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Richard III: His Life & Character, Reviewed in the Light of Recent Research cover

Richard III: His Life & Character, Reviewed in the Light of Recent Research

Chapter 7: CHAPTER II
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About This Book

A reassessment of the life, character, and reign of Richard III that argues he should be acquitted of longstanding Tudor-era accusations. The first part reconstructs his upbringing, military and political career, key battles, and regional administration; the second scrutinizes the evidence and chroniclers' accounts, re-dates events, and re-examines claims about the disappearance of the young princes. The author uses correspondence with contemporary historians, on-site battlefield inspection, documentary analysis, and close critique of Tudor sources to offer alternative interpretations and to invite renewed scholarly debate.

      Evidence of a contemporary writer  . . . . . . . . . .      198      The truth  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      199  Marriage.  Richard and Anne really attached  . . . . . . .      200      Attack of Miss Strickland, a specimen of the sort
        of arguments used  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      201  Countess of Warwick.  False statement of Rous  . . . . . .      201      The truth  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      202  Death of Clarence.  Charge absolutely groundless . . . . .      202      Another specimen of argument . . . . . . . . . . . . .      203      The truth  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      204

CHAPTER III

FURTHER CHARGES AGAINST RICHARD III

  Some account of Morton, the chief accuser  . . . . . . . .  205-207  Misrepresentation of events  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  208-210  Cunning misrepresentations respecting Hastings . . . . . .  210-212  Falsification of dates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  215-217  The accession.  The true claim . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      218      Attempt of Henry VII. to destroy the evidence  . . . .      219      Polydore Virgil's version  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      220      Morton's version . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      221      Fabyan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      222      Further falsification of dates . . . . . . . . . . . .      223  Buckingham's treason.  False reason given for
        his discontent . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      223      The truth. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      224      Morton's account of conversations  . . . . . . . . . . 225, 226  Second coronation.  Statement disproved  . . . . . . . . .      227  Death of the Queen.  Slanders of Polydore and Rous . . . .      228  Elizabeth of York.  Absurd rumour spread . . . . . . . . .      229      Elizabeth's letter to the Duke of Norfolk  . . . . . .  229-230      Intrigues of Henry's mother  . . . . . . . . . . . . .      231  Lord Strange.  The truth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      232

CHAPTER IV

THE MAIN CHARGE AGAINST RICHARD III

  Rests on the truth or falsehood of previous crimes . . . .      233  Richard's antecedents  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      234  Nothing to fear from his nephews . . . . . . . . . . . . .      235
  Treatment of others in the same position . . . . . . . . .      236  His nephews were probably members of his household . . . .      236  Bill, in March 1485, for the elder nephew  . . . . . . . .      237  Conduct of the mother and sister . . . . . . . . . . . . .  238-239  Alleged rumours  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  240-242  Assertion of the French Chancellor . . . . . . . . . . . .      242  Statements of Fabyan, Rous, Polydore, André  . . . . . . .      244  Sir William Stanley's conduct  . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      244  Baseless rumours promulgated by Henry  . . . . . . . . . .      245

CHAPTER V

HENRY TUDOR IN THE DOCK

  Description of Henry VII.  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      246  His lawless executions after Bosworth  . . . . . . . . . .      247  Responsible for the lives of royal children  . . . . . . .      248  Henry's character  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      249  Necessity to strengthen his position . . . . . . . . . . .      250  His Parliament of outlaws.  Unjust attainders  . . . . . .      251  Loyal men attainted  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      252  Silent about the late King's nephews.  Were they missing?       253  If alive, Henry's marriage necessitated their deaths . . .      254  Henry's treatment of other victims in his way  . . . . . .      255  The fate of the princes, if alive, was sealed by
    the marriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      256  Imprisonment of the Queen Dowager  . . . . . . . . . . . .      257  Henry put forward a story, in Polydore Virgil  . . . . . .      258  A more detailed story, published by Rastell and Grafton     260-263  Rewards alleged to have been given by Richard
    to murderers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264, 265  Confession of Tyrrel and Dighton fabricated  . . . . . . .      267  Genesis of these stories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      267  Some account of Sir James Tyrrel . . . . . . . . . . . . .      268  Henry's grant to John Green. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      269  Tyrrel taken into favour.  His two pardons . . . . . . . .      269  Murder of the two Princes  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      269  Relations silenced . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  270-271  Hush money to 'Black Will' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      271  Reward to Dighton  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      272  Rewards and employments for Tyrrel . . . . . . . . . . . .      272  Treacherous arrest and hurried execution of Tyrrel . . . .      273  Dighton to reside at Calais  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      274  The story put forward and generally accepted . . . . . . .      274
  Judicial murder of the Earl of Warwick . . . . . . . . . .      275  Henry's remorse  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      276  Elizabeth saw the cruel treatment of her mother and cousin
      Her death  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      277  Henry's design to kill the Earl of Suffolk . . . . . . . .      277  His death.  Successful as this world counts success  . . .      278  Things unexplained . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279, 280

CHAPTER VI

MR. GAIRDNER'S RICHARD III

  Mr. Gairdner's view of the alleged crimes  . . . . . . . .      281  Views stated in Mr. Gairdner's preface . . . . . . . . . .      282  Richard's character  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      283  Richard acquitted of several charges . . . . . . . . . . .      285  Tudor fables irreconcileable with Richard's character  . .      285  Mr. Gairdner's latest view of the Tewkesbury charge  . . .  286-287  On Edward IV.'s proceedings after Tewkesbury . . . . . . .  289-290  His view of the Henry VI. charge . . . . . . . . . . . . .      290  His rejection of the evidence of the writer in Fleetwood .      292  Acquits Richard of responsibility for the death of
    Clarence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  294-295  Position with regard to the title to the crown . . . . . .      296  Believes in the Duchess of York slander  . . . . . . . . .      297  His reason for the belief  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      297  Murder of the Princes.  Story admitted to be full
    of inaccuracies and improbabilities  . . . . . . . . . .      298  Richard could not have been a cool, calculating villain  .      298  Must have been headstrong and reckless . . . . . . . . . .      298  Such a man might have committed the crime on a
    sudden impulse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      299  The rising in Kent supposed to be the motive . . . . . . .      299  But the murders are stated to have been in August,
    the rising in October. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      299  Thus Mr. Gairdner's theory fails . . . . . . . . . . . . .      299  Mr. Gairdner supplies proofs of the King's popularity  . .      300  Richard was the victim of the perfidy of a few traitors  .      300  Mr. Gairdner's testimony to Richard's good qualities . . .      300  Great value of Mr. Gairdner's work . . . . . . . . . . . .  300-301
INDEX  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      303



GENEALOGICAL TABLES

SEIZE QUARTIERS OF EDWARD IV. AND RICHARD III. . . .   to face page 6
SEIZE QUARTIERS OF ANNE NEVILL . . . . . . . . . . .       "    "  82

MAP

BATTLE OF BOSWORTH FIELD . . . . . . . . . . . .     to face page 328

[Transcriber's note: in the source book, the map of the Battle of Bosworth faced page 328. In this ebook, the map has been moved to page 152.]




LIFE OF RICHARD III



PART I

CHAPTER I

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD

The castle of Fotheringhay[1] was the birthplace of our last Plantagenet king. This venerable pile stood on the banks of the river Nen, in Northamptonshire, amidst 'marvellous fair corn ground and pasture.' From its battlements there was an extensive view, bounded to the westward by the forest of Rockingham, while on the other side the abbey church of Peterborough and the woods of Milton intercepted the distant expanse of fen country. Originally built by bold Simon de St. Liz in the twelfth century, the castle had fallen into ruin when it reverted to the crown, and was granted by Edward III. to his son Edmund of Langley.

Edmund, who was created Duke of York by his nephew Richard II., rebuilt the castle and founded a college hard by. Fotheringhay was surrounded by a double moat with drawbridges, the river Nen serving as the outer moat on the south side, and the Mill Brook, flowing between the castle yard and the little park, to the east. The walls were of stone, and the great gate in the north front was adorned with the arms of England, as differenced for Edmund of Langley, impaling the arms of Castille and Leon.[2] The keep, built in the shape of a fetterlock, was on a mount in the north-west angle of the castle; and below there was a great courtyard surrounded by stately buildings, a chapel, and 'very fair lodgings,' as Leland tells us. The great hall was seventy feet long, with a deep oriel window at one end.[3]

Here dwelt Edmund the first Duke of York, his son Edward the second Duke, who fell at Agincourt, and his grandson Richard, the third Duke. Edmund projected the foundation of a college near the parish church, to consist of a master, eight clerks, and thirteen choristers. He commenced the choir, while his son and grandson completed and richly endowed this religious house. The church was a fine specimen of the Perpendicular architecture of the time, and the cloisters had numerous windows filled with stained glass.

The third Duke of York resided at Fotheringhay during part of every year when he was in England, with his beautiful wife the Lady Cicely Nevill, the 'Rose of Raby,' and their troop of fair children. But he also held vast estates elsewhere. In Yorkshire the castles of Sandal and Conisborough were part of his paternal inheritance. On the Welsh borders he had succeeded to all the possessions of the Mortimers, including Ludlow and Wigmore. For his mother was the heiress of Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, and also of Lionel Duke of Clarence, the second surviving son of King Edward III. Baynard's Castle, in the City of London, was the Duke's town house.

The 'Rose of Raby' bore her husband twelve children, and they came of a right noble English stock. In their veins flowed the blood of Plantagenet and Holland, Mortimer and FitzAlan, Nevill and Percy, Clifford and Audley. Five of these fair branches died in infancy. Ann, the eldest of those who survived early childhood, was born at Fotheringhay in 1439. The three next, Edward, Edmund and Elizabeth, first saw the light at Rouen, when their father was making a last gallant stand for English dominion in France, from 1442 to 1444. Margaret was born at Fotheringhay. The Duke and Duchess were ruling in Ireland when George was born at Dublin Castle. The three last births were at Fotheringhay, but of these only Richard, the eleventh child, survived infancy.

Richard Plantagenet was born at Fotheringhay Castle on October 2, 1452. He probably passed the first five years of his life there with George and Margaret. The elder sisters, Anne and Elizabeth, were married to 'Lancastrian' noblemen, the Dukes of Exeter and Suffolk, when Richard was still in infancy. His elder brothers, Edward Earl of March and Edmund Earl of Rutland, were separated from him by an interval of ten years, and lived with their tutor Richard Croft at Ludlow or Wigmore. So that Richard's childhood must have been passed with his brother George and his sister Margaret, the future Duchess of Burgundy. But both were a few years older than little Richard.

We obtain a glimpse of the home life of the two elder boys, Edward and Edmund, from a letter to their father which has been preserved.[4]


'Right high and right mighty prince, our full redoubted and right noble lord and father.

'As lowly with all our hearts as we, your true and natural sons can or may, we recommend us unto your noble grace, humbly beseeching your noble and worthy fatherhood daily to give us your hearty blessing; through which we trust much the rather to increase and grow to virtue, and to speed the better in all matters and things that we shall use, occupy, and exercise.

'Right high and right mighty prince, our full redoubted lord and father—

'We thank our blessed Lord, not only of your honourable conduct and good speed in all your matters and business, of your gracious prevail against the intent and malice of your evil willers, but also of the knowledge that it pleased your nobleness to let us now late have of the same by relation of Sir Walter Devereux Kt.[5] and John Milwater Esq.,[6] and John at Nokes, yeoman of your honourable chamber. Also we thank your noble and good fatherhood for our green gowns now late sent unto us to our great comfort, beseeching your good lordship to remember our porteux,[7] and that we might have some fine bonnets sent unto us by the next sure messenger, for necessity so requireth. Over this, right noble lord and father, please it your highness to wit that we have charged your servant, William Smyth, bearer of these, for to declare unto your nobility certain things on our behalf, namely concerning and touching the odious rule and demeaning of Richard Croft and of his brother. Wherefore we beseech your gracious lordship and full noble fatherhood to hear him in exposition of the same, and to his relation to give full faith and credence. Right high and right mighty prince, our full redoubted and right noble lord and father, we beseech Almighty Jesus give you as good life and long, with as much continual perfect prosperity as your princely heart can best desire. Written at your castle of Ludlow on Saturday in Easter week.

'your humble sons
    'Edward (Earl of March)
    'Edmund (Earl of Rutland).'


The boys evidently did not like their tutor, declaring him to be tyrannical and disagreeable.[8]


CHILDREN OF RICHARD, DUKE OF YORK

1. Anne. Born at Fotheringhay, August 11, 1439. (Duchess of Exeter.)

2. Henry. Born at Hatfield, February 10,1441. (Died in infancy.)

3. Edward. Born at Rouen,[9] April 28, 1442. (Earl of March. King.)

4. Edmund. Born at Rouen, May 17, 1443. (Earl of Rutland.)

5. Elizabeth. Born at Rouen, April 22,1444. (Duchess of Suffolk.)

6. Margaret. Born at Fotheringhay, May 3, 1446. (Duchess of Burgundy. Died 1503.)

7. William. Born at Fotheringhay, July 7, 1447. (Died young.)

8. John. Born at Neath, November 7, 1448. (Died in infancy.)

9. George. Born at Dublin, October 21, 1449. (Duke of Clarence.)

10. Thomas. Born at Fotheringhay, 1450. (Died in infancy.)

11. Richard. Born at Fotheringhay, October 2, 1452.[10] (Duke of Gloucester. King.)

12. Ursula. Born at Fotheringhay, July 20,1455. (Died in infancy.)

W. WYRCESTER, Annales, 460-477.



SEIZE QUARTIERS OF EDWARD IV. AND RICHARD III.

Their father, the Duke of York, first Prince of the blood royal, was the most powerful and wealthy, as well as one of the ablest noblemen in the kingdom. He was moderate and prudent, and was unwillingly driven into resistance to the misgovernment of the corrupt faction which misused the powers they had seized, owing to the imbecility of Henry VI. His original object was not to assert his own undoubted title to the throne, but to obtain just and reasonable government by the removal of corrupt and incapable ministers. 'After repeated experience of bad faith, and after fruitlessly endeavouring to bind Henry by pledges, the Duke was at length forced into advancing his own claim.'[11]

Disaster followed the first attempt of the Duke of York at open resistance. He was overpowered by the Lancastrian forces at Ludlow, in October 1459, and his followers were scattered. The Duke himself, with his son Edmund, fled to Ireland. His eldest son, Edward Earl of March, escaped to Calais with the Earl of Warwick. The Duchess of York, and her three young children, Margaret, George and Richard, were taken prisoners at Wigmore. They were sent to Tunbridge Castle in the custody of their mother's sister, the Duchess of Buckingham, who had married a Lancastrian husband.

Little Richard was only seven years of age when he became a prisoner of war. The detention was of short duration. His eldest brother landed in Kent and marched to London. Troops flocked to the standard of the gallant youth, and he advanced northwards against his enemies. The Duchess of York then escaped from Tunbridge, and found an asylum for her little children at the chambers of John Paston, in the Temple.[12]

Meanwhile Edward, Earl of March, won a great victory at Northampton, and Henry VI. became his prisoner. He returned to London, but the children had not been two days in John Paston's chambers before their mother was summoned to meet her husband at Hereford, who was returning from Ireland. The children were left with servants. Young Edward, however, while busily engaged in preparing for the defence of the city, found time to visit his little brothers and sister every day.[13]


[1] 'Fodringeia' in Domesday. 'Fodering' is part of a forest separated from the rest, for producing hay.

[2] He married Isabella of Castille and Leon.

[3] Mary Queen of Scots was tried and beheaded in the great hall of Fotheringhay. But it is untrue that the castle was destroyed by James I. on that account. James granted it to Lord Mountjoy, and it was intact, though out of repair, when it was surveyed in 1625. It began to be dismantled soon after this survey; but the work of demolition was very gradual. The college buildings had been desecrated and destroyed by John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, to whom they were granted by the government of Edward VI. The last remains of the castle were demolished in the middle of the last century. See Historic Notices in reference to Fotheringhay, by the Rev. H. K. Bonney (Oundle, 1821).

[4] MS. Cotton, Vesp., F. iii., fol. 9. Printed in the first series of Ellis's original letters, i. 9, letter v.

[5] This Sir Walter Devereux, son of Walter Chancellor of Ireland 1449, when the Duke of York was Lord Deputy, was born in 1432. He married Anne, heiress of Lord Ferrers of Chartley, and was summoned to Parliament by that title jure uxoris. Sir Walter Devereux, Lord Ferrers of Chartley, fell gloriously at Bosworth, fighting for his King, Richard III., the younger brother of his two young friends Edward and Edmund. He was ancestor of the Devereux, Earls of Essex.

[6] Afterwards esquire to Richard Duke of Gloucester. He fell at the battle of Barnet, fighting by his young master's side.

[7] Breviary.

[8] Richard Croft of Croft Castle, in Herefordshire, is the odious ruler mentioned by the young princes. He was faithful to King Edward during the Tewkesbury campaign; but the boys had some insight into character. For Croft appears to have been a time-server. He got made Treasurer of the Household to Henry Tudor, and fought for him at Stoke. To please his new patron he appears to have told some story, disparaging to Edward IV., which, in a garbled form, appeared in Hall's Chronicle.

[9] Edwardus quartus Rothomagi natus. Rous, p. 210.

[10] Rous says that Richard was born on the feast of the eleven thousand virgins, October 21. But this was really George's birthday, in 1449.

[11] Gairdner. The Duke's mother, Anne Mortimer, was grand-daughter of Philippa Countess of March, the only child of Lionel Duke of Clarence, second son of King Edward III. Henry VI. was great-grandson of John Duke of Lancaster, third son of Edward III.

[12] Paston Letters, i. 525. Christopher Hansson to John Paston.

[13] 'And sythe y left here bothe the sunys and the dowztyr, and the Lord of Marche comyth every day to se them.'—Paston Letters.




CHAPTER II

DEATH OF RICHARD'S FATHER AND BROTHER AT THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD

In October 1460, the Duke and Duchess of York, with young Edmund Earl of Rutland, reached London. The Duke's superior right to the crown, as representative of the second son of Edward III. while Henry VI. only derived from the third son, was recognised and declared by Act of Parliament. But, in consideration of the reverence felt for his father and of his own long tenure, it was enacted that Henry should retain the throne for life, provided that he acknowledged the Duke as heir-apparent. This Act of Settlement received the royal assent and became law, all opposing statutes being repealed. On November 9, the Duke of York was solemnly declared Heir-Apparent and Lord Protector during Henry's life.

But Queen Margaret and her partisans refused to be bound by the acts of the King, her husband, in Parliament. She fled to Scotland, and the Lancastrians raised a formidable army in Yorkshire. It is probable that the Duke of York was not fully aware of the numbers opposed to him, though he may have foreseen that the Lancastrian army would become larger if time was allowed to slip away. There was also some danger from the machinations of the Tudors[1] in Wales. Arrangements to counteract these evils were promptly made. The Duke assembled a small force to advance northwards and confront the Lancastrian army. The Duke of Norfolk, who was warmly attached to the House of York, and the Earl of Warwick were to remain in London until Christmas, and then to follow with reinforcements. The young Earl of March advanced to the Welsh borders to collect forces, disperse the Tudor rising, and then join his father in Yorkshire.

On December 1, 1460, the Duke of York was with his wife and children at Baynard's Castle for the last time. He bade farewell to his loving Duchess and the children; little Richard was a child of eight, Margaret and George a few years older. The gallant young Edmund Earl of Rutland was nearly eighteen, well able to fight by his father's side, and he accompanied the Duke. On December 2, the Duke of York set out with his brother-in-law the Earl of Salisbury and the Earl of Rutland. Salisbury had with him his son, Sir Thomas Nevill, and the force, barely numbering 5,000 men, was led by other experienced captains. Chief among them was old Sir David Hall, the Duke's faithful friend and adviser in all military affairs. Sir John and Sir Hugh Mortimer, illegitimate brothers of the ill-fated Earl of March, rallied to their nephew's standard with many Yorkist knights, such as Sir Thomas Parr, Sir Edward Bourchier, and Sir James Pickering. The force included a company of Londoners under the command of the Warden of the Mercers' Company, stout John Harrow.

The Duke of York advanced by easy marches, for he did not reach his castle of Sandal, about a mile south of Wakefield, until Christmas Eve. Here he halted while a summons was sent out to assemble his Yorkshire tenants and adherents. It is said that Lord Nevill, a kinsman of the Duchess of York, came to Sandal as a friend of the Duke, and induced him to grant a commission to raise men; and that when he had raised about 8,000, he treacherously brought them to swell the ranks of the Lancastrian army.[2]

At this time the Duke's eldest son Edward was at Shrewsbury. The poor Duchess and her young children anxiously waited for news at Baynard's Castle. Henry VI., with the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Warwick, observed the festival of Christmas in the palace of the Bishop of London, in St. Paul's Churchyard. Afterwards the King went to enjoy a few days' hunting at Greenwich and Eltham. Queen Margaret and her son were in Scotland. The Lancastrian leaders were assembled with a great army at Pomfret.

Edward III. had granted Sandal and Conisborough Castles to his son Edmund, the Duke's grandfather. The Duke himself had frequently resided at Sandal, sometimes with his wife and family. The castle stood on a grassy knoll, steep on one side, with a gentle slope to the south. It is a little less than a mile from the bridge which spans the river Calder at the town of Wakefield, the intervening space sloping gently from Sandal. It was then partly wooded. Leland tells us the bridge was of stone, with nine arches, and that it had on it 'a right goodly chapel of our Lady.' It led to the market place whence two streets, called Norgate and Wrengate,[3] formed communications with gates on the northern side of the town. The houses were then nearly all of timber, but there was a handsome parish church consecrated in 1322, with a tower and spire 228 feet high. From the bridge one road went south by Sandal to Barnsley and Sheffield; another branched off to the eastward, and divided again into two, one leading to Doncaster, the other to Pomfret. To the westward the river Calder flanked the fields between Sandal and Wakefield Bridge. Near the castle is the fine cruciform church of Sandal Magna, where there was a chantry belonging to the castle.

There are scarcely any remains of Sandal Castle, which was razed by order of the Long Parliament in 1648. But fortunately a drawing was made in 1560 and preserved in the office of the Duchy of Lancaster. It is engraved in the 'Vetusta Monumenta.' A lofty donjon, with flanking round towers, stood on the verge of the steep descent to the north-east, and two smaller square towers, connected by a wall, formed the western face. The principal gate, protected by a barbican, was in the centre of the southern face; and on this side the enceinte consisted merely of a wall without towers. An arcade or cloister led from the gate to the main entrance of the donjon, and the roofs of various buildings appear above the parapet of the southern wall. On the north-western side of the inner courtyard a flight of steps led to a covered archway opening on a semicircular stone pulpit supported by a single pillar. The castle was surrounded by a moat, and the ground it covered was about forty yards square. We gather these details from the drawing. The existing ruins consist of part of the gatehouse, three arches of the arcade leading to the keep, bits of wall on the west side, and the great mound covering the ruins of the keep.

Sandal Castle was built on a natural hill of sandstone, and in those days it must have presented an imposing appearance from Wakefield Bridge, with its lofty towers rising over the trees. There were extensive views in every direction from the castle walls. Northward is Wakefield and the rich valley of the Calder. To the west were the woods stretching away until the view is bounded by Woolley Edge. The woods and lake of Chevet are to the south, and a wide extent of country was visible to the east, with Nostell Priory and Walton Manor hidden among the trees. But, although Sandal commanded extensive views, yet, owing to the wooded character of the country, an enemy might approach without his force being fully known to the garrison.

The Duke of York kept his Christmas in Sandal Castle, with his son Edmund Earl of Rutland, his brother-in-law the Earl of Salisbury, old Sir David Hall his trusty military adviser, many other captains, and 5,000 men. Sir David knew that the enemy was near in overwhelming numbers. He anticipated a siege until relief could come from the south, and he, therefore, sent out foraging parties to bring in supplies.

The Lancastrian chiefs at Pomfret received news of the arrival of the Duke at Sandal on Christmas Day. They were engaged for three days in collecting their forces. On the 30th they began their march from Pomfret, a distance of eight miles. Lord Clifford, with his Yorkshire friends, led the van, so as to become the right wing in forming the battle, resting on the river Calder. The Dukes of Somerset and Exeter and Earls of Devon and Northumberland were in the centre. The rear, which would form the left wing in wheeling into line, was under the command of the Earl of Wiltshire. Sir Andrew Trollope was the principal military adviser and chief of the staff.

On the last day of the year the division under Lord Clifford came in sight of the towers of Sandal, and attacked a foraging party which appears to have been returning from Wakefield. This was seen from the castle. The Duke determined to come to the rescue with his whole force. He probably believed that Clifford was considerably in advance of the main body of the enemy. Sir David Hall thought otherwise, and strongly represented the danger of running such a risk. But the chivalrous Duke spurned the idea of leaving his foraging party to be destroyed without making an effort at their rescue.

The Lancastrians under Clifford were between the castle and Wakefield Bridge, and the great gate faced to the south. It was, therefore, necessary for the Yorkist force, barely 5,000 strong, to march out with their backs to the enemy, and to deploy round the castle hill, before forming line to attack. This was done, and a brilliant charge was made on the field between Sandal and Wakefield—a Balaclava charge. The Duke himself, rightful heir to the throne, and his trusty brother-in-law, the Earl of Salisbury, led this forlorn hope. Near them was the gallant young Prince Edmund in the flower of his age, about to flesh his maiden sword. There, too, was old David Hall, knowing that all was lost, but resolved to fight for his beloved master to the end. Success must have attended on the reckless bravery which Hall deplored, if Clifford's force, about equal in numbers, had been unsupported. But the main body of the Lancastrians arrived during the thick of the fight with overwhelming numbers, while their left wing, under the Earl of Wiltshire, cut off the retreat to the castle. There was nothing left but to die bravely. The Duke of York fell, fighting to the last. Camden says that there was a small space hedged round enclosing a stone cross, on the spot where the Duke fell. His faithful knights fell around him. Among them were his uncles John and Hugh Mortimer, Sir David Hall the tried and trusty councillor, his wife's nephew Sir Thomas Nevill, Sir Edward Bourchier, Sir Eustace Wentworth, Sir James Pickering, Sir John Gedding, Sir Thomas Harington, Sir Hugh Hastings, Captains Fitzjames, Baume, Digby and Ratford. Two gallant brothers, William and Thomas Parr, fought steadily beside their master. William was slain, but Thomas escaped, surviving to be the grandsire of Queen Catherine Parr. Sir Walter Lymbricke, Sir Ralph Stanley, Captain Hanson and John Harrow, the loyal mercer of London, were wounded and taken prisoners.

When all hope was gone young Prince Edmund, with a few followers, perhaps with the Harry Lovedeyne whose service was 'right agreeable' to him and his brother in the happy days of their childhood, fought his way through the encircling foe and reached Wakefield Bridge. But they were closely pursued by some of Clifford's men, perhaps by Clifford himself. Leland tells us that the prince 'was overtaken a little above the bars beyond the bridge, going up a clyming ground'; that is in the street leading up to the market place from the bridge. He and his few followers turned at bay, and we may be sure that young Edmund Plantagenet did not die before his enemies had been made to pay dearly for his life.[4]

No quarter was given to the defeated soldiers by the Lancastrians, 2,000 were slaughtered in the field or during the flight, and the prisoners were all killed. The Earl of Salisbury escaped from the battle, but was taken prisoner the same night by a servant of Sir Andrew Trollope and conveyed to Pomfret, where he was put to death.

The Lancastrian leaders took counsel after the battle, and decided on the perpetration of an inhuman piece of folly. The bodies of the Duke of York and of the Earls of Rutland and Salisbury were buried at Pomfret. But their heads were ordered to be stuck on the gates of York. The Duke's head was placed upon Micklegate Bar, with a paper crown on it by way of insult. The heads of the Earls of Salisbury and Rutland, of Sir Thomas Nevill, Sir Edward Bourchier, Sir Thomas Harington, Sir William Parr, Sir James Pickering and John Harrow were also ordered to be stuck on the different gates of York.

As soon as Queen Margaret received the news in Scotland, she came to York and joined the victorious army. It was resolved to march direct to London, and the northern soldiers were bribed by permission to pillage the whole country. This they did for fifteen miles on either side of their track; attacking churches, taking away vessels, books and vestments, and even the sacramental pyx after shaking out the eucharist, and killing the priests who resisted. Reaching St. Albans they continued the work of pillage, and defeated the troops sent out from London to oppose them. They even recovered the person of Henry VI. But here their successes ended. The gates of London were closed, provisions ran short, and the Lancastrian marauders retreated into Yorkshire.[5]

When the dreadful news of the battle of Wakefield reached London, the Duchess of York was plunged into grief at the loss of her noble husband and gallant young son, and she was terrified for the safety of her children. The two little boys, George and Richard, were put on board a vessel in the Thames and sent to Holland. There, under the protection of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, they were established at Utrecht with suitable tutors. The Duchess of York, with her little daughter Margaret, remained in London awaiting events.

The age of Edward Earl of March was then only eighteen years and eight months. He was at Shrewsbury when the terrible blow fell upon him. It spurred him into resolute action. He had collected a good force, with which he turned upon the Tudors and crushed them at Mortimer's Cross. There was a parhelion when the victory was decided. Edward adopted the sun in splendour as his special cognizance. He then advanced to London by rapid marches, and was proclaimed king as Edward IV.

Richard was thus hurried away to Holland. He was but eight years old when he saw his father and brother Edmund mount their horses at the gate of Baynard's Castle; and when the sad news came that they were slain, and that he would see them no more. In after years Richard took part in the pious act of the children of the Duke of York. They re-endowed the beautiful chapel on Wakefield Bridge, which was built in the reign of Edward III.,[6] and dedicated it to the memory of their brother Edmund.