of minor importance. The Venturi catalogue enumerates only ninety pictures, seventy miniatures in oil, eleven embroideries, twenty-nine tapestries, eighty bronzes, enamels, and carvings, and fifty-one works in marble and stone. These seem to have been the principal objects reserved out of the inheritance, the remainder having probably been given away or sold at Pesaro and Florence. This selection bears evidence of care and connoisseurship; but that of Pelli having the best pretensions to these qualities, the pictures it names are fully given in the first of the lists here subjoined, ending with No. 50. In the two subsequent ones, from Nos. 51 to 95, are included all other Urbino pictures of any moment which I have been able to glean from the inventories now described, and from other sources. To each picture is added such information regarding its identity as extended inquiry and observation have enabled me to hazard. Imperfect as it is, it will interest those who visit Florence, and may save them from very troublesome and often fruitless inquiries, which occupied me for many weeks.

I. PELLI’S LIST OF THE URBINO PICTURES.

Raffaele.

1. Madonna, Christ, and St. John Baptist, on panel. Pelli in a marginal note states this to be the Madonna della Seggiola, although he admits that a different extraction is by some assigned to that masterpiece. No picture thus described appears in the Pesaro inventories; that of Venturi mentions one such, but calls it a copy after Raffaele. The Madonna della Seggiola, now No. 151 of the Pitti Gallery, is said by Passavant to have been in an inventory of the Tribune, dated 1585, of course long antecedent to the Devolution of Urbino.

2. Madonna, Christ, St. John Baptist, and another Figure, on panel, large. In the Pesaro inventory, the Christ is said to be in arms; in the Venturi, two pictures are noted of the Madonna, Christ, St. John Baptist, and St. Elizabeth, but both are called copies of Raffaele. No work now in the Florence galleries answers this description.

3. His own Portrait on panel. It is described but not named by Venturi, and unquestionably is the small picture now among the portraits of painters in the Uffizi, No. 288. (See above, vol. II., p. 223.)

4, 5. Julius II., on panel, and THE SAME on paper. Of this famous portrait several repetitions contest the palm of originality. The two best probably are those in the Pitti, No. 79, and in the Tribune, both on panel; the former, perhaps, has the advantage in breadth and mellow colouring, and I have heard the latter ascribed by Italian connoisseurs to a Venetian pencil.[*268] Considering the relationship and intimacy of the Pope with the Dukes of both dynasties, there can be little doubt that they possessed an original likeness, as well as the original cartoon mentioned above. The latter has passed into the Corsini Gallery, at Florence, and is admirable in bold character as well as in preservation. The pricked outlines attest its having been used more than once; and the first painting from it is understood to have been presented by his Holiness to the Church of the Madonna del Popolo, at Rome, a fane greatly favoured by the della Rovere. The Pesaro list includes the cartoon, and Venturi the panel portrait, which, according to the annotator of the last edition of Vasari (Florence, 1838), was that in the Tribune, the head alone of the Pitti one being, in his opinion, by Raffaele, the rest by Giulio Romano. Passavant, however, adjudges the palm of merit and originality to its rival in the Pitti collection, and considers it the Urbino picture.

Titian.

6, 7. Duke Francesco Maria I., and his Duchess Leonora, on canvas. These are justly considered among the choicest portraits of this master, but are painted in very different styles, the Duke being treated with extraordinary freedom, the Duchess in a severe and somewhat hard manner, suited to her stiff matronly air. They ornament the Venetian room at the Uffizi, Nos. 605 and 599, and the former supplies a frontispiece to this volume. Another portrait of him from the same hand is mentioned in Pelli's note. (See above, pp. 48, 58, 371-3.)

8. Duke Guidobaldo [II.] Of this portrait I find no trace, though it is named in the Pesaro list, and may be that described by Venturi as in an antique dress.[*269]

9. Hannibal of Carthage, on canvas. Mentioned in the Pesaro inventory, but not now known.

10. Madonna, Child, St. John Baptist, and St. Anna, on panel, large. No trace of this picture appears in any inventory, or Florentine gallery.

11. The Nativity, on panel. Not mentioned elsewhere; it or the following may be the picture painted with a moonlight effect, now No. 443, of the Pitti Gallery; or that described by Venturi as "a woman swaddling an infant."[*270]

12. Quem genuit adoravit, on panel; or the Madonna adoring her Child. This I have nowhere been able to identify. (See the preceding No., and also below, No. 20.)