FOOTNOTES
[1] Later Assyrian includes 570 different signs, but only 300 are in common use (British Museum Guide, edited by E. A. W. Budge, 1900, p. 41).
[2] The British Museum Guide goes so far as to mention B.C. 8000 as a probable date (p. 3).
[3] On this subject see Sir Henry Howorth, English Historical Review, April 1898; Weissbach (F. H.), Zur Lösung der Sumerischen Frage, 1897; and especially Mr. Pinches’ ‘Sumerian or Cryptography,’ J. R. A. S. 1900.
[4] Die Achämenideninschriften Zweiter Art., by F. H. Weisbach, 1890, p. 77. Inscription H.
[5] A much defaced inscription at the corner is conjectured from the position of the name Xerxes to have been set up by his son Artaxerxes Longimanus: only the Semitic portion is partly legible, and it is the only trace of that king at Persepolis. Carl Bezold: Die Achämenideninschriften, 1882, pp. 47.
[6] Viagi fatti da Vinetia alla Tana (Vinegia, 1545), p. 46.
Camara is no doubt the same place as the Comerum of Friar Odoricus, 1825 A.D. Cf. Curzon (Hon. G. N.), Persia, 1892, ii. 130. It must have been about ten miles from Persepolis, which Barbaro seems to regard as about a day’s journey.
[7] ‘Dio Padre in uno tondo,’ p. 46.
[8] De le Antiquità, Venetia, 1540. Cf. the edition in the British Museum, Il Terzo Libro di Sebastiano Serlio, Venetia, 1534, p. 100.
[9] See Menant, Les Achéménides (Paris 1872), p. 33, where, however, the reader will find a copy of Serlio’s drawing.
[10] Don Garcia: L’Ambassade (Paris, 1667), p. 163.
[11] Relation des Grandes Guerres, par le P. Fr. Anthoine de Gouvea (Rouen, 1646), p. 78. The original was written at Goa, in 1609, and published at Lisbon, 1611: Relaçam em que se trata das Guerras, etc. (Lisboa).
[12] So spelt in the Portuguese edition, p. 30; ‘Bandimico’ in the French edition, p. 79.
[13] Gouvea, Relation des Grandes Guerres, p. 107.
[14] Op. cit. pp. 134, 174.
[15] Ambassade de Don Garcia de Silva Figueroa en Perse, traduit par de Wicqfort (Paris, 1667), p. 5. The Spanish original does not appear in the Catalogue of the British Museum, where, however, may be found the tract De Rebus Persarum, Antwerp, 1620.
[16] See the letter of Don Garcia in Purchas, His Pilgrimes, ii. 1534.
[17] ‘The Preacher’s Travels, penned by J. C., sometime student in Magdalen Colledge in Oxford,’ London, 1611, p. 84.
[18] He only mentions one (p. 146). He does not seem to have noticed any difference in the animals in the farther Portico.
[19] ‘Brute et grossière estampe’: Ambassade, p. 163. We have already said that this statement is incorrect. Supra, p. 11.
[20] Viaggi di Pietro della Valle (Brighton, 1843), i. 382.
[21] Viaggi, ii. 231.
[22] Viaggi, vol. ii. For his account of Persepolis see Lettera xv. pp. 228-68.
[23] They are given on p. 253.
[24] Herbert (Sir Thomas), Travels, 1665, pp. 111-17.
[25] Some Yeares Travels, by Sir Thomas Herbert, Bart. See the various editions published in 1634, 1638, 1665 and 1677. The first edition, A Relation of some Years Travaille, begunne anno 1626, by T. H. Esquier, London, 1634, has recently been practically withdrawn from the Museum Library in order to enjoy the honour of appearing within a glass case.
[26] Ed. 1634, p. 56.
[27] Cf. ed. 1634, p. 59.
[28] Ed. 1638, p. 145.
[29] It will be recollected that Della Valle’s letters were not published till 1658.
[30] Vermehrte neue Beschreibung der Muscowitischen und Persischen Reyse (Schleszwig, 1656).
[31] Estat de la Perse en 1660, par le Père Raphaël (Du Mans, Paris, 1890), p. xliii.
[32] Morgenländische Reyse-Beschreibung des Hochedel gebornen J. A. Mandelslo (Schleszwig, 1658), pp. 10-17.
[33] The Voyage and Travels of J. Albert de Mandelslo, rendered into English by John Davies of Kidwalley, London, 1662.
[34] It will be remarked that Olearus does not mention Della Valle, whose book was not then published.
[35] Some Years Travels, by Sir Tho. Herbert, Bart. (1665), pp. 145-59.
[36] Herbert (1665), p. 153. For a photograph of the north door see Curzon, Persia, ii. 176.
[37] Joret (J. B.), Tavernier (1886), p. 180.
[38] Estat de la Perse, p. lxxviii.
[39] Thévenot (Jean de), Voyages, 5 vols. (Amst. 1727), iv. 491.
[40] Les Beautés de la Perse, par le sieur A.D.D.V. (Paris, 1673), pp. 55-66.
[41] Voyage de M. de Thévenot, Bk. III. chap. vii. pp. 501 ff.
[42] Thévenot (Amsterdam, ed. 1727), vol. iii; see preface and pp. 1-2. Estat de la Perse, pp. lxxv-lxxviii.
[43] Thévenot, iii. 262.
[44] Thévenot, iv. 486.
[45] Joret, p. 203.
[46] Estat de la Perse, p. lxxvi.
[47] Thévenot, iv. 510.
[48] Thévenot, iv. 520.
[49] For Tavernier see Les Six Voyages (Utrecht, 1712, 3 vols.), i. 728; and the excellent Memoir of him by M. Joret, 1886.
[50] Les Voyages de J. Struys (Amsterdam, 1681). Ouseley (Sir W.), Travels, ii. 232.
[51] Struys, pp. 316-317.
[52] Cf. Philosophical Transactions Abridged, iii. 543, where reference is made to Phil. Trans. June 1693; xvii. 776. Hyde (Dr. Thomas), Veterum Persarum ... Historia, 1760, pp. 548, 557, Pl. 14. Cf. Evetts (Basil T. A.), New Light on the Bible (1892), p. 74. Menant, Les Langues perdues (Paris, 1885), p. 62.
[53] Daulier, Les Beautés, p. 55.
[54] This view may have been suggested by Chardin, who was known to Hyde. (Hyde, p. 548, note.)
[55] Hyde, Vet. Pers. Hist. p. 557. Cf. Menant, p. 65.
[56] See Voyages de Monsieur le Chevalier Chardin (Amsterdam, 1711), iii. 98 ff, Plates 52-74; but four of these are devoted to copies of the inscriptions (Pl. 69-73).
[57] Voyages du Chevalier Chardin (ed. Langlès, Paris, 1811), viii. 242-318.
[58] Chardin, Voyages, viii. 401.
[59] A New Account, by J. Fryer (London, 1698), p. 251.
[60] Chardin, viii, 321-3.
[61] Now known as Inscription L. Not to be confounded with the L of Niebuhr.
[62] Ib. pp. 343, 347-51.
[63] Ib. p. 385.
[64] Amoenitates Exoticae, by Engelbert Kaempfer (1712), 297-353.
[65] P. 332. The four inscriptions in Niebuhr are lettered H, I, K, and L. H and I are Persian; K is Susian; and L Babylonian. L is the H of Bezold, p. 39; Menant, p. 78. I is unilingual.
[66] P. 346. Chardin, Pl. 69, p. 320.
[67] Pp. 338, 339. A inscription.
[68] P. 348. C inscription.
[69] B inscription.
[70] P. 350. G inscription.
[71] P. 334.
[72] P. 349.
[73] Voyages de Corneille Le Bruyn (Paris, 1725), iv. 301-408.
[74] A inscription, Table 126 (Le Bruyn).
[75] Cᵃ inscription, Table 131 (Le Bruyn).
[76] B inscription, Table 132 (Le Bruyn).
[77] G inscription, Table 133 (Le Bruyn).
[78] L inscription, Table 134 (Le Bruyn).
[79] Ib. pp. 317, 351. Buckingham also fancied he beheld a female in the Palace of Xerxes.
[80] Ib. pp. 353-4.
[81] Voyage en Arabie, par C. Niebuhr (Amsterdam, 1783), vol. ii. pp. 98-133.
[82] Vol. ii. p. 122.
[83] Morier observes: ‘On comparing Le Bruyn’s, Chardin’s and Niebuhr’s drawings with the sculptures, I found them in general correct in outline, but imperfect in the details of dress, arms, &c.... They have not been done justice to in the works of those travellers.’—Second Journey through Persia (London, 1818), p. 76.
[84] Morier says Le Bruyn has exaggerated the mutilation. A Journey through Persia, by James Morier (London, 1812; referred to as First Journey), p. 134. Elsewhere he says the faces of all the figures to the right are mutilated; Second Journey, p. 76.
[85] In Porter’s drawing this personage appears at the other end of the row. Cf. Plates, Niebuhr, ii. 120, and Porter, Travels in Georgia, i. 670.
[86] Niebuhr, ii. 117.
[87] Niebuhr, ib. p. 111.
[88] P. 125.
[90] Niebuhr, ib. p. 112.
[91] Ib. p. 113.
[92] This, as we have noticed, had been already done by Flower.
[93] P. 117. Professor Sayce makes the obvious remark that another easy way of settling this point is the consideration ‘that the ends of all the lines were exactly underneath each other on the left side, whereas they terminated irregularly on the right.’ Fresh Lights from the Monuments, by A. H. Sayce (1890), p. 10.
[94] ‘Quelques voyageurs en ont tiré la conséquence que les anciens Perses ayent écrit de haut en bas, commes les Chinois. Mais si l’on examine de plus près les inscriptions, comme quelques uns les ont copiées icy, et qu’on les compare avec mes copies, on trouvera que les lignes qui sont droites sont toutes couchées de côté, ce qui fait que le nombre des lettres n’est à beaucoup près pas si grand que peut-être on a pu le penser d’après les copies de mes prédécesseurs.’ Niebuhr, ib. p. 113.
[95] P. 126. Morier saw only one column. First Journey, p. 141.
[96] Heeren, Historical Researches (Eng. ed. 1846), vol. ii. Appendix VI.
[97] Morier, Second Journey, p. 264.
[98] For his fate see Flandin, Voyage en Perse, i. 113.
[99] Second Journey, p. 68.
[100] First Journey, p. 128. On Persepolis and Murgab see chaps. vii. and viii.
[101] Ouseley (Sir W.), Travels in various Countries (3 vols. 1821), vol. ii. note p. 439.
[102] Inscription M.
[103] Second Journey, p. 117.
[104] Second Journey, p. 75; Ouseley, ii. 255. They were afterwards given to the British Museum, and for a long time were the only materials for the study of Persian art. The practice of taking away specimens seems to have been continued by later travellers, and, as Porter says, much of value was ‘doomed to the predatory mallet’ (p. 632). When Rich visited the ruins in 1821, he observed that ‘many parts had been defaced by the passion for preserving curiosities. This rage has induced some even to chip off bits of inscriptions. One has endeavoured to chisel off a very fine head, which was well preserved, and, not succeeding, he has apparently in wrath thrown his mallet against the head and smashed it.’ (Koordistan, ii. 222.) Rich found the inscription on the robe of the king in the Palace of Xerxes had suffered from these proceedings. ‘They have been variously defaced by people chipping off pieces (mostly very recently) for curiosities. I have copied what remains of three of them’ (Babylon and Persepolis, Pl. 19). A disease visited the people of the country shortly after, and those of them who had assisted in these acts of Vandalism thought themselves justly punished. Flandin, ii. 113, 127.
[105] Ouseley (Sir W.), Travels, vol. ii. For Persepolis and Murgab see chaps. xi. and xii.
[106] Ouseley, ii. 91.
[107] Plates 41 and 47, pp. 256-7.
[108] Ouseley, p. 286.
[109] Ib. pp. 265-7.
[110] Pp. 426-9.
[111] Plate 49: 1. Morier, from a pillar of the palace. 2. Gordon (and Morier), from over the winged figure. 3. Ouseley, from the solitary monolith.
[112] Mohl, Rapports annuels faits à la Société Asiatique, 1840-45: 1843, p. 13.
[113] Porter (Sir Robert Ker), Travels in Georgia, &c. (London, 1821), i. 679.
[114] Plates 17 and 18, pp. 516, 518. See the curious engraving of a Royal tomb at Persepolis in Hyde, p. 307, where he says the soul or Icuncula is about to ascend to heaven.
[115] Porter, p. 524.
[116] Ib. p. 587. D’Hancarville had, however, already suggested that they were ‘partly bulls.’ See the various opinions on this question stated by Ouseley, ii. 247, note.
[117] Porter, p. 634.
[118] Porter, p. 502.
[119] Ib. pp. 622-3.
[120] Ib. p. 488-9, Plate 13.
[121] Pl. 44, p. 616. He omits the first four lines.
[122] Pl. 55 and 56, p. 681. Cf. Niebuhr, Pl. 31. Porter left out lines 18 and 19 of Inscription H. Westergaard, Ueber die Keilinschriften (Bonn, 1845), p. 2.
[123] Porter’s Travels were published in 1821, the same year as Ouseley’s, and three years after Morier’s Second Journey, 1818. Loftus complains of the ‘exceedingly rough and incorrect sketch’ made by Porter of a bas-relief at Susa: Chaldæa and Susiana, p. 415. Yet Flandin admits Porter’s talent in drawing. The plates of all his predecessors were, he says, superseded. He became the ‘oracle of the archæologists,’ especially in architecture and sculpture (Flandin, i. 9). The most important contribution since made in English is the chapter on the subject in Lord Curzon’s Persia, Vol. II. chap. xxi.
[124] Texier (Ch. F. M.), Description de l’Arménie (1842-52), i. xv.
[125] Kinneir (J. Macdonald), Geographical Memoir (1813), p. 126. Flandin estimates the distance at eight kilomètres. See Menant, Les Achéménides, p. 129. Murray says vaguely, ‘near’ Hamadan (Handbook, Asia Minor, p. 328). Curzon uses the same expression (i. 566).
[126] Morier, Second Journey, p. 267.
[127] Porter, ii. 120.
[128] Rich (C. J.), Narrative of a Residence in Koordistan, ii. 126.
[129] Vaux (W. S. W.), Nineveh and Persepolis (London, 1851), p. 441, note A. J. R. A. S. (1882), vol. xiv., article on Van by Professor Sayce.
[130] Elvend, O and F; Van, K.
[131] Rich, Koordistan, i. xvi, xviii.
[132] Rich, Koordistan, ii. 186.
[133] Ib. p. 215.
[134] Rich, ib. pp. 216-18.
[135] Babylon and Persepolis, by C. J. Rich (1839), p. 240.
[136] Rich, Koordistan, ii, 217-19.
[137] Niebuhr had found only 2½ feet of the stairs visible (Voyage, ii. 111).
[138] Koordistan, ii. 223.
[139] Babylon and Persepolis, Pl. 13, 14, and 15; Inscr. Cᵃ.
[140] Ib. Pl. 16, 17, 18; Inscr. E.
[141] Rich, ib. Pl. 18; Inscr. G.
[142] Pl. 19 (a, b, c, d).
[143] Pl. 20, 21, 22; Cᵇ.
[144] Pl. 23; P.
[145] Pl. 24, 25, 26; D. See Weissbach und Bang, Die Altpersischen Keilinschriften (1893), pp. 5-10.
[146] Rich, Babylon and Persepolis, pp. 250, 252.
[147] Ib. p. 256.
[148] Ib. pp. 247-55. Cf. Koordistan, ii, 222.
[149] Diod. Sic. ii. 13.
[150] Rawlinson (George), Herodotus edited by (1862), ii. 490; The Five Great Monarchies (1879: referred to as History), iii. 416. Perrot and Chipiez, History of Art in Persia (Eng. ed., 1892), p. 393, but cf. p. 38.
[151] Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (referred to as J. R. A. S.) x. 193.
[152] This was suggested by Dr. Hincks in the Dublin University Magazine, Jan. 1847, p. 15.
[153] J. R. A. S. x. 187, 192.
[154] Rawlinson, in Records of the Past, O.S. i. 128. Oppert, ib. ix. 68. Cf. the later attempts of Spiegel, Die Altpersischen Keilinschriften (1881), p. 41, and Weissbach, op. cit. p. 29.
[155] Perrot, p. 33, translator’s note.
[156] Evetts (Basil), New Lights on the Bible, p. 42.
[157] Kinneir, Geographical Memoir, p. 181. Ib. ‘Asia Minor’ (1818), p. 462.
[158] Porter, Travels, ii, 154-8.
[159] Memoirs of Sir Henry Rawlinson, Bart., G.C.B., by George Rawlinson (Longmans, 1898). In the title-page he is described as K.C.B. According to Dod the higher rank was conferred in 1889: K.C.B. in 1856.
[160] J. R. A. S. x. 15. Layard, however, says he sometimes at least availed himself of a powerful telescope. Nineveh and Babylon (1882), p. xliii.
[161] Memoir, p. 63.
[162] J. R. A. S. x. 7, note.