4. AMERICAN SOCIALIST PARTY PLATFORM
[Adopted by National Convention May, 1908, and by Membership Referendum August 8th, 1908. Amended by Referendum September 7th, 1909.]
Principles
Human life depends upon food, clothing, and shelter. Only with these assured are freedom, culture, and higher human development possible. To produce food, clothing, or shelter, land and machinery are needed. Land alone does not satisfy human needs. Human labor creates machinery and applies it to the land for the production of raw materials and food. Whoever has control of land and machinery controls human labor, and with it human life and liberty.
To-day the machinery and the land used for industrial purposes are owned by a rapidly decreasing minority. So long as machinery is simple and easily handled by one man, its owner cannot dominate the sources of life of others. But when machinery becomes more complex and expensive, and requires for its effective operation the organized effort of many workers, its influence reaches over wide circles of life. The owners of such machinery become the dominant class.
In proportion as the number of such machine owners compared to all other classes decreases, their power in the nation and in the world increases. They bring ever larger masses of working people under their control, reducing them to the point where muscle and brain are their only productive property. Millions of formerly self-employing workers thus become the helpless wage slaves of the industrial masters.
As the economic power of the ruling class grows it becomes less useful in the life of the nation. All the useful work of the nation falls upon the shoulders of the class whose only property is its manual and mental labor power—the wage worker—or of the class who have but little land and little effective machinery outside of their labor power—the small traders and small farmers. The ruling minority is steadily becoming useless and parasitic.
A bitter struggle over the division of the products of labor is waged between the exploiting propertied classes on the one hand and the exploited propertyless class on the other. In this struggle the wage-working class cannot expect adequate relief from any reform of the present order at the hands of the dominant class.
The wage workers are therefore the most determined and irreconcilable antagonists of the ruling class. They suffer most from the curse of class rule. The fact that a few capitalists are permitted to control all the country's industrial resources and social tools for their individual profit, and to make the production of the necessaries of life the object of competitive private enterprise and speculation is at the bottom of all the social evils of our time.
In spite of the organization of trusts, pools, and combinations, the capitalists are powerless to regulate production for social ends. Industries are largely conducted in a planless manner. Through periods of feverish activity the strength and health of the workers are mercilessly used up, and during periods of enforced idleness the workers are frequently reduced to starvation.
The climaxes of this system of production are the regularly recurring industrial depressions and crises which paralyze the nation every fifteen or twenty years.
The capitalist class, in its mad race for profits, is bound to exploit the workers to the very limit of their endurance and to sacrifice their physical, moral, and mental welfare to its own insatiable greed. Capitalism keeps the masses of workingmen in poverty, destitution, physical exhaustion, and ignorance. It drags their wives from their homes to the mill and factory. It snatches their children from the playgrounds and schools and grinds their slender bodies and unformed minds into cold dollars. It disfigures, maims, and kills hundreds of thousands of workingmen annually in mines, on railroads, and in factories. It drives millions of workers into the ranks of the unemployed and forces large numbers of them into beggary, vagrancy, and all forms of crime and vice.
To maintain their rule over their fellow-men, the capitalists must keep in their pay all organs of the public powers, public mind, and public conscience. They control the dominant parties and, through them, the elected public officials. They select the executives, bribe the legislatures, and corrupt the courts of justice. They own and censor the press. They dominate the educational institutions. They own the nation politically and intellectually just as they own it industrially.
The struggle between wage workers and capitalists grows ever fiercer, and has now become the only vital issue before the American people. The wage-working class, therefore, has the most direct interest in abolishing the capitalist system. But in abolishing the present system, the workingmen will free not only their own class, but also all other classes of modern society. The small farmer, who is to-day exploited by large capital more indirectly but not less effectively than is the wage laborer; the small manufacturer and trader, who is engaged in a desperate and losing struggle for economic independence in the face of the all-conquering power of concentrated capital; and even the capitalist himself, who is the slave of his wealth rather than its master. The struggle of the working class against the capitalist class, while it is a class struggle, is thus at the same time a struggle for the abolition of all classes and class privileges.
The private ownership of the land and means of production used for exploitation, is the rock upon which class rule is built; political government is its indispensable instrument. The wage-workers cannot be freed from exploitation without conquering the political power and substituting collective for private ownership of the land and means of production used for exploitation.
The basis for such transformation is rapidly developing within present capitalist society. The factory system, with its complex machinery and minute division of labor, is rapidly destroying all vestiges of individual production in manufacture. Modern production is already very largely a collective and social process. The great trusts and monopolies which have sprung up in recent years have organized the work and management of the principal industries on a national scale, and have fitted them for collective use and operation.
There can be no absolute private title to land. All private titles, whether called fee simple or otherwise, are and must be subordinate to the public title. The Socialist Party strives to prevent land from being used for the purpose of exploitation and speculation. It demands the collective possession, control, or management of land to whatever extent may be necessary to attain that end. It is not opposed to the occupation and possession of land by those using it in a useful and bona fide manner without exploitation.
The Socialist Party is primarily an economic and political movement. It is not concerned with matters of religious belief.
In the struggle for freedom the interests of all modern workers are identical. The struggle is not only national but international. It embraces the world and will be carried to ultimate victory by the united workers of the world.
To unite the workers of the nation and their allies and sympathizers of all other classes to this end, is the mission of the Socialist Party. In this battle for freedom the Socialist Party does not strive to substitute working class rule for capitalist class rule, but by working class victory, to free all humanity from class rule and to realize the international brotherhood of man.
Program
As measures calculated to strengthen the working class in its fight for the realization of this ultimate aim, and to increase its power of resistance against capitalist oppression, we advocate and pledge ourselves and our elected officers to the following program:
General Demands
1. The immediate government relief for the unemployed workers by building schools, by reforesting of cut-over and waste lands, by reclamation of arid tracts, and the building of canals, and by extending all other useful public works. All persons employed on such works shall be employed directly by the government under an eight-hour work-day and at the prevailing union wages. The government shall also loan money to states and municipalities without interest for the purpose of carrying on public works. It shall contribute to the funds of labor organizations for the purpose of assisting their unemployed members, and shall take such other measures within its power as will lessen the widespread misery of the workers caused by the misrule of the capitalist class.
2. The collective ownership of railroads, telegraphs, telephones, steamboat lines, and all other means of social transportation and communication.
3. The collective ownership of all industries which are organized on a national scale and in which competition has virtually ceased to exist.
4. The extension of the public domain to include mines, quarries, oil wells, forests, and water power.
5. The scientific reforestation of timber lands, and the reclamation of swamp lands. The land so reforested or reclaimed to be permanently retained as a part of the public domain.
6. The absolute freedom of press, speech, and assemblage.
Industrial Demands
7. The improvement of the industrial condition of the workers.
(a) By shortening the workday in keeping with the increased productiveness of machinery.
(b) By securing to every worker a rest period of not less than a day and a half in each week.
(c) By securing a more effective inspection of workshops and factories.
(d) By forbidding the employment of children under sixteen years of age.
(e) By forbidding the interstate transportation of the products of child labor, of convict labor, and of all uninspected factories.
(f) By abolishing official charity and substituting in its place compulsory insurance against unemployment, illness, accidents, invalidism, old age, and death.
Political Demands
8. The extension of inheritance taxes, graduated in proportion to the amount of the bequests and to the nearness of kin.
9. A graduated income tax.
10. Unrestricted and equal suffrage for men and women, and we pledge ourselves to engage in an active campaign in that direction.
11. The initiative and referendum, proportional representation, and the right of recall.
12. The abolition of the senate.
13. The abolition of the power usurped by the supreme court of the United States to pass upon the constitutionality of legislation enacted by Congress. National laws to be repealed or abrogated only by act of Congress or by a referendum of the whole people.
14. That the Constitution be made amendable by majority vote.
15. The enactment of further measures for general education and for the conservation of health. The bureau of education to be made a department. The creation of a department of public health.
16. The separation of the present bureau of labor from the department of commerce and labor, and the establishment of a department of labor.
17. That all judges be elected by the people for short terms, and that the power to issue injunctions shall be curbed by immediate legislation.
18. The free administration of justice.
Such measures of relief as we may be able to force from capitalism are but a preparation of the workers to seize the whole power of government, in order that they may thereby lay hold of the whole system of industry and thus come to their rightful inheritance.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Georges Weil, Histoire du Mouvement Social en France, p. 208.
INDEX
- Allemane, 77
- American Socialist Party platform, 341
- Amsterdam Congress, 228
- Anarchy, 29, 65, 127
- Anselee, 122
- Anti-militarism, in France, 110-112;
- Anti-Socialist Law (German), 160-167
- Asquith, Premier, and the Parliament Bill, 238-240
- Austria, revolution in, 47
- Bakunin, 65, 71
- Barthou, on French post-office strike, 97;
- on railway strike, 101
- Bebel, August, 155, 158;
- on Anti-Socialist Law, 161, 162, 163, 165, 166;
- arrest of, 167;
- candidate for President of Reichstag, 190;
- on defeat of Socialism, 1907, 194;
- on inheritance tax, 188;
- as a party leader, 264;
- on new Alsatian Constitution, 198;
- on militarism, 202-203;
- on participation in legislation, 188, 189;
- on party discipline, 177, 193, 195, 196;
- on Socialism in United States, 268
- Belgium, 118-145;
- Bernstein, Ed., 192
- Bibliography, 273-279
- Bismarck and Lassalle, 154;
- Blanc, Louis, 13, 26-28, 62;
- Lassalle adopts plan of, 152
- Bourgeoisie, defined, 2
- Bourse du Travail, 77, 80;
- Brentano, Prof., on Socialism in U.S., 269
- Briand, Aristide, 78, 81, 91, 97;
- Brousse, 76, 105
- Brussels, city of refuge, 122;
- Burns, John, 215;
- Cabet, 23
- Carlyle, on Chartist movement, 52
- "C.G.T." See Syndicalists and Syndicalism
- Chartist movement, 51-54, 208
- Christian Socialism, 9, 221-222
- Christian Social Union, 221
- Church Socialist League, 222
- Class basis of Socialism, 1-6, 15, 35.
- See also Marx
- Class interests, illusion of, 253-254
- Class War, Guesdists on the, 85
- Class War and Syndicalists, 106-107
- Clémenceau, debate with Jaurès, 92, 94;
- on post-office strike, 96-97
- Clerical Party in Belgium, 129, 134, 135, 136, 308;
- in Germany, 200.
- See also political parties
- Colin, co-operative movement started by, 122
- "Collectivism," origin of word, 339
- Communal Program of Bavarian Socialists, 301;
- of Belgian Socialists, 314
- Communist League, the, 56
- Communist Manifesto, 13, 56-61
- Compère-Morel, 115-116
- Competition and the Socialist theory, 11, 35
- Co-operation, 11;
- Davidson, Thomas, 220
- Democracy and Socialism, 42, 43;
- spread of, by Socialists, 257
- Democratic revolutions, 26-55;
- in Germany, 146-148
- Dennis, Prof. Hector, 142
- Development Act (Eng.), 233
- Dicey, Prof., on the Liberal and Socialist parties, 230
- Dockers' strike, 215
- Dreyfus affair, 84-90
- Eisenach Program, 157-158
- Election laws, German, 293-294
- Electoral reform. See Saxony, Prussia, "Free Cities," Chartist Movement
- Ely, Prof. R.T., conservation in U.S., 269
- Emperor William's life attempted, 159-160
- Engels, Frederick, 50, 52, 56-61;
- England, growth of Socialism in, 315;
- English, characteristics of the, 209-211;
- income of the, 213-214
- Erfurt Program, 191;
- dissatisfaction with, 192-194
- Fabian Society, origin, 220-221;
- Feudalism, class ideals of, 43, 44, 45;
- in Germany, 147
- Feuerbach, 31-32
- Fourier, 19-22, 24
- France, Revolution of 1848, 47;
- France, Anatole, 117
- Frank, Dr., on the Baden budget, 196-198;
- on the intellectual classes and Socialism, 254
- "Free Cities," election laws in, 183
- French Revolution, 42
- Gambetta, 79
- General strike, 256;
- George, Henry, 220
- George, Lloyd, 232;
- Germany, Social Democracy in, 146-170;
- revolution in, 46;
- character of government in, 147;
- the new Empire, 158;
- most "socialized" country, 169-190;
- labor unions in, 171-175;
- party representation in Reichstag, 297;
- vote of all parties in, 296;
- political parties in, 292-293.
- See also "Free Cities;" Suffrage; Progressists; Labor Organizations; Liberal Party
- Gneist, Prof., and Anti-Socialist law, 162
- Godin, J., 21
- Godwin, 24
- Guesde, Jules, 75, 76, 81, 85, 87, 105, 106
- Guise, community at, 21
- Hardie, Keir, 222,
- Hasselman, 158;
- expelled from Social Democratic Party, 166
- Hegel, 23, 31
- Hegelians, Young, 31, 50
- Hervé, Gustave, 110, 112
- Hobhouse, Prof., 247
- Hyndman, H.M., 219
- I.L.P., organization of, 222, 243;
- Industrial revolution, 43;
- Insurance Bill (Eng.), 240-241
- International, the, 56;
- International Socialist Bureau, 72, 74
- International Socialist Statistics, 339, 340
- International Workingmen's Association, 71
- Jaurès, Jean, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 87, 100;
- leader of "Bloc," 90-91;
- debate with Clémenceau, 92-93;
- in Amsterdam Congress, 228;
- on difference between Socialism and Democracy, 265;
- on Socialism in U.S., 268
- Kaiser, the, and German Social Democrats, 180, 181
- Kautsky, K., 50, 85;
- Kingsley, 212
- Labor Exchange Act (England), 233
- Labor Organization in France, 104;
- Labor Party, English, 74, 274, 223-225, 226, 227-232, 228, 231, 241, 242;
- Labor Party, the first, 75;
- in Belgium, see Belgium;
- Program of, 309
- Labor Questions and Socialism, 258
- Labor unions in Belgium, political activity of, 308.
- See also Belgium
- Labor unions in England. See Trades Unions
- Labor unions in France. See Bourse du Travail, and Syndicats
- Labor unions in Germany, 295.
- See also Germany
- Land system of England, 236-237
- Lassalle, 147-155, 185;
- League of the Just, 56-57, 69
- Ledebour, on ministerial responsibility, 189
- Legislation, advocated by Socialists, in Germany, see Social Democratic Party;
- in England, 231-241
- Liberal Party, in Germany, 146-148, 150, 151;
- Liebknecht, 70, 155, 156, 157, 158, 163;
- London, progress in, 235
- Lords, House of, an issue, 237-239, 240
- MacDonald, J. Ramsay, on I.L.P., 245-247;
- on Democracy, 254-255
- Mazzini, 54, 61, 62
- McCarthy, Justin, on Chartism, 52
- Marx, Karl, 9, 32, 38, 39;
- theories of 32-36;
- formulæ of, "capital," 37-38;
- influence on Socialist movement, 39-40;
- criticism of, 40, 41;
- theory of Revolution, 43;
- on German revolution, 47, 48, 49;
- on the Commune, 49, 69;
- the Communist Manifesto, 56-61;
- "address" and "statutes" of the "Old International," 62, 63, 67, 68;
- at The Hague, 64;
- present influence in Germany, 194
- Marxian influence in the International, 69-71
- Marxians and the Possibilists, 85, 91
- Marxians in England, 219, 317
- Maurice, 212
- Menger, Adolph, critique of Marxianism, 40-41
- Mill, John Stuart, 10
- Millerand, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 91;
- Militarism, and the International, 72-74;
- and the Syndicalists, 108-109
- Money, Chiozza, 213, 214, 215, 236
- Morley, Lord, on new Liberalism, 230
- Morris, Wm., 9, 219;
- on Whigs, 229
- Most, Herr, in Reichstag, 158;
- expelled from Socialist Party, 166
- Munich, Socialist activity in, 204-206
- Municipal Socialism in France, 112-115;
- in Germany, 204-206
- Old Age Pensions, 101
- Osborne Judgment, the, 217
- Owen, Robert, 6, 8, 21-23, 25;
- Rochdale, 27
- Paepe, Cæsar de, 122
- Paris, Commune. See Commune. First meeting of "New International," 69-71
- Parliament Bill, 238-240
- Peasantry, French, 115-116;
- Belgian, 142-143
- Possibilists, 70
- Poverty and Socialism, 10-11;
- in England, 213-215;
- in Belgium, see Belgium
- Progressists, in Belgium, 128, 129;
- Proudhon, 28-31, 62
- Proudhonism in England, 106
- Prussia, election laws, 183
- Réformistes, in France, see Millerand, Briand;
- in Germany, 192-193
- Revisionist controversy in Germany, 192-193
- Revolution, social, 12, 13, 255, 256;
- modern idea, 53
- Revolutionary era, 26-55
- Rodbertus, 150, 153, 155
- Rosebery, Lord, 229
- Rousseau, 42
- Ruskin, 212
- Sabotage, 96, 100, 101, 102, 104, 108
- Sachsen-Altenburg, election law, 294
- Saint-Simon, 17-19, 23
- Saxe-Weimar, election law, 294
- Saxony, new election law, 182, 293
- Schultze-Delitsch, 150
- Shaw, G.B., 220, 240, 247
- Simiyan, on French post-office strike, 95
- Small Holdings Act, 234, 235
- Social Democratic Federation, (English), 219, 220, 317, 330
- Social Democratic Party (German), 175-190;
- discipline, 177-179;
- attitude of government towards, 179-181;
- change in temper, 186-204;
- attitude towards legislation, 186-191;
- first bill in Reichstag, 187;
- attitude on state insurance, 188;
- present temper, 191;
- program of, 191, 198, 199, 297;
- attitude towards other parties, 194, 199;
- election address of, 303
- Socialism, ideals of, 6-10;
- theories, 11;
- development of, 17;
- political awakening of, 42;
- modern conception of revolution, 51;
- what is, 62, 63;
- changes in, 250;
- illusions of, 253;
- in different countries, 257;
- limits of, 262;
- characteristics of present, 262-266;
- in Parliaments, 251;
- what it has accomplished, 257-260;
- nature of its demands, 261-262;
- difference between Socialism and Democracy, 265-266;
- when the word was first used, 23
- Socialist officers, list of, 340
- Socialist Party, membership of, 340
- Socialist vote in leading countries, 339
- Sorel, Georges, 107
- South Germany budget controversy, 159-199
- State, increased functions of, 259-260
- State Insurance, opposed by Socialists, 167;
- Südekum, Dr., on nature of Social Democratic Party, 199
- Suffrage, struggle for, in Belgium, 124-133;
- Syndicalism, 94, 107-110, 96-98, 99-102, 105-106, 256
- Taff Vale decision, 216-217, 232
- Thiers, President, 75
- Town Planning Act, 234, 235
- Trades Disputes Act, 232
- Trades Unions, English, and the International, 62, 67, 69;
- Transportation strike, England, 244, 245
- United Socialist Party of France, Basis of Union, 289;
- Vaillant, 81, 82, 100
- Vandervelde, 118, 134, 137, 138, 142, 143
- Villiers, Brougham, 247-248
- Viviani, 78, 91, 101
- Von Kettler, Baron, Bishop of Mayence, 153, 172
- Von Vollmar, 181, 193, 195, 200, 203, 204
- Waldeck-Rousseau, 79, 84, 85
- Webb, Sidney, 220, 221, 234, 242
- Weitling, Wm., 7
- Wells, H.C., 10
- Wescott, Dr., Bishop of Durham, 221
- Workingmen's Association of Lassalle, 154, 156, 157, 158
- Workingmen's Compensation Act (England), 233
- Yvetot on Syndicalism, 108, 109