Mr. Payne further informed Clive that the Duke of Newcastle had written to the Court of Directors, regarding the propriety of conferring upon him a distinguished mark of the royal favour; but, as this was unaccompanied by any suggestion of a similar honour being intended for Admiral Watson, he thought it would embarrass the Directors; and he had, therefore, with the Duke's concurrence, withheld the communication. He expressed his confidence that Clive would approve of what he had done; and, at all events, that he would be acquitted of having been actuated by any little motive in the part he had taken on that occasion. "Be assured, Sir," Mr. Payne concludes, "I shall always be as ready to propose as to concur in any measures that may be hereafter thought of to do you honour or pleasure; and that it is a great one to me to reflect, that your attention to the service you are engaged in, by exposing your person on so many different occasions, may and has been attended not only with the honours and laurels that adorn the brow of a conqueror, but with some more solid fruits of your labour; which may in some degree compensate for the toils that precede victory and success."

This communication could not but be agreeable to Clive; and, in his reply, he expresses satisfaction with Mr. Payne's conduct on all those points which related to his personal honour and preferment. He also states, that a knowledge of the favourable sentiments which were entertained of his conduct by some of the principal members of the Court was his chief inducement for accepting the proffered station of President.

The Court of Directors had formed this Government of Rotation at a period when they could not have anticipated the great changes which had taken place in Bengal: that this was the case, is proved by the fact of the subsequent appointment of Clive to the station of Governor, the moment they heard of the battle of Plassey. They appear, also, to have recognised the high and disinterested motives which induced the Council to invite him to be their President; and, though sufficiently alive on such points, we cannot discover from the records, that they ever viewed the setting aside of their arrangement on this extraordinary and unprecedented occasion as a measure that evinced contempt for their judgment and authority.[213]

CHAP. VIII.

Clive's first object, after he accepted the Government of Bengal, was to give what aid he could to Fort St. George. The view he took of the dangers of that settlement, and the measures he adopted to afford it relief, are thus described by a contemporary historian.[214]

"No one doubted that Madras would be besieged, as soon as the monsoon had sent the squadrons off the coast, if reinforcements should not arrive before. But Clive did not entertain the surmise that it could be taken whilst it had provisions; and, as troops were known to be on the way from England, if the ships in which they were embarked should lose their passage in this year, they would probably arrive in the first months of the next. Nevertheless it was necessary, if possible, to alleviate the inequality between the English and French force in Coromandel.

"But the preference which each of the Company's Presidencies was naturally inclined to give to its own safety, as the only ground on which the property and fortunes of the whole community were established, suggested apprehensions that Madras, in the same manner as it had been treated by the Presidency of Calcutta, would, whatever might be the necessity of Bengal, detain on their own service whatsoever troops might be sent to their assistance; and, although little was to be immediately apprehended in Bengal from the French, yet the entire estrangement of the Nabob, and the hazard of all that remained due from him, were to be expected, if he saw the English force too considerably diminished, without the immediate power of recall, to oppose either his own attempts against them, or to afford the assistance he might want, whether in the maintenance of his authority against his own subjects, or the defence of his territory against foreign enemies.

"In consequence of these conclusions it was determined not to send a body of troops to Madras, but to employ all that could with prudence be spared, in concert with Anunderauze, against the French in the ceded provinces[215]; which would either occasion a diversion of their troops in the Carnatic, or, if they neglected this assistance, would deprive them at once of all they had acquired by their long connection with the Soubah of the Deckan; and, lest any danger during the expedition should threaten Bengal, the troops were only to obey the immediate orders of Calcutta.

"The conduct of the expedition was committed to Lieutenant-Colonel Forde, who, on the invitation of the Presidency to take the command of the army in case of the departure of Colonel Clive, had quitted the King's service in Adlercron's regiment, and arrived from the coast in the month of April. Mr. George Grey was sent to continue the course of intelligence at Cuttack, and Mr. John Johnstone was despatched in the Mermaid sloop to make the necessary preparations in concert with Anunderauze at Vizagapatam. The force allotted for the expedition was five hundred Europeans, including the artillery men, two thousand sepoys, and one hundred lascars: the artillery were six field-pieces, the best brass six-pounders, six twenty-four-pounders for battery, a howitz, and an eight-inch mortar: eighty thousand rupees, and four thousand gold mohurs, equivalent to sixty thousand rupees, were in the military chest for immediate expenses. The embarkation was made on three of the Company's ships arrived lately from Europe, on the Thames, a private ship of seven hundred tons, with two of the pilot sloops of the river. The Thames, likewise, carried a great quantity of provisions intended for Madras, whither she was to proceed as soon as the present service would permit. By altercations in the Council, for the measure was too vigorous to be acceptable to all of them, and by delays in the equipment, the vessels were detained in the river till the end of September. Their departure left the English force in the province barely equal to what they carried away."[216]

Of the brilliant success which attended the expedition under Colonel Forde I shall speak hereafter. I shall content myself at present with the insertion of extracts from the private letters of Clive written at the period of its formation. These, while they show the enlarged and just view he took of the state of affairs on the coast, will prove that he not only gave to that settlement all the aid he had the power of giving it, but that he actually left Bengal almost without European troops, in order to provide for its defence.

The following are extracts from Clive's letters, under different dates, to Mr. Pigot.

"I cannot quit the coast without explaining to you my sentiments of affairs there. I do not find that M. Lally is able to take the field with three thousand men. When our expected forces arrive, and we are joined with those of Madras and Trichinopoly, we shall be two thousand five hundred strong; and I do not think victory so much depends upon equality of numbers as conduct and resolution. From the several accounts I have received of M. Lally, I do not entertain the high opinion of him which he seems to have gained upon the coast; and, indeed, his late behaviour has confirmed me in this opinion. Captain Monchanin, who is here, received a letter from his brother at Paris, informing him of the manner in which these troops were raised: they were not draughted out of any of the regiments of France, but are composed of foreigners and deserters; these latter had a pardon promised them on condition of enlisting for the East Indies. Although M. Lally is a Colonel on the Irish Brigade, I do not find any of that corps have come out with him. The capture of St. David's ought to add nothing to our apprehensions of his succeeding in future enterprises, for there was no opportunity given of experiencing the courage of his troops, excepting the attack of the fascine party, which, I think, makes rather in praise of our forces than his, since an officer and fifty men could defend it from all attempts of the French from ten in the evening till three next morning. If Colonel Lawrence could, by any means, draw the enemy upon a spot of ground he is well acquainted with, and attack them in the manner he did at Bawoor, I should entertain great hopes of his success.

"By this time the superiority of our force at sea, I take for granted, is beyond dispute, and of consequence our resources must be more than those of the French. This will be another inducement for us to hazard an engagement, whenever we can do it with the least probability of success. A victory on our side must confine the French within the walls of Pondicherry; and when that happens, nothing can save them from destruction, but a superior force at sea, of which I see little probability, notwithstanding the report of a third division.

"If it should be thought that we are not strong enough for an offensive war, other measures, I think, may be pursued, which will greatly distress, if not in the end ruin, our enemies. Their great want of money is well known; and every method, which can be thought of, to increase their want of it, must greatly conduce to overset all their offensive schemes. Can't a body of Mahratta or other horse be taken into pay, to burn, ravage, and destroy the whole country in such a manner as that no revenue can be drawn from thence? Bengal is in itself an inexhaustible fund of riches, and you may depend upon being supplied with money and provisions in abundance. In the mean time, what must become of the French if they cannot raise money sufficient to pay their forces? They must disband their blacks, and their white ones will disband themselves. I find M. Lally is gone south. If the King of Tanjore be not overawed into a compliance with M. Lally's demands, and give assistance to Captain Caillaud, I have such an opinion of that gentleman's abilities, and the goodness of his garrison, that I sincerely believe the French will meet with some disgrace before Trichinopoly.

"You are acquainted with the troubles at Golconda, and that the French are drove out of Ganjam, Vizagapatam, and Chicacole. One Bristow, who resided at Cuttack, is gone to Vizagapatam at the particular request of the Rajah; and I have received a letter from him, desiring assistance in the strongest terms. Two trusty agents are gone to Vizaram-Rauze; and if they bring a promising account of affairs, although our effective force does not exceed seven hundred Europeans, I propose sending into those parts three hundred and fifty Europeans, and two thousand sepoys, and a train of artillery under the command of Colonel Forde. This is not mentioned in the Committee's letters, because not absolutely determined upon. The news from the North may occasion an alteration of measures, though at present there is the greatest prospect of tranquillity.

"If this (expedition) only throw the country into such confusion, as to prevent our enemies collecting any revenues, it will in a great measure answer the design and the expense."[219]

"Since my last, the three Europe ships, one country, and two sloops, are dropped down to Ingillie. The stores are on board, and the troops will embark in two or three days, and will, I hope, be landed at Vizagapatam, or elsewhere, by the last of this month. You must not expect that these forces will be ordered to proceed to your Presidency. All here are much alarmed at so large a detachment leaving the place, and the gentlemen in Council have made great opposition to it. The expedition, whilst at a distance, did not seem to attract their attention; but now the troops are upon the point of embarking, self-preservation for the present seems to possess every breast, without any regard for the future, or the good of the service in general; and you may be assured, if I was to propose the troops proceeding to Madras, a negative would be given by every one but myself. And to tell you the truth, the gentlemen here seem fully persuaded that the detachments would never be returned, should the exigency of affairs here require it. We shall see what may be effected by January, and whether Bussy may not be kept at bay, and his resources of money, &c. be cut off. If this can be effected, I think the troops cannot be employed more for your advantage, as it may prevent his forces from joining M. Lally.

"You may be persuaded that whilst I preside the most vigorous measures shall be pursued, and I think the present expedition a very strong proof of it; for I will not conceal from you, that we are in no condition to receive the French, should there be any possibility of their paying us a visit during the absence of our troops. Our effectives are not two hundred and eighty, and those the very scum of the men. Our garrison is drained of stores and ammunition."[220]

"The detachment of King's[221] troops on the Warren will return in the same ship, which will sail in a few days for Madras. Not a man shall be kept, but you may depend upon every assistance in our power; and if you can but give M. Lally one blow in the field he is ruined. You may draw upon us for what money you choose: we have twenty lacs of rupees in the treasury, but no bullion: the gold in the Warren will be sent you. The Warren and Cuddalore sloops will be loaded with provisions."[222]

Clive wrote[223] on the same subject to Colonel Lawrence as follows:—

"Colonel Forde is in the Deckan with a very fine detachment of men. The news from thence you will receive much fresher by this conveyance than I can possibly send you. If we receive any supplies from England by the two latter ships, I will endeavour to reinforce him with one hundred Europeans; and the whole shall have orders to proceed your way, if we are successful there, and our squadron be arrived upon the coast. The detachment of his Majesty's 64th regiment, which came on the Warren, shall be sent you on the same ship, which will sail in a few days. Remember, my dear Colonel, that if our squadron be superior to that of the French, our enemies will have no resources. I think a body of Mahratta horse, well employed, and supported by our troops, would make such a man as Lally hang himself. You have my most ardent wishes for success: I have contributed all in my power towards it."

A proportion of the recruits which had arrived by the ships of the season were subsequently sent to Madras; and a judgment may be formed of the small military force left in Bengal, from the fact that in the month of February, on the province of Patna being invaded by the Shah Zada (or heir-apparent of the Emperor of Delhi), Clive could only form a force of three hundred European infantry, one hundred artillery, and two thousand five hundred sepoys. With this small body of men, he not only marched towards Patna, but while on that expedition directed that Colonel Forde should proceed to Madras if required.

Clive was anxious for many reasons that Meer Jaffier should pay him a visit at Calcutta. He considered that such an appearance of cordiality would be most useful by the impressions it was likely to produce both upon friends and enemies. This became the more necessary from the state of affairs at Moorshedabad. A packet had been intercepted from the French chief[224] at Masulipatam, by which it appeared that some of the Nabob's generals had offered to join him. Cojah Wazeed was apparently the principal person concerned in this intrigue. This man, who was formerly the native agent of the French Company, had made himself useful to the English during the confederacy against Suraj-u-Dowlah; but disappointment in his expectations, or some other cause, had alienated him from our interests.

During these intrigues the minister, Roy Dullub, was deprived of his employment, and disgraced. The first step taken to lower him was the appointment of another dewan to the Prince Meeran; and Roy Dullub was commanded to make over to him the accounts of several of the countries in his charge. Nundcomar, the governor of Hooghley, appears also to have been accessory to the disgrace of a minister who had, by his success and the wealth he had acquired, excited as great a spirit of envy in his own tribe as of cupidity among the Mahommedans. Besides being such an object for the rapacity of the Nabob and his son, Roy Dullub's professed dependence upon the English was a crime not to be forgiven.

Mr. Watts, who had been deputed to invite the Nabob to Calcutta, succeeded in his mission. The few obstacles which interposed were easily overcome, the proposed meeting being for the interest of both parties. Besides, we are assured by one[225] who had a full opportunity of knowing his most secret sentiments, that Meer Jaffier, notwithstanding his jealousy and discontent with his condition, never could divest himself of a sincere personal regard for Clive. The Nabob probably thought, that his compliance with this request afforded a good opportunity to rid himself of the obnoxious Roy Dullub; and he had no sooner left Moorshedabad, than his son Meeran, no doubt on a preconcerted plan, prepared to attack the minister's house. But the resident, Mr. Scrafton, seeing matters come to an extremity, marched a company of men to his assistance, and took him publicly under the Company's protection. The accounts of these proceedings were sent to Mr. Watts, then with the Nabob, who deemed it politic to disown the proceedings of his son, and consequently could not refuse the request of Mr. Watts to allow Roy Dullub to accompany them to Calcutta; the resident having satisfied him that while the English were compelled, by the obligations of good faith, to protect the life and honour of a man to whom it was pledged, they had no desire to impose upon Meer Jaffier the employment of a minister to whom he was adverse.

The Nabob was received at Calcutta with every mark of honour and respect: great presents were given to him, and every thing done which could afford him gratification. He appeared much pleased with his treatment; and Clive expressed himself convinced, that, besides the salutary impression in other quarters, the best effects had been produced upon Meer Jaffier's mind by this visit.

Mr. Scrafton at this period left Moorshedabad, and Clive[226] nominated Mr. Warren Hastings resident at the court of the Nabob; giving, in the selection of this young[227] but promising civil servant, another proof of that discernment which enabled him to promote his own fame, and the interests of his country, by the employment of men adequate to the task he assigned them. It is here, however, to be remarked, that no consideration which he gave to those under him exempted them from open, and often severe censure, when they deviated from what he deemed their duty. His private letters, even when addressed to men in official stations, though kind, have always the tone of the superior; but though Clive evidently brooked no approach to equality in such persons, their letters evince the greatest confidence in his temper and good feeling, for they are often as full of long and fretful complaints of his own conduct towards them as of their reliance on his friendship. We find this in the correspondence of Mr. Watts, by whom he was greatly aided; and it occurs more frequently in that of Mr. Scrafton, who, though personally much attached to Clive, seems to have been, at different times, very much dissatisfied with the situation in which he was placed.

The first affair in which Mr. Hastings became engaged was of a very delicate nature. Roy Dullub's family were refused leave to follow him to Calcutta, where he had remained after the Nabob left it. Mr. Hastings had hesitated how to act on this occasion, conceiving that the removal of his family, and their property, could not be effected with the same just pretence for interference as that which had obtained for Roy Dullub himself liberty to leave Moorshedabad.

Clive, in answer to this and other letters upon the same subject, observes, "Your apprehension of matters coming to extremities in case a guard be sent to bring away Roy Dullub's family is founded on reason. I never intended you should use force, but merely furnish them with a party of sepoys to escort them down to Calcutta. You are not acquainted with the connections between Roy Dullub and the English, and that they are bound not only to protect him but his family also. You may remonstrate with decency, as often as opportunity offers, that it is unjust to keep the mother and daughter from him. As for his brothers, it is not worth interfering about them. In short, I would have you act upon all occasions so as to avoid coming to extremities, and at the same time show as much spirit and resolution as will convince the durbar that we always have it in our power to make ourselves respected."

The determined conduct of Clive alarmed the Nabob into an abandonment of the plunder of Roy Dullub's family, who were afterwards allowed to join him; but Cajah Haddee and Cossim Ali Khan, two Mahommedan leaders, who were supposed to be attached to the ex-minister, were dismissed, and afterwards cut off. They were charged with real or pretended plots against the Nabob's life[228]; and, in the hope of inducing the English government to abandon the protection of Roy Dullub, Meer Jaffier informed Mr. Hastings that Clive and that minister were both said to have written to Cajah Haddee, to encourage him to the act of assassination. He also stated, that he had intercepted a letter from Roy Dullub to Cajah Haddee, to the following purport:—"That he had sent him a lac of rupees by Meer Allee, to forward the design then in hand; and advised him to take the present occasion to put it into execution; that both Mr. Watts and Mr. Scrafton had consented to the enterprise; and that he (Roy Dullub) had engaged to be responsible for your tunkaws."[229]

Clive appears to have been little pleased with the degree of attention paid by Mr. Hastings to this intrigue. "You have not yet[230]," he observes in reply, "been long enough at the durbar to make yourself acquainted with the dark designs of these Mussulmen. The moment I perused your letter I could perceive a design in the Nabob, and those about him, against Roy Dullub; and you may be sure what is alleged against him, and of his letter to Cajah Haddee, is a forgery from beginning to end. Roy Dullub is not such a fool as to give any thing under his own hand; his cautious behaviour, previous to the affair of Plassey, is a convincing proof of it. Besides, let his inclinations be what they will, he knows my attachment to the Nabob to be so firmly fixed, that he would never dare to intrigue against him, well knowing his life and fortune are in my power. How easy is it to counterfeit hands and seals in this country; and the Moors, in general, are villains enough to undertake any thing which may benefit themselves at another's expense. In short, the whole of the scheme is to exasperate me so much against Roy Dullub that the Nabob may have the plucking of all his money. The withdrawing of our protection from a man to whom it has been once promised would entail disgrace and infamy on the English nation.

"I cannot avoid entertaining the strongest resentment against the Nabob, if what you write about Cajah Haddee be true. The man who dared to accuse me of entering into schemes of assassination ought to have been punished upon the spot. After the treatment he received at Calcutta, he must have known that the English are endowed with sentiments of conscience and honour, which the Moors are strangers to; and I must desire you will inform him, that if he gives ear to such things as these, there will soon be an end to all confidence and friendship between us."

The future inquiries of Mr. Hastings left no doubt that the letter said to be from Roy Dullub to Cajah Haddee was a fabrication[231] contrived to injure that person with the English, and to afford a pretext for plundering or destroying all at Moorshedabad who were connected with, or attached to, the ex-minister.

The Nabob evinced the greatest anxiety to justify himself to Clive, for his conduct on this occasion; and as the unwearied object of the latter was to conciliate Meer Jaffier, and inspire him with confidence in the alliance, his explanations were readily received.

Clive's correspondence, at this period, shows that he was most solicitous to improve the efficacy of his small military force; but, in effecting this object, he had much opposition to overcome. He had recommended a plan, which was carried into execution, of incorporating troops of the different settlements who had served under him into one army; giving the officers and men, from Madras and Bombay, the option of remaining, or of returning to their respective presidencies; those that remained, enjoying, of course, their rank. This arrangement was dictated by the exigencies of the service, and grounded upon the justest principles; some of the captains of the Bengal troops deemed it, however, in the instance of Captain Govin, of the Bombay establishment, to be so injurious to their interests, that they not only remonstrated against it as a supercession, but tendered the resignation of their commissions unless the grievance was redressed. This remonstrance was addressed to the Council at Calcutta, who referred it to Clive, in his station of Commander of the army. His opinion upon this case will be found in the following letter[232]:—

"The remonstrating captains," he observes, "have either wilfully, or ignorantly, misrepresented the nature of superseding. An officer cannot be said to be superseded, unless one of inferior rank, in the same corps, be put over his head. Now, I can safely aver that I never, during the whole of my command, have done so by any officer, except in the case of Captain-Lieutenant Wagner, to whom I refused giving a vacant company, as I did not think him deserving thereof.

"The incorporation of the troops having been determined on as a necessary measure, the several officers of the three different establishments being now united, were, of course, to take rank according to the date of their respective commissions, in the same manner as the officers of different corps in His Majesty's service, when they happen to meet. Now, as Captain Govin had been ordered here by the Presidency of Bombay, to take the command of their detachment, without their knowing that such incorporation was to take place, it is evident they could have no design of injuring the officers of this establishment, as has been injuriously represented; and, therefore, to have sent him back, after having been so formally ordered here, would have been the highest indignity to the Council of Bombay, as well as to the gentleman himself; and, as he remained here, he had an undoubted right to maintain that rank which the seniority of the commission gave him.

"The truth of the matter is, the most of the gentlemen who have been so violent in their remonstrances were grown sufficiently rich in your service to be desirous of any pretence for quitting it. They will prove, however, no great loss, as no services can be expected from men who have so little spirit and gratitude as to resign their commissions at this critical time, and on ill-grounded pretences.

"I flatter myself it will be now obvious to every unprejudiced person, that I have been unjustly charged by these gentlemen with having superseded them, the doing of which, I readily agree, ought to be practised as seldom as possible. Yet such is the nature of the service in this country, that the preservation of your settlement may at times depend upon the taking of such a step; and as, by the want of field officers, your captains are often intrusted with the conducting of expeditions of the utmost importance, in such case, if you be desirous of insuring success you must have regard to the man only, and not the rank."

No reasoning could be more clear, no opinions more correct, than those contained in this letter. The principles inculcated, both as to general rules and exceptions, are alike just. It breathes, also, that calm but high spirit of command, and that firmness of purpose, which could alone support discipline in an army so constituted and so situated. It is often from such instances of conduct, more than from the most brilliant achievements, that we are enabled to form a true estimate of individual character. Clive, as appears from the correspondence in my possession, was censured by many as hazarding the territories of Bengal by the expedition under Colonel Forde; but all his private letters show that he was very sanguine in his anticipation of that brilliant success which was the result of this measure. After expressing to one of the Directors[233] his hope of expelling, by the operations of this detachment, the French from Golconda, and aiding the Presidency of Fort St. George, he concludes his letter in the following words:—"Success is in the hands of the Almighty; but I own I entertain the most sanguine expectations from the late armament."

With respect to the safety of Bengal, he evidently trusted in a very great degree to the influence of his own name and character. He was perfectly acquainted with the natives of India; and he knew that, with them, personal confidence, and a belief in the good fortune of an individual, had an almost superstitious influence, and gave him a strength which more than made amends for the inefficiency of his force.

In the beginning of the year 1759, intelligence was received that the Shah Zada[234], Shah Alum (eldest son of the Emperor of Delhi), had arrived at Benares, accompanied by a force of eight thousand men, and that his purpose was to invade Bahar, to which it was reported he was invited by Ram Narrain, the Governor of that province, whose fidelity to his allegiance continued to be suspected by the Prince Meeran, and by the Mahommedan nobles of Meer Jaffier's court.[235] Before we detail the measures which the advance of the Prince led the Nabob and the English to adopt, it will be useful to say a few words upon the actual condition at this period of the imperial family of Delhi.

The power of the Emperors of Delhi, subsequent to the death of Aurungzebe[236] had rapidly declined. That artful prince had struggled through life to maintain the appearance of health in an empire which was in a disordered and decaying state before he attained it; and by his crooked policy accelerated that destruction which was completed by the weakness of his successors.

Forty years after his decease, and after the murder or death of five intermediate princes, Mahommed Shah ascended the throne, and reigned twenty-seven years. The direction of the limited power he possessed was, during the whole of that period, an object of violent contention to the turbulent and ambitious nobles by whom he was surrounded; and, while these were engaged in intrigues and hostile struggles for the possession of the Emperor's person and his capital, others took advantage of their divisions, and of the general confusion, to usurp the fairest provinces of the empire, and to transmit them as an inheritance to their descendants.

The Mahrattas, who had only fifty years before emerged from obscurity, were so powerful in the reign of Mahommed Shah, that they plundered the suburbs of Delhi; and that capital was, during the same unpropitious period, taken and sacked by Nadir Shah, who, after his terrible invasion, restored to the unhappy sovereign of India his degraded throne and distracted dominions.

Mahommed Shah died in 1747. He was succeeded by Ahmed Shah, who reigned but a few years, when he was dethroned, and had his eyes put out in 1753. He was succeeded by Alumgeer the Second, with whom perished even that semblance of authority which his immediate predecessors had preserved. Soon after his accession, he became a mere instrument in the hands of his vizier (or minister) Ghazee-u-Deen[237], the grandson of the celebrated Nizam-ul-Mûlk.

Shah Alum[238], the eldest son of the Emperor of Delhi, fled from that capital. His first object was emancipation from that thraldom in which his father and family were kept by the cruel and ambitious Ghazee-u-Deen. When at a distance from court, he began to collect followers. India, at this period, abounded with military adventurers; and the high name of Shah Alum, and the reputation of his minister Ali Murad Khan, brought many to his standard. He was kindly received by some of the principal chiefs in Hindustan; but, according to the reports at Moorshedabad, it was Sujah-u-Dowlah, the Vizier of Oude, who directed his views to the invasion of Bahar. That prince, however, artfully kept in the back-ground, until he saw the result of the attempt upon Patna, the capital of that province.

The belief of the Shah Zada being connected with the Vizier, combined with the report of his being joined by the French party under Law[239], (added to the doubts entertained of Ram Narrain's fidelity), created serious alarm to the Nabob, whose mind was agitated by other causes. His son[240] continued to pursue a conduct calculated to give him very serious uneasiness, while his troops mutinied, and refused to march unless their arrears were paid. To add to these difficulties, Jugget Seit and his brother, who have been often mentioned as the principal soucars (or bankers) of the country, had obtained leave to proceed on a pilgrimage to Pursnath[241], and had commenced their journey, when information was received that they were in correspondence with the Shah Zada, and had actually furnished him with the means of paying his new levies. The Nabob, giving credit to this report, sent to stop them; but they refused compliance with his orders, and proceeded under the guard of the two thousand men which he had furnished for their escort. These troops, on receiving a promise of the liquidation of their arrears, readily transferred their allegiance from the Prince to his bankers. The Nabob, if he had had the disposition, would probably have found himself without the means of coercing these wealthy subjects into obedience. The principal bankers of India command, through the influence of their extensive credit, the respect of sovereigns, and the support of their principal ministers and generals. Their property, though often immense, is seldom in a tangible form. Their great profits enable them to bear moderate exactions; and the prince who has recourse to violence towards one of this class is not only likely to fail in his immediate object of plunder, but is certain to destroy his future resources, and to excite an impression of his character that must greatly facilitate those attempts against his life and power to which it is the lot of despots to be continually exposed.

Amid his difficulties and distresses, Meer Jaffier looked exclusively to Clive, to whom he wrote every day; and Mr. Hastings's letters of similar dates represent that not only that prince, but all classes (even to the mutinous troops), confided in him, and in him alone.

Clive, before these occurrences, had been appointed by the Directors to the station of Governor of Bengal; and his nomination was accompanied with such marks of regard and esteem, as induced him to forego his intention of going to England, and to determine to remain fourteen or fifteen months longer, "by which time," he observes, in a letter[242] to the Council at Fort William, "I persuade myself the treaty with the Nabob will be fulfilled, the fortifications in a state of defence, and such a force arrived from England as may secure to the Company their valuable acquisitions. These three objects are what I have always had much at heart; and if they can be completed, I flatter myself the Court of Directors will think I have answered their expectations, and will approve of my returning to Europe, to enjoy the fruits of war, which has been carried on for upwards of seven years almost without intermission."

Clive complains in this letter of the intention signified by several of the members of Council to quit the service, and particularly calls upon Mr. Manningham and Mr. Frankland to alter their resolution, and to continue to him and to the public their valuable aid. He concludes this despatch with a merited compliment to Mr. Watts[243], whom he considers to have had just cause given him for resigning the service.

The moment the report of the Shah Zada's advance was confirmed, Clive gave the Nabob every assurance of complete support. He wrote also to Mr. Hastings[244], directing him to give confidence to the court of Moorshedabad. "The dissensions," he states, "subsisting between the Nabob and his people give me much more concern than the news of the Shah Zada's motions, as there would be little to fear from the latter, did the former take the proper measures to secure his being well served."

Alluding to the mutinous commanders who had signified, through Golam Shah[245], their willingness to march, and do their duty, if Clive would give them his protection, he observes in the same letter, "I don't think it would be right to enter into any engagements with Golam Shah; but you may assure him from me, that, on my arrival in the city (which I expect will be in five or six days), I will endeavour to settle matters, that the jemidars shall have nothing to apprehend in future."

Ram Narrain had with reason taken alarm at the Nabob's designs, and communicated his fears through Mr. Amyatt[246], the chief of the factory at Patna. Clive desired he might be assured of his constant support and protection. "Should any movements," he wrote, "be made with an ill design towards him, I will march myself in person to his assistance."

When Clive found that the Shah Zada was advancing to Allahabad, and had summoned Ram Narrain to obey his orders, he wrote to Meer Jaffier, stating that he did not think there was much to be apprehended from the Emperor's son. "I would not," he observes[247], "have you think of coming to any terms with him, but proceed to take the necessary measures to defend your city to the last. On Monday, the last of this month, I shall take the field, and will have every thing in readiness to march to your assistance if necessary. Rest assured that the English are your stanch and firm friends, and that they never desert a cause in which they have once taken a part."

Clive subsequently wrote[248] Meer Jaffier that, though he considered the troops at Patna quite equal to repel the Shah Zada, the apprehension entertained of the latter being joined or supported by Sujah-u-Dowlah required that an army should march. In this letter he entreats the Nabob to have confidence in Ram Narrain.

"He is not a great sepoy (soldier)," he observes, "but he is an honest man."

A letter[249] from Ram Narrain to Clive, at this period, showed that his allegiance depended exclusively upon the assurances of support he received from the English Government.

"I have from time to time," he writes, "advised you of the Shah Zada's coming this way; but Mr. Amyatt's letters will make you acquainted with every circumstance; for I always acquaint him as soon as I have any fresh intelligence. My dependance is solely upon you. Troubles are very near at hand: this is the time for assisting me. I beg you will without delay send me your orders in what manner I am to act. I am very impatient for an answer to this letter."

"Since writing the above, I learn some wicked people have been representing me in a bad light to the Nabob, and that he is very angry with me. God knows, it is on your account that I am the Nabob's servant. If at this time the Chuta Nabob[250] only should be sent with forces to my assistance, it will raise doubts in many people's minds, and I myself shall be suspicious. I have no dependance on any soul living but yourself. Mr. Amyatt's letter will give you many particulars about this city."

The suspicions which Ram Narrain entertained of the Nabob's hostile disposition were well founded: many documents prove this fact. Mr. Hastings, in a letter[251] to Clive, observes, "What the Nabob's design is in sending Cassim Ali Khan to Patna, or in deferring his own departure, I am not informed; but, as it is past a doubt that the Nabob is no friend to Ram Narrain, and has almost openly accused him of treachery in this late affair, there is but too much reason to suspect that something is intended to Ram Narrain's prejudice."

The Court of Moorshedabad continued to pursue its favourite object—the removing and plundering an able but rich Hindu, at a moment when the safety or loss of Bahar depended upon his fidelity or defection. Clive saw, and pitied this wretched policy, which he was successful in counteracting, in a manner that gave confidence to the alarmed Ram Narrain, without outraging the feelings, or bringing into public disrepute the conduct, of Meer Jaffier. There is no transaction of his life in which he more displayed that temper and consideration which the character and circumstances of those with whom he was associated required, or more calmly and firmly maintained that high reputation for good faith on which the stability of the British power so much depended.

The fears of Meer Jaffier were so great, that he proposed, as one expedient, to purchase the retreat of the Shah Zada; but Clive, the moment he heard of this intention, wrote to dissuade him from a measure which could have no effect but that of inviting others to like profitable inroads. "I have just heard," Clive writes to the Nabob, "a piece of intelligence[252], which I can scarce give credit to; it is, that your Excellency is going to offer a sum of money to the King's son. If you do this, you will have Sujah-u-Dowlah, the Mahrattas, and many more, come from all parts to the confines of your country, who will bully you out of money, till you have none left in your treasury. If your Excellency should pursue this method, it will be furnishing the King's son with the means to raise forces, which, indeed, may endanger the loss of your country. What will be said, if the great Jaffier Ali Khan, Subah of this province, who commands an army of sixty thousand men, should offer money to a boy who has scarce a soldier with him? I beg your Excellency will rely on the fidelity of the English, and of those troops which are attached to you."

To Ram Narrain Clive reiterated his assurances of aid and protection. "It was," he states, in a letter[253] to that ruler, "on account of your strictness for justice, your courage, and your fidelity, that I got the Nabob to confirm you in the Subahship of Patna. It surprises me much to hear that you suffer yourself to be under such apprehensions of the King's son, who has not more than two thousand men. I would have you march out of the city with your forces, and encamp at a distance. Mr. Amyatt will accompany you. I have this day pitched my tent, and (with the blessing of God), if it be necessary, I will come to your assistance."

Clive received a very flowery and complimentary letter[254] from the Shah Zada, and another from his minister Maddar-u-Dowlah. The purport of both was to invite him to pay his personal respects; and a letter from Fyaz Ali Khan, received at the same time, intimated that the Prince had thoughts of doing great things by Clive's counsel, and in conjunction with him."

Conceiving, no doubt, that a knowledge of this correspondence might alarm Meer Jaffier, Clive sent him copies of all the letters. He also informed him that some of the Shah Zada's agents had been with him. "They made me," he observes, "offers of provinces upon provinces, with whatever my heart could desire; but could he give, as well as offer me, the whole empire of Hindustan, it would have no weight with the English. I am well assured, too, that he wrote to every man of consequence in these parts; which convinces me that he has designs against these provinces. It is the custom of the English to treat the persons of ambassadors as sacred, and I told the Shah Zada's agents as much; but at the same time warned them never to come near me again, for, if they did, I would take their heads for their pains."

Clive, having received a request from the Nabob, marched on the 25th of February; and, after remaining a short time at Moorshedabad, he proceeded, accompanied by the Nabob's son, towards Patna.

Though the Emperor of Delhi possessed, personally, no authority; though his mandates were evaded or disregarded throughout the greater part of his dominions, on the just ground of their being issued by one notoriously not a free agent; still there existed the greatest reverence for his name. He was, as yet, deemed the sole fountain of honour; and every outward mark of respect, every profession of allegiance, continued to be paid to the person who filled the throne of the house of Timour. Until his sunnud (or commission) was received, no possession, whether obtained by inheritance or usurpation, was deemed valid, and no title of nobility was recognised as legitimate unless conferred by him. In countries like India, where the community is almost in a primitive state, usage has a power, of which it is difficult to convey an idea to those accustomed only to a more artificial and advanced state of society. At the period here treated of, when the Emperor was known to be quite powerless, and to act under personal restraint, such was the impression throughout India of the nominal allegiance to which he was entitled, that no usurper, however daring, could outrage the general feeling so far as to treat his name with disrespect, or neglect forms to which consequence continued to be attached long after all the substance of authority was fled from that family for whose support they were instituted.

Clive appears to have been deeply impressed with the necessity of attention to this popular feeling, and to have studiously established an influence at the Court of Delhi. When Meer Jaffier obtained the sunnud (or commission) and investiture as Nabob of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, Clive was honoured, at the same time, with a high title[256] of nobility, and the grade of Munsubdar, or Commander in the Imperial Army; distinctions to which he appears to have attached considerable importance, and which were, no doubt, of value, as they increased his consequence in the eyes of the natives.

I have elsewhere given my opinion very fully upon this subject, and have expressed my sentiments as to the motives by which Clive was governed in all his intercourse with the Court of Delhi. I have stated "that, though general reasoners may deem such conduct a sacrifice to prejudice, a reverence to a shadow; yet the fact cannot be denied, that, by making that sacrifice, and by reverencing that shadow, Clive went in unison with the feelings and opinions of millions of men. Such inconsistencies as those which exist in our connection with the fallen descendants of the house of Timour are frequent in political communities, and particularly as they have existed from time immemorial in India. They grow out of the habits, the sentiments, and sometimes the superstition, of human beings; and wise statesmen, referring to their source, will ever treat them with consideration and respect."[257]

Clive, when he dismissed the agents of Shah Alum, wrote to that prince in a manner which left him without the slightest hope of success in forming a connection with the English. The substance of this letter[258] was as follows:—"I have had the honour to receive your Highness's firman.[259] It gives me great concern to find that this country must become a scene of troubles. I beg leave to inform you that I have been favoured with a sunnud from the Emperor, appointing me a Munsubdar of the rank of six thousand foot and five thousand horse, which constitutes me a servant of his; and as I have not received any orders, either from the Emperor or Vizier, acquainting me of your coming down here, I cannot pay that due regard to your Highness's orders which I would otherwise wish to do. I must further beg leave to inform you, that I am under the strictest engagements with the present Subadar of these provinces to assist him at all times; and it is not the custom of the English nation to be guilty of insincerity."

This communication was expressed in terms which could not be misunderstood; but it, at the same time, preserved that tone of respect, and professed obedience to the Emperor, which it would have been prejudicial to the interests of the English Government and its ally to have neglected.

Clive, when he arrived at Moorshedabad, on his march to Patna, had a long conference with the Nabob, the substance of which he details in his letters to the Select Committee. He laid before him the causes of the internal danger with which he was threatened from seditious nobles and a mutinous army. His own conduct, he informed him, had produced these effects; and his loss of the confidence of all classes of his subjects had the natural consequence of inviting foreign invasion. These truths, he appeared to hope, might make some impression; and he further informed the Committee, that, though he had stated his sentiments so frankly, he had, at the same time, complied with the Nabob's solicitation to ride on the same elephant with him, and adopted every measure that could support him in his administration.

In a letter, dated the 12th of March, to the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors, Clive informs them of the cause of the expedition to Patna, the strength of his force, and his expectations of the result.

"The Select Committee," he observes, "have already acquainted you that we were threatened with a storm from the north, and that the Mogul's son, who has for some time been in-arms against his father, or rather the Vizier, his father's minister, had entered the frontiers of these provinces in a hostile manner. As the Prince is daily advancing, though but slowly, it was judged expedient that our forces should march to the northward, in order, in conjunction with those of the Nabob, to put a stop to his progress. As I flatter myself my presence will be of service to the common cause (my former successes having gained me some degree of influence in the country), I have put myself at the head of the forces. They consist of about four hundred and fifty Europeans, and two thousand five hundred sepoys; and with these, few as they are, I trust we shall give a good account of the Shah Zada, though his army is said to be thirty thousand strong, provided the Nabob's people keep firm to him: and should even the contrary happen, and the Subadar's troops desert him, we shall be able to make our party good, and to maintain our own. Indeed, the only danger, in my opinion, to be apprehended is from the dissatisfaction among the Nabob's principal officers, occasioned by his treachery towards and ill-usage of them. However, in the several conferences I have had with him, since my arrival here, I have so strongly pointed out to him the danger of such like behaviour, as cannot fail inducing him to a change of conduct for the future; and the confidence which I know the jemidars have in the English will, I hope, retain them in their allegiance to their sovereign.

"We shall leave this to-morrow; and I propose marching with the utmost expedition to the relief of Patna, which is in great danger of being lost, as well as the whole province of Bahar, the Shah Zada being actually arrived at the Caramnassa, the river which divides the countries of Oude and Bahar. It is yet uncertain whether M. Law, with his few fugitives, will join him, or not."