APPENDIX.
CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT FOR RUSSIA.
(SEE CHAPTER XXVIII.)
It is a matter of common report and belief, in Russia, that the experiment of a constitutional government would have been made on the accession of Alexander III, but for the opposition of his ministers. His father was strongly disposed to establish a representative body of the people, and a responsible ministry. This reform would have been a crowning of that edifice, the building of which was cut short by his murderers. The present Tsar desired to carry out this inherited scheme, but before acting deemed it prudent to take the collective opinion of his cabinet. This fact shows his readiness to receive advice on important questions. He mentioned his own preference, but declared that he would be guided by a majority opinion. This was adverse to the proposed change. So ended, for the time being, a movement of the greatest significance.
The Tsar is said to be the strongest man in his dominions. Mythical stories are told of his ability to straighten out horseshoes with his naked hands, and double up silver pieces between his thumb and finger. Those who know him testify to his high personal courage. The seclusion of which we hear so much is, after all, only nominally observed. The careful precautions against Nihilists are adopted by the chief of police, who charges himself with the safety of his master. Alexander III attends military reviews and public ceremonies of church and state. He goes where duty calls him. He is seen more often in the streets and parks of St. Petersburg than Queen Victoria in those of London. She, too, is guarded at such times by soldiers and policemen, and no one thinks the protection superfluous. The Tsar, in all his movements, is hedged about with no more restrictions than seem to be needed for the security of a man who is known to be pursued by a sworn band of assassins. If he is as strong and brave as reported, it would be strange if he lacked decision of character. Once resolved on conforming the imperial system to the more modern type, he may not again be dissuaded by any ministry from executing that beneficent design.
There is no doubt that, if unmistakable public opinion in Russia should call for this great change, it would be made. It remains to be ascertained if a majority of her people really want those constitutional forms for which the heart of civilized man everywhere is supposed to yearn. If so, Russia, fortunately, has the machinery at hand for the gratification of her longings. Every Tir, or commune, now possesses the full power of self-government in economic and strictly local affairs. The village elders, who are true home-rulers, are chosen by the people. In every province or department of Russia the same principle is illustrated on a larger scale. It is only in respect to imperial or political issues that the autocracy makes itself felt. The citizens of Moscow, for example, may do many things at their own expense for which we of New York are obliged to crave permission of the Legislature.
Accustomed to govern themselves within a certain range, the Russians could easily be fitted for participation in the higher duties which a constitutional government would impose upon them. A lower House could be evolved from the seeds of the Tir. An upper House could be created by the Tsar out of abundant existing materials. Thus, without any violent metamorphosis, liberal institutions might be introduced into Russia. They may come, as a spontaneous offering from the throne, sooner than their most sanguine friends in the empire now expect.
THE END.