When the troops reached Shahabad, advices reached Meeran[260] that Ram Narrain had actually gone over to the Shah Zada. This, however, proved incorrect; the wary Hindu had only faltered in his allegiance until he heard Clive was advancing.
His visit to the Shah Zada, which gave rise to the report of his defection, was merely to gain time. It was now learnt from subsequent accounts that he was defending the city, and had already repelled two attacks. Clive, who was making very rapid marches to join him, directed Ensign Mathews, who was in advance in command of a battalion of sepoys, to hasten to Patna and co-operate with Ram Narrain; a service which was effected by that young officer in a way which gave promise of the eminence which he afterwards attained.
Confident from the efforts which were made to support him, and the near approach of his friends, Ram Narrain made the most gallant exertions to save the city. Every assault was repelled, and the enemy drew back after they had possessed themselves of some of the bastions. Discouraged at these defeats, and alarmed at the near approach of the corps under Mathews[261], and Clive's rapid advance, the Shah Zada broke up his camp, and retreated.
Clive, in a letter to Mr. Spencer of the Bombay establishment, thus shortly describes the Shah Zada's advance and flight:—"The King's son, who, about a year ago, escaped out of the Vizier's hands, has been ever since fishing in troubled waters; he has been with the Rohillas, the Jauts, the Mahrattas, and Patans; and, about three months ago, fled for protection to Sujah-u-Dowlah, the Nabob of Oude, a mortal enemy to the Vizier, and was received by him with great respect. He sent his brother-in-law, Mahommed Kooli Khan, with five thousand horse, into these parts, in hopes of effecting a revolution: and, indeed, the name of the King's eldest son was so great, that, as soon as he entered the province, he was joined from all parts; and, by the time of his arrival before Patna, his army was forty thousand strong. The ruler of this place being entirely in the English interest, what with small presents and negotiation, delayed the attack of the city for some time: but on the 23d of March the fighting began, and lasted till the 4th of April, when our advanced guard arrived within four coss of the city, upon which the Shah Zada and his forces retired with the utmost precipitation, and are now getting much faster out of the province than they came in. We shall continue following them to the bank of the Caramnassa. I hope to secure the peace of these provinces for one year longer at least, by which time the whole of the Nabob's treaty will be concluded.
"The enemy made several vigorous attacks upon the city, and were once in possession of two bastions, but were driven off with great slaughter: they have certainly lost a great many men. M. Law, with his small party, joined the King's son on the day of their retreat, but could not prevail upon him to make another attack."
While Clive was advancing towards Patna, a letter[262] from Meer Jaffier informed him that he had received the command of the Emperor to seize the person of the Shah Zada. The imperial edict was enclosed; its contents were as follows:—"Know that you are under the shadow of my favour. Some ill-designing people have turned the brain of my beloved son Mahommed Ali Gohur[263], and are carrying him to the eastern part of the empire, which must be the cause of much trouble and ruin to my country. I therefore order you, who are my servant, to proceed immediately to Patna, and secure the person of my son, and keep him there. You are likewise to punish his attendants, that other people may take warning thereby. In doing this you will gain my favour and have a good name. Know this must be done."
The Vizier[264], Ghazee-u-Deen, addressed a letter of the same purport to Clive, who, as well as the Nabob, appears to have considered it an object to proclaim, that, in opposing the Shah Zada, they were acting in conformity with the commands of his offended father.
The retreat of the Shah Zada was precipitate. He hastened to cross the Caramnassa, a river which divides the territories of the Nabob of Bengal from those of the Vizier of Oude; but the latter, who would have been ready to support him had he been successful, now proclaimed himself the enemy of that unhappy prince, who, abandoned by his followers, and not knowing whither to fly, sought the protection of the English Government.[265]
Clive communicates the overture which he made in a letter, under date the 24th of April, to Mr. Manningham.
"The force of the Shah Zada," he observes, "is now entirely broken: he has himself been obliged to repass the Caramnassa for fear of Sujah-u-Dowlah, who sent a body of troops to prevent his entering into his dominions. The Prince, reduced to no more than three hundred followers, has again written to me; and, from the conversation I had with the horseman who brought the letter, a person greatly in his confidence, I find he wants, in his present distress, to throw himself upon the English, from a conviction that there is none else in whom he can trust. I have consulted with Ram Narrain, who is of opinion[266] that the Nabob can never be safe, should a person of his high rank be admitted into these provinces; and that his presence would expose the country to continual commotions. I have therefore answered him, that my connections with the Nabob were of so solemn a nature, as would not allow of my affording him any protection; and on that account advised him to keep out of the way, as I was now on the point of marching to the Caramnassa. M. Law has passed the Great River[267], but, we are informed, has only from twenty to thirty men with him: if so, a great number must have deserted from him, and it is probable we shall soon have some of them with us."
Notwithstanding the decided terms of this letter, the Shah Zada continued to hope that he might yet prevail upon the generosity of Clive to afford him the protection of the British Government. This, however, would have been attended with more hazard to the peace of the country than Clive thought himself justified in incurring; but, while he was compelled by policy to refuse his request, he did so in a manner calculated to add as little as possible to the distress and difficulties with which he was surrounded.
"I have had," he observes in a letter[268] to Mr. Manningham, "repeated letters from the Shah Zada, evidently intending to throw himself upon us; but, for the reasons alleged in my last, have absolutely determined against receiving him. I have indeed, (so great is his distress), sent him a present of five hundred gold mohurs[269], to enable him to get out of our country; and he has, in consequence thereof, passed the Caramnassa, and is endeavouring to cross the Great River, with intention, it is said, to take refuge in the Gazipoor country."
Clive's letter to the Prince (of the 30th of April), though kind, is at once decided and explicit. "The only letter," he observes, "I had the honour to write you was by Fyaz Ali Khan's brother from Calcutta. I therein acquainted your Highness that I was under the strictest alliance with Meer Jaffier, and bound by oath to assist him. Since that time I have received repeated orders from the Vizier, and even from the King, not only to oppose your Highness, but even to lay hold of your person. I am sorry to acquaint your Highness with these disagreeable things, but I cannot help it. Were I to assist your Highness in any respect, it would be attended with the ruin of this country. It is better that one should suffer, however great, than that so many thousands should be rendered unhappy. I have only to recommend your Highness to the Almighty's protection. I wish to God it were in my power to assist you, but it is not. I am now on my march to the Caramnassa, and earnestly recommend it to you to withdraw before I arrive there."
Clive, as already stated, had received several letters[270], written by command of the Emperor, to urge him to act against the Shah Zada. When all was settled, he addressed a letter[271] to the Vizier, in which he states, that, "after putting an end to the troubles in Bahar, agreeable to his Excellency's orders, he had set out for Bengal."
Clive had proceeded with the troops of the Nabob against the Rajpoot and hill chiefs, who had invited and aided Shah Alum. These were soon compelled by his operations to submit to terms; and this settlement enabled him to return to Calcutta, leaving a small force to aid Ram Narrain in his local administration.
Before Clive left Patna, the dangers which three months before threatened Bengal were completely dispelled; and it is not too much to aver, that the happy result of this unpromising expedition was exclusively to be ascribed to his personal efforts, and to the influence of his character. His prompt and open manner allayed, for the moment, the jealousy of the Nabob and the violence of Meeran. Their disaffected chiefs and mutinous soldiers were alone prevented from defection or excess by his presence and exhortations. It was exclusive confidence in Clive that preserved the fidelity and animated the courage of Ram Narrain to those exertions which saved the city of Patna from being plundered, and the rich province under his rule from being laid waste; and, when the Shah Zada fled, the personal reliance of the Rajpoot chiefs of Bahar on the British commander accelerated the settlement of those districts which the advance of the Prince had incited to rebellion.
We have stated how much Clive studied popular feeling throughout this service, by acting in conformity with the wishes and commands of the Court of Delhi. The information of the modern historian of India appears here very defective, from the observations he has made upon this part of Clive's conduct. In describing the invasion of Bahar, Mr. Mill[273] states, that "the Prince (Shah Alum) having obtained from the Emperor legal investiture as Subadar of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, crossed the Caramnassa;" and, after detailing the result of his enterprise, observes[274], "The hardihood of Clive was seldom overcome by scruples. Yet the Emperor Alumgeer was legitimate sovereign of Bengal, and had undoubted right to appoint his eldest son to be his deputy in the government of that province: to oppose him, was undisguised rebellion."
The facts of the case are directly opposed to the statement here given by the historian. The Prince Shah Alum, who invaded Bahar, had fled from Delhi, and was deemed to be in open rebellion against his father. He might have been, before this period, titular Subah of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, such rank being often given to princes of the imperial family; but we have shown that, before he crossed the Caramnassa, even that title was given to his younger brother, and Meer Jaffier appointed his naib, being a confirmation of the sunnud (or patent) he had before received from the Emperor, empowering him to rule over these provinces. Further, the Emperor Alumgeer had called upon the Nabob by his allegiance as his viceroy, and upon Clive by his duty as a commander in the imperial army, to oppose his rebellious son in his unwarranted invasion of Bahar, and urged them to seize and imprison his person, and to attack and punish his seditious followers. The first commands of the Court of Delhi upon the subject were written in February. They were frequently repeated; and in a letter, dated 18th of June, 1759, from the Prime Minister at Delhi to Clive, the commands of the Emperor were conveyed in very strong language.
"The faithful services," the Vizier observes, "which you have performed, and the pains which you have taken in the late affairs, have given me great joy; nor can I sufficiently express your praises for what you have done. Continue to behave with the same fidelity; seize the rebel, and send him to court. By the will of God, this service performed, the King will show you the greatest favour, and your honours shall be increased."
The impression made at Alumgeer's court by Clive's conduct is further proved by the invitation given in this letter to the English to establish a factory in the city of Delhi.
"In the same manner," the Vizier adds, "as your factories are settled at Calcutta, Azimabad, and Moorshedabad, send and establish a factory at the royal city."
From these facts, of the correctness of which there cannot be the slightest doubt, it must fully appear that the Nabob and Clive, so far from being guilty of rebellion against the legitimate sovereign of India, with which they are charged, were acting throughout in conformity with the reiterated mandates of the imperial court, and were congratulated and applauded by the Emperor and his minister upon the successful results of their efforts.
Meer Jaffier remained in Bengal during the whole time Clive was in Bahar. He appears to have continued his inveterate hatred to Roy Dullub, and to have devised every means to obtain possession of his person. Mr. Hastings at one time thought he would have recourse to force for this purpose; and conjectured that a body of Mahrattas, approaching from Cuttack, which the Nabob had first invited from dread of his own troops, and the invasion of the Shah Zada, were meant to be subsequently employed in seizing the person of Roy Dullub. He appears to have given more attention to this affair than Clive thought it merited; the latter being satisfied that Meer Jaffier, however he might enter into intrigues, would never openly commit any act which could place him in the light of an enemy to the British government, by whom he had been raised to a throne, and whose friendship and support, he must be sensible, were indispensable to enable him to preserve his power.
Meer Jaffier appears, from the correspondence of the resident, to have from the first looked to Clive as the only person who could save him in this period of difficulty and alarm; and it is but justice to his character to state that, when the danger was past, his sentiments underwent no change. His gratitude was excessive: nor was it limited to words. He conferred upon the man whom he now considered as the preserver of that throne upon which he had established him, a jaghire (or estate) of the reputed value of thirty lacs of rupees.
The first mention of his intention to bestow this gift on Clive is in a letter[275] from Mr. Hastings, in which he observes, "He (the Nabob) expresses the most grateful sense of the services which you have performed for him, and declared to me his resolution to use every means in his power to procure an order from the Court[276] for your jaghire, being ashamed that you should do so much for him without the prospect of reaping any advantage to yourself by it."
This letter was written immediately after the Nabob had received full accounts of the flight of the Shah Zada, and the happy result of the expedition to Patna. It was not surprising that he, knowing the source to which he owed his safety on this occasion, should be anxious to reward Clive; but we learn from Mr. Sykes, who, a few months afterwards, was appointed to act for Mr. Hastings at Moorshedabad, that Meer Jaffier was influenced by additional motives to this munificent act.
In his evidence before the House of Commons, Mr. Sykes stated to the Committee[277], that the Nabob, speaking to him of the expedition to Patna, "mentioned the sense he entertained of Lord Clive's conduct towards him, and likewise in reducing the Shah Zada to such necessity as to apply to his Lordship to put him under the English protection; he mentioned, also, that he owed his government to Colonel Clive before, and this was the second time he was indebted to him for it; that he had been a means of having honours conferred on Colonel Clive, in creating him an Omrah of the Empire, but that he had given him nothing to support these honours: he had frequently had it in his thoughts, but never entered seriously upon it till now; that he had thoughts of giving him a jaghire in the Patna province, but found it would be attended with inconvenience to the officers of his government; and that Jugget Seit had fallen upon a method of obviating these difficulties, by giving him the quit-rent arising from the lands ceded to the Company to the southward of Calcutta; that he thought it would interfere the least with his government, and stood the clearest in relation to the Company's affairs.
"Mr. S. said that, to the best of his remembrance, he mentioned to the Nabob that he thought it was a large sum; but the Nabob told him that it was very little adequate to the services he had received from the Colonel, but more especially for his behaviour upon the capture of Moorshedabad, when the whole inhabitants expected to be put under contribution; and that none of them had experienced a conduct of that kind, for that their persons, as well as their properties, were entirely secured to them."
Mr. Sykes states, that the Nabob, having prepared the deeds, desired him to be present at the delivery of them to Clive; which took place when the Nabob went to meet and welcome him on his return from Patna.
The next mention of this subject is made in a letter[278] to Clive from Mr. Hastings, after his return to Moorshedabad, in which he observes, "The Nabob desired me to draw out the form of the letter to be written to the Council about your jaghire." This letter was a few days afterwards transmitted to Calcutta.
I shall have occasion, hereafter, to speak of this grant, which gave rise to great discussion; but we must, nevertheless, make some observations upon the subject in this place.
Though Clive appears to have thought that the high titles obtained for him from Delhi should have been accompanied[279] by a jaghire, there exists no evidence, amongst all the documents I have examined, to show that he had any previous intimation of its amount, or that he, in any shape, compromised either his personal honour, or his duty to the government he served, by accepting of this grant. Conscious that he had performed great services to the Nabob, he received this reward as a recompence which that prince had a right to bestow, and which was one conformable to the usage of the country, and rendered more appropriate, according to that usage, from the high honour which the Emperor of Delhi had, at the request of Meer Jaffier, conferred upon him. Clive gave a complete proof of his anticipation of the approbation of his superiors in England, and of his wish to give publicity to this transaction, by accepting, as his jaghire, an assignment of the quit-rent, or government share, of the lands farmed by the Company in the vicinity of Calcutta. This arrangement, which placed his income in the hands of the Company, though it presented the best possible security, would never have been consented to by a person who had not acted with a perfect consciousness that he was violating no duty, and inflicting no injury on the interests either of individuals or the public.
These were evidently Clive's sentiments; and the transaction, at the time of its occurrence, appears to have been generally viewed in the same light. If some argued (as they might with reason) that, though no existing regulations forbade individuals from accepting such gifts, when spontaneously made by the Princes of India, a person in Clive's situation ought not to have received a reward of a nature so likely to establish a precedent dangerous to the future integrity of the service: it was probably answered, that this was no doubt correct as a common rule; but that the circumstances in which he was placed were altogether peculiar, and never likely to recur to any individual; that he first saved from ruin, and afterwards established upon a firmer and more extended basis, the British interests in India; that he had, in his career, overcome the army of one prince whose hostility to the English was unconquerable, and raised and preserved upon his throne another, by whom the ruined inhabitants of Calcutta were restored to affluence, and a defenceless factory and a precarious trade converted into a strong government and a flourishing commerce. Was he, they would ask,—the sole and acknowledged author of this almost miraculous change,—to obtain no benefit except empty honour? Restricted by his military occupation from trade,—denying himself, upon principle, every advantage from a corrupt source,—inadequately paid by the government he served, and without a hope of any remuneration from a fluctuating body of Directors,—was he, when he compromised no duty, when he offended no law, when he injured neither the interests of individuals nor of the state, to reject ungraciously the munificent reward spontaneously proffered to him by a prince, who, though he had already enriched him with a liberal share of the treasures which he distributed to the English government and its army when they placed him upon the throne, now owed him an obligation of almost equal magnitude? For there could be no doubt, the defenders of Clive would argue, that to him Meer Jaffier was exclusively indebted for the successful issue of the late campaign: and his merits and claims were enhanced from his having, by his qualities of a soldier and a statesman, and by the influence of his great name, reaped all the fruits of the most decided victory without shedding one drop of blood.
Such were the arguments by which the great majority became satisfied with Clive's conduct on this occasion. Their force cannot be denied; nor can their validity be impugned on any ground unconnected with his peculiar situation and extraordinary achievements. It is, assuredly, a great injustice to his memory, to view his conduct on this and similar points without the fullest reference, not only to the singular circumstances in which he was placed, but to the usages of the service to which he belonged, to those of Eastern governments, and to the principles of action which, at that period, governed the Directors of the East India Company. Besides, if, even with ourselves, there is not a man who thinks the more meanly of Cornwallis or Wellesley for the large pecuniary donations which they received from the Company, or of our Marlborough and our Wellington for the splendid estates which they received from the government of a grateful country; can it be deemed honest or fair to apply a different rule to the similar testimony of gratitude which Clive received from the prince (the sole representative of the government) whom he had so eminently served? According to the ideas of that country, the reward was not excessive: no native of the East certainly deemed it so. And, if it be objected to as conferred by a foreign potentate, Clive must be content to share, in his fortunes as his fame, the fate of the Prince of Mindelheim, the Duke of Bronte, and the Duke of Vittoria.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
London:
Printed by A. Spottiswoode,
New-Street-Square.
FOOTNOTES:
[214] Orme, vol. ii. p. 363.
[215] The country usually known by the name of the Northern Circars, which had been ceded by the Soubah Salabut Jung to the French.
[216] A modern writer has noticed Clive's conduct on this occasion in less favourable terms:—
"Clive," Mr. Mill observes[217], "chose to remain in Bengal, where he was master, rather than go to Madras, where he would be under command; and determined not to lessen his power by sending troops to Madras, which the Presidency, copying his example, might forget to send back. An enterprise at the same time presented itself, which, though its success would have been vain had the French in the Carnatic prevailed, bore the appearance of a co-operation in the struggle, and afforded a colour for detaining the troops."
I conceive no remark is necessary upon the first part of this paragraph. Every one acquainted with our condition in India at this period must be sensible that Clive's presence was comparatively of little consequence at Fort St. George[218], and that it was essential to the very existence of our power in Bengal; he, therefore, having the option, very properly chose to remain where he was most urgently required.
[217] Vol. iii. p. 247.
[218] Mr. Pigot was governor, and Colonel Lawrence commanded the troops.
[219] Calcutta, 14th August, 1758.
[220] Calcutta, 15th September, 1758.
[221] Two companies of Draper's regiment.
[222] Calcutta, 26th December, 1758.
[223] Calcutta, 25th December, 1758.
[224] M. Moracin.
[225] Mr. Scrafton.
[226] In a letter from Mr. Hastings to Clive, of the 13th August, 1758, he observes:—
"As I look upon myself to be principally indebted to you for my appointment to this office (of what advantage soever it may prove to me with respect to my own particular interest), I think it incumbent upon me to make my sincere acknowledgments to you, for your favourable intentions herein; which I cannot do better than by a constant attention to the business entrusted to my charge, and my earnest endeavours to promote the interests of the Company, as far as my capacity will enable me; in which, I hope, I shall always have the happiness to meet with your approbation."
[227] Mr. Hastings could not have been above twenty-five years of age when appointed to this arduous and responsible situation.
[228] Mr. Hastings, in a letter to Clive of the 18th September, reports the suspicious circumstances that led to the dismission of Cajah Haddee, who was accused of having armed his followers with an intention of murdering the Nabob when he went on a visit to his son. This accusation was probably false, and invented, as the ground of the fictitious plot, before alluded to, against Meer Jaffier's life, said to be formed by Roy Dullub, with the knowledge and approbation of Clive.
[229] Tunkaws are the orders upon the revenue of the country.
[230] 6th October, 1758.
[231] The Nabob gave a copy of this letter to Mr. Hastings, to forward to Clive. Its purport was as follows:—
"Your acceptable letter I have received: the purport of it I have duly attended to. You write that the sepoys are all unanimous in this affair, which I am very glad of. At present, it is your business to put in immediate execution the affair in which you are engaged. I will be with you in time: with regard to the expenses, I have wrote to Meer Allee, who will supply you.
"I have talked with Sayeed Cossim Ali Khan as far as necessary, and half engaged his consent. As you judge most effectual, do you bring him entirely over to our design. What was agreed upon between us, you may be assured shall be fully complied with: of this you may rest perfectly satisfied. By the means of Mr. Watts and Mr. Scrafton I have communicated the whole affair to Sabut Jung, and have gained his concurrence in it. Sabut Jung's tunkaw money, and the sepoys' arrears, I have taken upon myself.
"Let these particulars entirely satisfy you in this affair, which I desire you will bring to a speedy conclusion."
Mr. Hastings, in the letter to Clive which accompanies this document, observes, "Whether the letter is genuine or forged, I shall leave to yourself to judge, and time to determine. I own I cannot help making one obvious remark,—that if Roy Dullub was really the author of the letter, it will be a matter of some difficulty to find out what his intent could have been in writing it; as it appears of very little consequence towards the design in hand, and rather calculated to discover the whole affair, and put himself entirely in Cajah Haddee's power, than to answer any other purpose, at least that I can discover."
[232] To the Council of Fort William, 5th December, 1758.
[233] Private letter to Mr. Drake, sen., 30th December, 1758.
[234] Shah Zada means "King's son;" but, in India, has latterly been always applied, by way of distinction, to the princes of the family of Delhi. Indeed, before the assumption of the title of Sultan by Tippoo, and of that of Shah by the present Vizier of Oude, no Indian Mahommedan prince or chief, in recent times, ever styled himself Sovereign.
[235] Mr. Hastings, in his letter to Clive of the 8th July, 1759, observes, "The Nabob suspects Ram Narrain to have taken the part of the King's son; which I do not wonder at, as the Nabob has never been thoroughly reconciled to Ram Narrain."
[236] Aurungzebe died at Ahmednagar, in the Deckan, on the 21st February, 1707.
[237] The name of this chief was Meer Shah-u-Deen. He took the title of his father, Ghazee-u-Deen, or, "The Champion of the Faith."
[238] This prince is often called Ali Gohur; but the title of Shah Alum (or, "King of the World") is that by which he designates himself in all his letters written at this period. The Vizier, in his letters to Clive, gives the Prince this title; and it is also that by which he has since become so well known, as titular Emperor of Delhi, throughout a long life of vicissitude and misfortune.
[239] M. Law, who was an able man, and well acquainted with the natives, was incessant in his intrigues at this period. Clive obtained copies of his letters to Sujah-u-Dowlah, whom he endeavoured to stimulate to action by representing the unsettled state of Bengal, and the certainty of a large French force soon invading that kingdom.—See Country Correspondence, MSS. vol. xiii.
[240] Antè, pp. 348, 349.
[241] Pursnath is the name given by the Jains (the sect to which the Seits belonged) to their principal idol; and their pilgrimage was to Samet Sechara, at which there is one of his most celebrated temples.
[242] 23d November, 1758.
[243] "I cannot close this letter," Clive states, "without doing that justice to Mr. Watts which I think his great services entitle him to. That gentleman, at the manifest hazard of his life, brought to perfection the treaty with the new Nabob and other great men of the Durbar, and sent it down to Calcutta to be put in execution; that gentleman attended the army throughout the long expedition to Patna, in which his knowledge of the language, and of the natives in general, has been of great service to the Company. I could not say less in favour of one who, I think, has had just cause given him for resigning the service."
[244] 4th March, 1759.
[245] Mr. Hastings, in a letter to Clive of the 4th March, observes, "Golam Shah was yesterday with me, with whom I had some discourse upon the subject of the present dissensions betwixt the Nabob and his sepoys. He said the greatest part would assuredly quit the Nabob as soon as he took the field, and that he did not know one who would stand by him against the Shah Zada. But he added, that if you would act as mediator betwixt the Nabob and his jemidars, and engage your word for the safety of their lives and honour, he did not doubt that they would continue faithful to the Nabob, as the fear of his treacherous behaviour was the principal reason that they had to be displeased with his service."
[246] Letter to Mr. Amyatt, 29th December, 1758.
[247] 10th February, 1759.
[248] 13th February.
[249] Received at Calcutta 11th February.
[250] Chuta Nabob means, "the Little Nabob;" by which name the son of Meer Jaffier was always known.
[251] 20th February, 1759.
[252] The Nabob, in his answer to Clive, denied the truth of this report.
[253] 12th February, 1759.
[254] The following is a translation of this letter:—
"To the most High and Mighty, Protector of the Great, Colonel Sabut Jung Bahader.[255]
"I know that you are under the shadow of the King's favour. My beloved son, Maddar-u-Dowlah Bahader, and the magnificent Fyaz Ali Khan, worthy of our favour, have fully represented to me your readiness to expose your life for me, and many other particulars relating to you. In this happy time, with a view of making the tour of Patna and Bengal, I have erected my standard of glory at this place. It is my pure intention to bestow favour upon you, the high and mighty, and all faithful servants, agreeable to their conduct. This world is like a garden of flowers, interspersed with weeds and thorns; I shall, therefore, root out the bad, that the faithful and good ryots (God willing) may rest in peace and quietness. Know you who are great, that it is proper you should pay a due obedience to this my firman, and make it your business to pay your respects to me like a faithful servant, which will be great and happy for you. It is proper you should be earnest in doing this, when, by the blessing of God, you stand high in my favour. Know this must be done."
[255] The following remarks on this title, communicated by David Haliburton, Esq., to his friend Sir John Malcolm, are too curious to be omitted.
"The title of Sabut Jung, viz. 'firm or steady in war,' was first given by the Nabob Mahommed Ali to Colonel Clive, in allusion to his memorable defence of Arcot some years before; but it was after his arrival in Bengal, in 1757, that he was best known there by that title, which was engraven on his Persian seal. One reason might be, that his own name of Clive is difficult to be pronounced in any of the languages of India. Even after a higher title, Zubdut-ul-Mulk, was conferred upon him by the Mogul Emperor, when he created him an Omra of the empire, Clive was better known through the country by the original title of Sabut Jung, which he had brought when he commanded the expedition from Madras.
"Mahommed Ali had, indeed, no right himself to grant titles. He had assumed for himself that of Suraj-u-Dowlah, which, he asserted, had been conferred on him by the Subadar of the Deckan, Nasir Jung; but it had not been acknowledged by those in the French interest, who had succeeded as Subadars of the Deckan. Be this as it may, Mahommed Ali retained that title of Suraj-u-Dowlah in his correspondence with the English. It is that even on his seals to the sunnuds for the lands he gave them near Madras, commonly called the Jaghire; and he never took any other, till he assumed that of Wala-Jah, by which he was known in his latter years.
"It is, however, remarkable, that the first title he had, of Suraj-u-Dowlah, was the same as that by which the Nabob of Bengal was known to the English, by whom he was dethroned in 1757; and perhaps was assumed by him with as little right as Mahommed Ali had: but certainly, of the two, he was placed in the higher situation, when he succeeded his grandfather Aliverdi Khan as Subah of Bengal and Bahar, which would command his procuring a high title from the Court of Delhi."
[256] Clive's sunnud (of which a translation was made by Mr. Hastings) is a curious document, not only as being a good specimen of that florid style in which such patents were written, but as it exhibits their form, and the various offices of government through which they passed before they were sent to the individuals distinguished by such marks of imperial favour. I have given, therefore, a literal transcript of this sunnud in the Appendix.
[257] Polit. Hist. of India, vol. i. p. 510.
[258] 27th February, 1759.
[259] A letter from a prince to a subject is, in India, invariably termed a firman, or mandate.
[260] Clive, on the assurance of Meeran, appears, for the moment, to have believed this report. He wrote to Meer Jaffier, urging him to abandon the play of the Hooley (a Hindu feast), and to hasten to the field, if he desired to preserve his country. To Ram Narrain he wrote in the following terms:—"I have neither eyes to see, nor ears to hear, the letter I have now received from Mr. Amyatt; nor could aught but the great confidence I have in him induce me to give credit to its contents. Have you no sense of the obligations you are under to me for all the care and pains I have taken for you? If you had not courage equal to the occasion, yet what could have induced you to act so imprudent a part? What power has the Shah Zada to resist the united forces of the Nabob and the English? Think, then, what will be your fate. For God's sake reflect on the duty you owe to your master, to my friendship, and to your own safety. Turn from this bad design, and act in such a manner that your master may be satisfied with you, and the world acknowledge you worthy of the friendship I have shown you. Should you, from want of courage, forsake your city, be assured it will not remain ten days in the Shah Zada's power."
Ram Narrain, in answer to this letter, urged the difficulties of his situation, and his want of means for a protracted defence; but asserted his fidelity. Clive wrote in reply (29th March), "I shall continue to march, with the utmost expedition, to your assistance. Let my approach animate you to a vigorous defence; and let your conduct be such that I may never repent the protection I have given you."
When Clive was informed of Ram Narrain's having repulsed the Shah Zada, he wrote him in terms of the highest applause and encouragement: "Your behaviour convinces me not only of your fidelity, but of your bravery as a soldier; and you may be assured of my maintaining you in your subahship, even at the hazard of my life." He adds, "Continue thus gloriously to exert yourself, and be assured of my coming shortly to your aid."
[261] Ensign Mathews writes to Clive, from Patna, on the 6th of April, as follows:—"The Shah Zada's army, on the arrival of the English advanced guard (as they term it), raised the siege yesterday morning. Had we not been so expeditious on our marches, they would have had the town this day, as they meant to storm, and had undermined one place."
[262] 19th March, 1759.
[263] The Prince, in his letter to Clive, assumed his title of "Shah Alum," by which we denominate him.
[264] The Vizier wrote two letters to the Nabob, to the same purport as that from the Emperor. He further states, in the second letter, that Mahommed Hedayet-Buksh, second son of the Emperor, was appointed Subadar of Patna, and Meer Jaffier his naib. The nomination of the Prince was titular; but, by its being made at this period, it was, no doubt, meant to take away every shadow of a pretext that could justify the invasion of that province by the Prince Shah Alum. These letters were received at Moorshedabad on the 29th of March, and must have been written before Shah Alum left Benares.
[265] Clive, in a letter to Mr. Manningham of the 24th of April, makes the following observations on Shah Alum's situation at this period:—"The Prince, beset as he is on all sides, must be in great distress, and much puzzled where to retire to. I herewith send you a translation of a letter lately received from him. The letter to which he alludes, as having received from me, is an absolute forgery, as I never wrote him but one, and that from Calcutta, to which this bears no resemblance. The affair appears to be a contrivance of his, in order to sow dissension between the Nabob and me; unless it be really the consequence of the necessitous state to which he is reduced, and intended as an introduction to his throwing himself upon us for protection."
[266] There cannot be a greater proof of Ram Narrain's desire to preserve his fidelity to Meer Jaffier, than this opinion; for had he cherished different sentiments, the ex-Prince was a fit instrument to aid his future designs.
[267] Ganges.
[268] 8th May, 1759.
[269] About 1000l.
[270] He received one, on the 23rd of May, from Ahmed Khan, the Vizier's brother, who states, "I have heard, with pleasure, of your great fame, good actions, and sincerity. Your coming with Nabob Nasser-ul-Mulk[272], to assist and join Ram Narrain Bahader against the Shah Zada, who went into these parts against the Emperor's pleasure, and that of the Vizier my brother, and raised disturbances, was very proper and advisable. I return God thanks that, on your approach, and by your influence, the Naib of Azimabad (Ram Narrain) soon put an end to these disturbances, which has saved the King, my brother, and myself, much trouble and fatigue, as we should have been obliged to take a long journey."
[271] 29th June, 1759.
[272] The title of Meeran.
[273] Hist. of India, vol. iii. p. 254.
[274] Vol. iii. p. 255.
[275] 24th April, 1759.
[276] This means the Court of Delhi. No jaghire, or other grant, was deemed complete in form till sanctioned by the command of the Emperor.
[277] House of Commons Reports, vol. iii. p. 154.
[278] 9th August, 1759.
[279] In a letter to Mr. Amyatt, Chief of Patna, Clive objects, on the ground of having as yet no jaghire, to pay the enormous sum demanded as a fee for the patent of nobility sent him from Delhi; but he desires Mr. Amyatt to give the royal agent, Shitabroy, the nazeranna (or offering) customary from omrahs of similar rank. In the evidence of Clive, given before the Committee of the House of Commons, we find the following testimony on the subject:—
"That the first letter he (Clive) ever wrote about a jaghire was, to the best of his remembrance, on the 31st of January, 1759, to Jugget Seit, informing him that the Nabob had made him an omrah, without a jaghire. In answer to which he replied, that the Nabob never granted jaghires in Bengal; that Orissa was too poor, but that he might have one in Bahar; and he declared, upon his honour, that he never applied for any jaghire, directly or indirectly, after that period; and that, when the Nabob presented him the jaghire (which was near six months afterwards), he did not know what that jaghire was; had not the least idea of the amount of it, nor of its being the quit-rent upon the Company's lands; and that he did believe the Nabob gave him that jaghire in consequence of the services he had rendered him, which have been stated by Mr. Sykes.
"That having looked upon the Nabob's answer as an evasive one, and that he was not inclined to comply with his request, he never wrote, nor thought, more upon the subject, until he received a second letter from Jugget Seit, in answer to his first, after the success against the King's son, mentioning that the Nabob had turned the thing in his mind, and was willing to grant him a jaghire in Bengal; but the nature of it, where, or what value it was to be, he was entirely ignorant of till the patent explained it. Jugget Seit was a banker, and a man of great interest and weight with the Nabob."—Parliamentary Reports, vol. iii. p. 154.