W
REPRESENTATIONS OF MEDIAEVAL PLAYS
[I have attempted to bring together, under a topographical arrangement, the records of such local plays of the mediaeval type as I am acquainted with. Probably the number could be increased by systematic search in local histories and transactions of learned societies. But my list is a good deal longer than those of L. T. Smith, York Plays, lxiv; Stoddard, 53; or Davidson, 219. For convenience I have also noted here a few records of Corpus Christi processions, and of folk ‘ridings’ and other institutions. The following index-table shows the geographical distribution of the plays. The names italicized are those of places where plays have been reported in error or are merely conjectural.]
Index.
Bedfordshire.
- Dunstable, page 366.
Berkshire.
Buckinghamshire.
- Wycombe, 398.
Cambridgeshire.
Cheshire.
- Chester, 348.
Cornwall.
Denbighshire.
- Wrexham, 398.
Devonshire.
- Morebath, 384.
Dorsetshire.
- Wimborne Minster, 396.
Durham.
- Bishop Auckland, 342.
Essex.
- Baddow, 338.
- Billericay, 341.
- Boreham, 342.
- Braintree, 342.
- Brentwood, 342.
- Burnham, 343.
- Chelmsford, 345.
- Coggeshall, 357.
- Colchester, 357.
- Easterford, 367.
- Hadleigh, 367.
- Halstead, 367.
- Hanningfield, 368.
- Heybridge, 370.
- High Easter, 370.
- Kelvedon, 373.
- Lanchire (?), 375.
- Little Baddow, 379.
- Malden, 384.
- Manningtree, 384.
- Nayland, 385.
- Sabsford (?), 393.
- Saffron Walden, 393.
- Stapleford (?), 395.
- Stoke-by-Nayland, 395.
- Witham, 397.
- Woodham Walter, 397.
- Writtle, 398.
Gloucestershire.
Hampshire.
- Winchester, 396.
Herefordshire.
- Hereford, 368.
Kent.
- Appledore, 337.
- Bethersden, 338.
- Brookland, 343.
- Canterbury, 344.
- Folkestone, 367.
- Great Chart, 367.
- Ham Street, 367.
- Herne, 370.
- High Halden, 370.
- Hythe, 371.
- Lydd, 383.
- New Romney, 385.
- Ruckinge, 393.
- Stone, 396.
- Wittersham, 397.
- Wye, 398.
Lancashire.
Leicestershire.
Lincolnshire.
Middlesex.
Norfolk.
- Croxton, 363.
- Garboldisham, 367.
- Harling, 368.
- Kenninghall, 374.
- King’s Lynn, 374.
- Lopham, 383.
- Middleton, 384.
- Norwich, 386.
- Shelfhanger, 393.
- Wymondham, 398.
- Yarmouth, 399.
Northamptonshire.
Northumberland.
- Newcastle, 385.
Oxfordshire.
Shropshire.
- Shrewsbury, 394.
Somersetshire.
Staffordshire.
- Lichfield, 377.
Suffolk.
- Boxford, 342.
- Bury St. Edmunds, 343.
- Bungay, 343.
- Ipswich, 371.
- Ixworth, 373.
- Lavenham, 375.
- Mildenhall, 384.
Surrey.
Sussex.
- Rye, 393.
Warwickshire.
Westmoreland.
- Kendal, 373.
Wiltshire.
- Salisbury, 393.
Worcestershire.
- Worcester, 398.
Yorkshire.
Scotland.
Ireland.
Aberdeen, Scotland.
I summarize the references to plays and pageants in the Burgh Records[754].
May 13, 1440. Richard Kintor, abbot of Boneacord, was granted ‘unus burgensis futurus faciendus’ (i.e. the fees on taking up the freedom), ‘pro expensis suis factis et faciendis in quodam ludo de ly Haliblude ludendo apud ly Wyndmylhill.’
Sept. 5, 1442. ‘Thir craftes vndirwritten sal fynd yerly in the offerand of our Lady at Candilmes thir personnes vnderwrittin; that is to say,
May 21, 1479. Order for the alderman ‘to mak the expensis and costis of the comon gude apon the arayment, and uthris necessaris, of the play to be plait in the fest of Corpos Xristi nixttocum.’
Feb. 1, 1484/5. Order for all craftsmen to ‘beyr thare takyinis of thare craft apon thare beristis, and thare best aray on Canddilmes day at the Offerand.’
Feb. 3, 1502/3. Fine imposed upon certain websters, because ‘thai did nocht it that accordit thame to do one Candilmese day, in the Passioun [? Pr’ssioun, “Procession”],’ owing to a dispute as to precedence with the tailors.
Jan. 30, 1505/6. Order for continuance of ‘the ald lovabile consuetud and ryt of the burgh’ that the craftsmen ‘kepit and decorit the procession one Candilmes day yerlie; ... and thai sale, in order to the Offering in the Play, pass tua and ij togidr socialie; in the first the flesshoris, barbouris, baxturis, cordinaris, skineris, couparis, wrichtis, hat makars [and] bonat makars togidr, walcaris, litstaris, wobstaris, tailyeouris, goldsmiths, blaksmithis and hammermen; and the craftsmen sal furnyss the Pageants; the cordinaris, the Messing[er]; wobstaris and walcaris, Symeon; the smyths [and] goldsmiths, iij Kingis of Cullane; the litstaris, the Emperour; the masons, the Thrie Knichtis; the talyors, our Lady, Sanct Brid, and Sanct Elene; and the skynners, the Tua Bischopis; and tua of ilke craft to pass with the pageant that thai furnyss to keip thair geir.’
May 28, 1507. Order for precedence ‘in ale processiounis, baitht in Candilmes play and utheris processionis.’
Jan. 30, 1510/1. The order of Jan. 30, 1505/6 repeated verbatim.
Feb. 3, 1510/1. Citizens fined ‘becauss thai passt not in the procession of Candilmes day to decoir the samyn.’
Feb. 5, 1523/4. Johne Pill, tailor, to do penance, ‘for the disobeing of David Anderson, bailze, becaus he refusit to pas in the Candilmess processioun with his taikin and sing of his craft in the place lemit to his craft, and in likewise for the mispersoning of the said Dauid Andersoun, the merchandis of the said guid town, in calling of thame Coffeis, and bidding of thame to tak the salt pork and herboiss in thair handis.’
May 22, 1531. Order for the craftsmen to ‘keipe and decoir the processioun on Corpus Cristi dais, and Candilmes day ... every craft with thair awin baner.... And euery ane of the said craftis, in the Candilmes processioun, sall furneiss thair pageane, conforme to the auld statut, maid in the yeir of God jai vᶜ and x yeris....
The craftis ar chargit to furneiss thair panzeanis vnder writtin.
The flescharis, Sanct Bestian and his Tourmentouris.
The barbouris, Sanct Lowrance and his Tourmentouris.
The skynnaris, Sanct Stewin and his Tourmentouris.
The cordinaris, Sanct Martyne.
The tailzeouris, the Coronatioun of Our Lady.
Litstaris, Sanct Nicholes.
Wobstaris, walcaris, and bonet makaris, Sanct John.
Baxstaris, Sanct Georg.
Wrichtis, messonis, sclateris, and cuparis, The Resurrectioun.
The smithis and hemmirmen to furneiss The Bearmen of the Croce.’
June 13, 1533. A very similar order, but without the list of pageants, and so worded as to extend the obligation of furnishing pageants to the Corpus Christi, as well as the Candlemas procession:—‘The craftismen ... sall ... keip and decoir the processionis on XXi day and Candelmes day ... euery craft with thair avin banar ... with thair pegane.... And euery craft in the said processionis sall furneiss thair pegane and banar honestlie as effers, conforme to the auld statut maid in the yeir of God jaj vᶜ and tene yers.’
June 21, 1538. Dispute between goldsmiths and hammermen as to precedence ‘in the processioun of Corpus Xri.’
June 25, 1546. Litsters ordered to ‘haue thar banar and Pagane, as uther craftis of the said Burgh hes, ilk yeir, on Corpus Xhri day, and Candilmess dayis processiounis.’
June 4, 1553. Disputes as to ordering of Corpus Christi procession.
May 21, 1554. Similar disputes. A ‘Pagane’ in procession mentioned.
May 29, 1556. Order for observance of statute as to Corpus Christi procession.
The interpretation of these notices is not quite clear. Davidson, 220, seems to think that there was never more than a mystère mimé at Candlemas. But the ‘play’ is mentioned in 1506, 1507, and 1510. I conjecture that the Passion and Nativity cycles were not merged in Aberdeen. The Passion (Haliblude play) was performed, perhaps only occasionally, on Corpus Christi day; the Nativity annually, at Candlemas. The ‘persones’ of 1442 and the ‘Pageants’ of 1505/6 are practically identical, and would furnish a short play, with Moses and Octavian to represent the Prophetae, a Stella, and a Presentation in the Temple. But there was certainly also a procession in which the ‘honest squiares’ of 1442 figured. This may have preceded the play, but it may have been in some way introduced into it at ‘the offerand’ (of the Virgin in the Temple, or of the Magi?). The pageants in the list of 1531 are such as cannot all have formed part of a connected cycle. But some of them might come from the ‘Haliblude’ play, and I take it that this list was meant for the Corpus Christi procession only, the Candlemas procession being still regulated by the order of 1507.
Bon Accord.
The Haliblude play of 1440 was directed by the Abbot of Bon Accord. This was the Aberdeen name for the Lord of Misrule. There are many notices of him.
April 30, 1445. Order ‘for letting and stanching of diuerse enormyteis done in time bygane be the abbotis of this burgh, callit of bone acorde, that in time to cum thai will giue na feis to na sic abbotis. Item, it is sene speidful to thame that for the instant yher thai will haue na sic abbot; but thai will that the alderman for the tyme, and a balyhe quhom that he will tak til him, sall supple that faute.’
August 17, 1491. Dispute as to fee of ‘Abbat of Bonacord.’
May 8, 1496. Choice, ‘for vphaldin of the auld lovable consuetud, honour, consolacioun, and pleasour of this burgh,’ of two ‘coniunctlie abbotis and priour of Bonacord,’ with fee of five marks.
Nov. 30, 1504. All ‘personis burges nichtbours, and burgyes sonnys’ to ride with ‘Abbot and Prior of Bonaccord’ on St. Nicholas day annually when called on by them.
[In 1511 and 1515 this function of the Abbot has passed to the provost and baillies.]
May 16, 1507. ‘All manere of youthis, burgeis and burges sonnys salbe redy everie halyday to pass with the Abbat and Prior of Bonacord.’
May 8, 1508. ‘All personis that are abill within this burghe sall be ready with thair arrayment maid in grene and yallow, bowis, arrowis, brass, and all uther convenient thingis according thairto, to pass with Robyne Huyd and Litile Johnne, all tymes convenient tharto, quhen thai be requirit be the saidis Robyne and Litile Johnne.’
Nov. 17, 1508. Order for St. Nicholas riding ‘with Robert Huyid and Litile Johne, quhilk was callit, in yers bipast, Abbat and Prior of Bonacord.’
April 13, 1523. Choice of ‘Lordis of Bonaccord,’ young men ‘to rise and obey to thame.’ They are also to be ‘Mastris of Artuilyery.’
April 30, 1527. Grant of ‘x marks of the fyrst fremen that hapynnis to be frathinfurht’ to ‘the Lord of Bonnacord and his fellow.’
Aug. 3, 1528. Similar grant to ‘thair lovits, Jhone Ratray and Gilbert Malisoun, thair Abbatis out of ressoun.’
April 16, 1531. One of those chosen to be ‘lords of Bonacord, to do plesour and blythnes to the toune in this sessoun of symmir incumming’ protests against his appointment.
Oct. 11, 1533. Grant of fee to ‘lordis of Bonaccord.’
April 30, 1535. Order ‘that all the zoung abil men within this guid [toune] haue thair grene cottis, and agit men honest cottis, efferand to thame, and obey and decor the lordis of Bonaccord.’
April 4, 1539. ‘The lordis of Bonacordis desyr’ for their fee, and for ‘all the yong able men within this guid towne to conwey ws euery Sunday and halyday, and wther neidfull tymes, aboulzeit as your M. has deuisit, and agit men to meit us at the crabstane or kirkyard’ is granted.
June 23, 1539. Fee to ‘lordis of Bonacord.’
April 17, 1541. Similar fee ‘to help to the decoration and plesour to be done be thaim to this guid towne.’
April 17, 1542. Similar fee.
April 24, 1542. ‘Alex. Kayn, accusit in gugment for his wyff ... for the hawy strublens and vile mispersoning of Alex. Gray and Dauid Kintoir, lordis of Bonacord, and thair company present with thame for the tyme, sayand common beggaris and skafferis, thair meltyd was but small for all thair cuttit out hoyss, with moy oder inurious wordis, unleful to be expremit.’
July 24, 1545. Grant of ‘compositioun siluer’ as fee.
April 20, 1548. Similar fee.
April 14, 1552. ‘The said day, the counsell, all in ane voce, havand respect and consideratioune that the lordis of Bonnacord in tymes bygane hase maid our mony grit, sumpteous, and superfleous banketing induring the tyme of thair regnn, and specialie in May, quhilks wes thocht nother profitabill nor godlie, and did hurt to sundry young men that wer elekit in the said office, becaus the last elekit did aye pretent to surmont in thair predecessouris in thair ryetouss and sumpteous banketing, and the causs principal and gud institutiounn thairof, quhilk wes in halding of the gud toun in glaidnes and blythtnes, witht danssis, farsiis, playis, and gamis, in tymes convenient, necleckit and abusit; and thairfor ordinis that in tyme cummin all sic sumpteous banketing be laid doun aluterlie except thre sobir and honest, vizt., upoun the senze day, the first Sonday of May, and ane [ ] upoun Tuisday efter Pasche day, and na honest man to pass to ony of thair banketis except on the said thre dais allanerlie; and in ane place of the forsaid superfleouss banketing to be had and maid yeirly to generall plais, or ane at the lest, with danssis and gammes usit and wont; and quha souer refuisis to accept the said office in tyme cumming, beand elekit thairto be the toun, to tyne his fredome, priuelege, takis, and profit he hes or ma haf of the toun, and neuer to be admittit frathinfurtht to office, honour, nor dingnete.’
May 27, 1552. Grant of fee, larger than usual, ‘be ressoune that thai ar put to grytar coist this yeir nor utheris that bar office before thaim hes bene put to, and that be ressoune of cummyng of the quenis grace, my lord governor, and the maist of the lords and grit men of this realme, presently to this toun.’
[1555. Parliament ‘statute and ordanit that in all tymes cumming na maner of persoun be chosin Robert Hude nor Lytill Johne, Abbot of vnressoun, Quenis of Maij, nor vtherwyse, nouther in Burgh nor to landwart in ony tyme to cum, and gif ony Prouest, Baillies, counsall, and communitie, chesis sic ane Personage as Robert Hude, Lytill Johne, Abbottis of vnressoun, or Quenis of Maij within Burgh, the chesaris of sic sall tyne thair fredome for the space of fyve zeiris, and vther wyse salbe punist at the Quenis grace will, and the acceptar of sicklyke office salbe banist furth of the Realme. And gif ony sic persounis sic as Robert Hude, Lytill Johne, Abbottis of vnresson, Quenis of Maij, beis chosin outwith Burgh and vthers landwart townis, the chesars sall pay to our Souerane Lady x pundis, and thair persounis put in waird, thair to remane during the Quenis grace plesoure. And gif ony wemen or vthers about simmer treis singand makis perturbatioun to the Quenis liegis in the passage throw Burrows and vthers landwart townis, the wemen perturbatouris for skafrie of money or vtherwyse salbe takin handellit and put upon the Cukstulis of everie Burgh or towne.’]
May 4, 1562. ‘John Kelo, belman, wes accusit in jugement for the passing throw the rewis of the toune with the hand bell, be oppin voce, to convene the haill communitie, or sa mony thairof as wald convene, to pass to the wood to bring in symmer upoun the first Sonday of Maii, contravinand the actis and statutis of the quenis grace, and lordis of consell, eppeirandlie to raise tumult and ingener discord betuix the craftismen and the fre burgessis of gild, and the saidis craftismen to dissobey and adtempt aganis the superioris of the toun, gif it stuid in thair power, as the saidis prowest and baillies ar informit, the said Johnne hawing na command of the saidis prowest and baillies to do the same; and inlykwyise, Alexander Burnat alias Potter wes accusit for passing throw the toun with ane swech, to the effect and occasioun aboun wryttin.’
May 14 and 18, 1565. Several citizens disfranchised for disobeying the proclamation made by ‘Johnne Kelo, belman,’ forbidding any persons ‘to mak ony conventione, with taburne plaing, or pype, or fedill, or have anseinges, to convene the quenis legis, in chusing of Robin Huid, Litill Johnne, Abbot of Ressoune, Queyne of Maii, or sicklyk contraveyne the statutis of parliament, or mak ony tumult, scism, or conventione.’
Royal Entry.
The entertainment of Queen Margaret, wife of James IV, in May, 1511, seems to have included some of the pageants from the Nativity cycle. The following extract is from Dunbar’s The Quenis Reception at Aberdein[755]:—
Abingdon, Berkshire.
Certain ‘jeweis de Abyndon’ were at Court at Xmas 1427 (Appendix E, viii).
A seventeenth-century account of the Hospital of Christ says that the fraternity held their feast on May 3 (Holy Cross day), 1445, with ‘pageantes and playes and May games.’ They employed twelve minstrels[756].
Appledore, Kent.
Appledore players were at New Romney in 1488.
Baddow, Essex.
The Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe was hired by ‘children of Badow’ during 1564-6.
Bassingbourne, Cambridgeshire.
A play ‘of the holy martyr St. George’ was held in a field at Bassingbourne on the feast of St. Margaret, July 20, 1511. The churchwardens’ accounts for the play show, besides payments for refreshments:—
‘First paid to the garnement man for garnements and propyrts and playbooks, xxˢ.
To a minstrel and three waits of Cambridge....
Item ... for setting up the stages.
Item to John Beecher for painting of three Fanchoms and four Tormentors.
Item to Giles Ashwell for easement of his croft to play in, iˢ.
Item to John Hobarde, Brotherhood Priest, for the play book, iiˢ. viiiᵈ.’
Twenty-seven neighbouring villages contributed to these expenses[757].
Bath, Somersetshire.
The accounts of St. Michael’s, Bath, for 1482, include ‘pro potatione le players in recordacione [‘rehearsing’?] ludorum diversis vicibus,’ with other expenditure on players and properties. As one item is ‘et Iohī Fowler pro cariando le tymbe a cimiterio dicto tempore ludi,’ the play was perhaps a Quem quaeritis[758].
Chaucer’s Wife of Bath, in her husband’s absence at London during Lent, would make her ‘visitaciouns’—
Bethersden, Kent.
The churchwardens’ accounts record ludi beatae Christinae, in 1522. St. Christina’s day was July 24[760]. Bethersden players were at New Romney in 1508.
Beverley, Yorkshire.
A thirteenth-century continuator of the Vita of St. John of Beverley records a recent (†1220) miracle done in the Minster:—
‘Contigit, ut tempore quodam aestivo intra saepta polyandri ecclesiae B. Ioannis, ex parte aquilonari, larvatorum, ut assolet, et verbis et actu fieret repraesentatio Dominicae resurrectionis. Confluebat ibi copiosa utriusque sexus multitudo, variis inducta votis, delectationis videlicet, seu admirationis causa, vel sancto proposito excitandae devotionis. Cum vero, prae densa vulgi adstante corona, pluribus, et praecipue statura pusillis, desideratus minime pateret accessus, introierunt plurimi in ecclesiam; ut vel orarent, vel picturas inspicerent, vel per aliquod genus recreationis et solatii pro hoc die taedium evitarent.’ Some boys climbed into the triforium, in order that, through the windows, ‘liberius personarum et habitus et gestus respicerent, et earundem dialogos auditu faciliori adverterent.’ One of these fell into the church, but was miraculously preserved[761].
The Corpus Christi play is first mentioned in 1377. It was ‘antiqua consuetudo’ in 1390, when an ‘ordinacio ludi Corporis Christi cum pena’ was entered in the Great Guild Book, requiring the crafts or ‘artes’ to produce ‘ludos suos et pagentes’ under a penalty of 40s. The plays were held annually, subject to an order by the oligarchical town council of twelve custodes or gubernatores on St. Mark’s day. The custodes ‘governed’ the play, and met certain general expenses. In 1423 they paid Master Thomas Bynham, a friar preacher, for writing ‘banis’; also the waits (‘spiculatores’) who accompanied the ‘banis.’ In the same year they gave a breakfast to the Earl of Northumberland. In 1460 they put up a scaffold for their own use. Apparently the pageants and properties belonged to them, for in 1391 they handed over to John of Arras, on behalf of the ‘hairers,’ for his life and under surety, the necessaries for the play of Paradise; ‘viz. j karre, viij hespis, xviij stapels, ij visers, ij wenges angeli, j fir-sparr, j worme, ij paria caligarum linearum, ij paria camisarum, j gladius.’ Otherwise the expenses were met by the crafts, whose members paid a fixed levy towards the play, the ‘serge’ or light maintained by the craft in some chapel, and the wooden ‘castle’ erected at the procession of St. John of Beverley on Monday in Rogation week. Thus the Barbers’ Ordinances in 1414 require their members to pay 2s. and a pound of wax on setting up shop, and 2s. on taking an apprentice. Certain fines also were in this company appropriated to the same purposes. In 1469 journeymen cappers paid 8d. for any year when there was a play, and 6d. when there was not. The town Ordinances of 1467 contemplate annual payments by all craftsmen. In 1449 the custodes contributed 4s. to the Skinners’ play as ‘alms of the community.’ If a craft failed to produce its play, the custodes exacted the whole or a part of the fine of 40s. specified in the Ordinacio of 1390. They also levied other disciplinary fines; as on John ‘cordewainer’ in 1423, for hindering the play, on Henry Cowper, ‘webster,’ in 1452, ‘quod nesciebat ludum suum’; on the alderman of the ‘paynetors,’ in 1520-1 ‘because their play was badly and confusedly played, in contempt of the whole community, before many strangers’; and so forth. The order of 1390 specified thirty-eight crafts to play; ‘viz. mercers et drapers, tannatores, masons, skynners, taillors, goldsmyths, smyths, plummers, bollers, turnors, girdelers, cutlers, latoners, broche-makers, horners, sponers, ladilers, furburs, websters, walkers, coverlid-wevers, cartwrightes, coupars, fletchers, bowers, cordewaners, baksters, flesshewers, fysshers, chaundelers, barburs, vynters, sadilers, rapers, hayrers, shipmen, glovers, and workmen.’ As elsewhere, changing conditions of social life led to alterations in this list, and consequent divisions and mergings of the plays. Thus in 1411 it seems to have been felt as a grievance that certain well-to-do inhabitants of Beverley, who belonged to no craft, escaped all charge for the plays, and it was agreed that in future the ‘digniores villae’ should appoint four representatives and contribute a play. In 1493 the Drapers formed a craft of their own apart from the Mercers, and consequently a play was divided, the Drapers taking ‘Demyng Pylate,’ and leaving to the Mercers ‘Blak Herod.’ On the fly-leaf of the Great Guild Book is a list of crafts and their plays, dated by Mr. Leach †1520, which differs considerably from that of 1390. It is as follows:—
‘Gubernacio Ludi Corporis Christi.
- Tylers: the fallinge of Lucifer.
- Saddelers: the makinge of the World.
- Walkers: makinge of Adam and eve.
- Ropers: the brekinge of the Comaundments of God.
- Crelers: gravinge and Spynnynge.
- Glovers: Cayn.
- Shermen: Adam and Seth.
- Wattermen: Noe Shipp.
- Bowers and Fletshers: Abraham and Isaak.
- Musterdmakers and Chanlers: Salutation of Our Lady.
- Husbandmen: Bedleem.
- Vynteners: Sheipherds.
- Goldsmyths: Kyngs of Colan.
- Fyshers: Symeon.
- Cowpers: fleyinge to Egippe.
- Shomakers: Children of Ysraell.
- Scryveners: Disputacion in the Temple.
- Barbours: Sent John Baptyste.
- Laborers: the Pynnacle.
- The Mylners: rasynge of Lazar.
- Skynners: ierusalem.
- Bakers: the Mawndy.
- Litsters: prainge at the Mownte.
- Tailyours: Slepinge Pilate.
- Marchaunts [i.e. Mercers]: Blak Herod.
- Drapers: Demynge Pylate.
- Bocheours: Scorgynge.
- Cutlers and Potters: the Stedynynge.
- Wevers: the Stanginge.
- Barkers: the Takinge of the Crose.
- Cooks: Haryinge of hell.
- Wrights: the Resurrection.
- Gentylmen: Castle of Emaut.
- Smyths: Ascencion.
- Prestes: Coronacion of Our Lady.
- Marchaunts: Domesday.
The thirty-eight pageants of 1390 have become thirty-six in 1520. Besides the ‘Gentylmen,’ dating from 1411, the ‘Prestes’ are noticeable. These are probably the ‘clerus Gildae Corporis Christi,’ who in 1430 led the Corpus Christi procession in which many of the crafts with their lights took part. Procession and play, though on the same day, seem to have been in 1430 quite distinct. The play lasted only one day, and was given in 1449 at six stations; viz. at the North Bar, by the Bull-ring, between John Skipworth and Robert Couke in Highgate, at the Cross Bridge, at the Fishmarket (now called Wednesday Market), at the Minster Bow, and at the Beck. Poulson stated that the performances lasted into the reign of James I. Mr. Leach could find no trace of them in the municipal archives after 1520[762]. But the Ordinances, dated 1555, of the Minstrels’ guild ‘of our Lady of the read arke’ provide that certain forfeits shall go to the ‘comon place’ (which I take to be ‘common plays’) of Beverley.
A second craft-play appears in 1469, when a number of crafts, thirty-nine in all, gave a Pater Noster play on the Sunday after St. Peter and Vincula (August 1). Copies of the text (registra) were made for the crafts. The stations were those of the Corpus Christi play. There were eight ‘pagends’ named after the eight principal ‘lusores,’ viz. ‘Pryde: Invy: Ire: Avaryce: Sleweth (also called ‘Accidie’): Glotony: Luxuria: Vicious.’ A number of crafts united to furnish each of these; apparently the most important was that of ‘Vicious,’ provided by the ‘gentilmen, merchands, clerks and valets.’ Aldermen of the pageants were appointed[763].
Billericay, Essex.
The Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe was twice hired by men of ‘Beleryca,’ or ‘Belyrica’ during 1564-6.
Bishop Auckland, Durham.
The lusores of ‘Auklande’ received a present from Durham Priory for playing before Master Hyndley, at Christmas, 1539. (App. E, i.)
Boreham, Essex.
‘Casse of Boreham’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1566 and 1573, and the ‘players of Boreham,’ at Twelfth Night, 1574.
Boxford, Suffolk.
A play appears in the churchwardens’ accounts for 1535[764].
Braintree, Essex.
The churchwardens’ accounts of St. Michael’s include the following:—
‘Anno 1523. A Play of Sᵗ Swythyn, acted in the Church on a Wednesday, for which was gathered 6: 14: 11½; Pᵈ at the said Play, 3: 1: 4; due to the Church, 3: 13: 7½.
Anno 1525. There was a Play of Sᵗ Andrew acted in the Church the Sunday before Relique Sunday; Rcᵈ, 8: 9: 6; Pd, 4: 9: 9; Due to the Church, 3: 19: 8.
Anno 1529. A Play in Halstead Church.
Anno 1534. A Play of Placidas alias Sᵗ Eustace. Rᵈ, 14: 17: 6½; Pᵈ, 6: 13: 7½; due, 8: 2: 8½.
Anno 1567. Rᵈ of the Play money, 5: 0: 0.
Anno 1570. Recᵈ of the Play money, 9: 7: 7; and for letting the Playing garments, 0: 1: 8.
Anno 1571. Rcᵈ for a Playbook, 20ᵈ; and for lending the Play gere, 8: 7ᵈ.
Anno 1579. For the Players Apparel, 50ˢ[765].’
Nicholas Udall was vicar of Braintree, 1533-1537. The plays were probably in aid of the large expenditure on the fabric of the church between 1522 and 1535.
The Chelmsford (q.v.) play was given at Braintree in 1562.
Brentwood, Essex.
‘Mr. Johnston of Brentwoode’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1566.
Bristol, Gloucestershire.
A town-clerk’s account of municipal customs, after describing the banquet on St. Katharine’s Eve (Nov. 24), concludes:—
‘And then to depart, euery man home: the Maire, Shiref, and the worshipfull men redy to receyue at theire dores Seynt Kateryns players, makyng them to drynk at their dores, and rewardyng theym for theire plays[766].’ Were these plays more than a ‘catterning’ quête (vol. i. p. 253)?
There is no mention of plays amongst the records, including several craft-guild ordinances, in the Little Red Book of Bristol (ed. W. B. Bickley, 1901). But ‘the Shipwrights Pageannt’ was used at the reception of Henry VII in 1486 (p. 175).
Brookland, Kent.
Brookland players were at New Romney in 1494.
Bungay, Suffolk.
On the night after Corpus Christi day, June 16, 1514, certain persons ‘brake and threw down five pageants of the said inhabitants, that is to saye, hevyn pagent, the pagent of all the world, Paradyse pagent, Bethelem pagent, and helle pagent, the whyche wer ever wont tofore to be caryed abowt the seyd town upon the seyd daye in the honor of the blissyd Sacrement.’
The churchwardens’ accounts of St. Mary’s show payments in 1526 for copying the game-book, and to Stephen Prewett, a Norwich priest, for his labour in the matter.
The accounts of Holy Trinity show payments: in 1558, to a man riding to Yarmouth for the ‘game gear,’ ‘to William Ellys for the interlude and game booke, iiijᵈ,’ ‘for writing the partes, ijˢ’; in 1566, on occasion of ‘the interlude in the churchyarde,’ for apparel borrowed from Lord Surrey, ‘for visors,’ and ‘to Kelsaye, the vyce, for his pastyme before the plaie, and after the playe, both daies, ijˢ.’ In 1577, a churchwarden gave a receipt to his predecessor for ‘game pleyers gownes and coats, that were made of certayne peces of olld copes.’ In 1591, 5s. was received for ‘players cootes[767].’
Burnham, Essex.
‘Wᵐ Crayford of Burnam’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1568.
Bury St. Edmund’s, Suffolk.
The Ordinances of the Weavers (1477) assign half of certain fines to ‘the sustentacione and mayntenaunce of the payent of the Assencione of oure Lord God and of the yiftys of the Holy Gost, as yt hath be customed of olde tyme owte of mynde yeerly to be had to the wurschepe of God, amongge other payenttes in the processione in the feste of Corpus Xr̄i.’
Journeymen weavers are to pay ‘iiijᵈ’ yearly to the ‘payent’ and all ‘foreyne’ as well as ‘deyzin’ weavers are to be contributory to it[768].
It is not clear whether the ‘payent’ had a ludus or was a dumb-show.
Camborne, Cornwall.
See Texts (i), Cornish Plays, St. Meriasek.
Cambridge, Cambridgeshire.
William de Lenne and Isabel his wife, joining the guild of Corpus Christi (†1350), spent half a mark ‘in ludo Filiorum Israelis[769].’
Warton says:—
‘The oldest notice I can recover of this sort of spectacle [Latin plays] in an English University is in the fragment of an ancient accompt-roll of the dissolved college of Michael-House in Cambridge; in which, under 1386, the following expense is entered: ‘Pro ly pallio brusdato et pro sex larvis et barbis in comedia[770].’
Canterbury, Kent.
A Burghmote order (†1500) directed ‘a play called Corpus Christi play ... maintained and played at the costs of the Crafts and Mysteries,’ although ‘of late days it hath been left and laid apart,’ to be revived at Michaelmas[771].
A book of the play of Abraham and Isaac, belonging to the ‘schaft’ or parochial guild of St. Dunstan’s, lay in the keeping of the churchwardens of that church from 1491 to 1520[772].
On Jan. 6, 1503, the corporation paid for a play of the Three Kyngs of Coleyn in the guildhall. The account mentions three ‘bests’ made of hoops and laths and painted canvas, ‘heddyng of the Hensshemen,’ a castle in the courthall, and a gilt star.
Annual accounts for ‘the pagent of St. Thomas’ on the day of his martyrdom (Dec. 29), appear amongst the financial records of the corporation from 1504-5 until ‘far on in the reign of Queen Elizabeth.’ I select some items:—
‘1504-5.
- Paied to Sampson Carpenter and hys man hewyng and squeryng of tymber for the Pagent.
- For makyng Sᵗ Thomas Carte with a peyer of whyles.
- To iiij men to helpe to cary the Pagent.
- For a newe myghter.
- For two bagges of leder.
- For payntyng of the awbe and the hedde.
- For gunpowder.
- For lynnen cloth bought for Sᵗ Thomas garment.
- For forgyng and makyng the knyghts harnes.
- For the hyre of a sworde.
- For wasshynge of an albe and an amys.’
In later years.
- ‘Pro le yettyng sanguynem.
- Pro le payntyng capitis Sci Thomae.
- For them that holpe to dress the Pagent and for standyng of the same in the barne.
- For a payer of new gloves for Seynt Thomas.
- For payntyng of the hede and the Aungell of the pagent.
- Paied to hym that turned the vyce.
- Paied for wyre for the vyce of the Angell.
- For 1 quarter of lambe and brede and drynke gevyn to the children that played the knyghtes, and for them that holpe to convey the Pagent abowte.
- For a new leder bag for the blode.
- For wasshyng of the albe and other clothys abowte the Auter, and settyng on agayn the apparell.’
Until 1529 the pageant stood in the barn of St. Sepulchre’s convent; thenceforward in the archbishop’s palace. In 1536-7 ‘Seynt Thomas’ became ‘Bysshop Bekket,’ and the show was suppressed, to be revived with some added ‘gyaunts’ under Mary[773].
This pageant was probably a dumb-show of the martyrdom of Becket.
Chelmsford, Essex.
The Earl of Surrey rewarded the players of ‘Chemsford’ on Dec. 27, 1490 (Appendix E, vii).
The churchwardens’ accounts give minute details of a play held in 1562 and 1563. The following are the chief items:—
‘Inprms paid unto the Mynstrolls for the Show day and for the play day.
Unto Willm. Hewet for makinge the vices coote, a fornet of borders, and a Jerken of borders.
To John Lockyer for making iiij shep hoks and for iron work that Burle occupied for the hell.
Item paide to Robᵗ Mathews for a pair of wombes.
to Lawrence for watching in the Churche when the temple was a-dryenge.
for carrying of plonk for the stages.
for ... the scaffold.
to M. Browne for the waightes of Bristowe.
for makyng the conysants.
forty Mynstrells meate and drinke.
to William Withers for making the frame for the heaven stage and tymber for the same.
for writtinge.
to William Withers for makynge the last temple, the waies, and his paynnes.
to John Wryght for makynge a cotte of lether for Christ.
to Solomon of Hatfild for parchmente.
to Mother Dale and her company for reaping flagges for the scaffold.
to Polter and Rosse for watching in the pightell on the play show.
for fyftie fadam of lyne for the cloudes.
for tenn men to beare the pagiante.
to Browne for keapinge the cornehill on the showe daye.
to Roistone for payntenge the Jeiants, the pagiante, and writing the plaiers names.
for paper to wright the Bookes.’
There are many other payments to workmen and for refreshments, and large sums to various people ‘for suinge the play.’ Is this ‘showing,’ ‘stage-managing’? One Burles, who was twice paid for ‘suinge,’ was also boarded with his boy for three weeks.
An inventory of garments made in February, 1564, includes, with many velvet gowns and jerkins, &c.:—
‘ij vyces coates, and ij scalpes, ij daggers (j dagger wanted).
v prophets cappes (one wantinge).
iij flappes for devils.
iiij shepehoks, iiij whyppes (but one gone).’
I infer that the play was a cyclical one, extending at least from Creation to Crucifixion. The temple, which required renewing, was probably rent in twain. There were heaven, hell, Prophetae, Pastores. The performance was not in the church, although the temple was put to dry there, but in a ‘pightell’ or enclosure, upon a scaffold, with stages for the spectators. It was held in connexion with a ‘showe,’ which was on Cornhill, and to which I assign the ‘pagiante’ and ‘jeiantes.’ The time was therefore probably Midsummer.
The accounts seem to cover two years and at least four performances. In 1562, Midsummer day with its show fell on a Saturday. The play was on Monday. On Tuesday it was repeated at Braintree, and later on at Malden, and possibly elsewhere. Then in 1563 it was again given in Chelmsford at Midsummer.
The total expenditure was over £50, although, unless the forty minstrels acted, nothing was paid to actors. Against this was received ‘at the seconde play’ £17 11s. 3d., and ‘at the ij last plaies’ £19 19s. 4d., and £2 19s. was realized by letting out the garments to the men of Sabsford in 1562 and 1563, and 16s. more for letting them to ‘Mʳ William Peter, Knyght.’ Nor did this source of income soon close. A second inventory of 1573 shows that the garments were carefully preserved. They became a valuable stock. In 1564-6 alone the hire of them brought in £10 14s. 3d. They were let to men of Colchester, Walden, Beleryca, Starford, Little Badow, and to ‘children of Badow.’ Further loans are noted as follows in later years:—
‘Receipts, June 3, 1566.
- Sabsforde men.
- Casse of Boreham.
- Somers of Lanchire.
- Barnaby Riche of Witham.
- Willᵐ Monnteyne of Colchester.
- Mʳ. Johnston of Brentwoode, the 10th Dec.
- Richard More of Nayland.
- Frauncis Medcalfe, the iiij of June, 1568.
- Wᵐ Crayford of Burnam, the ij of June, 1568.
1570-1572.
- High Ester men.
- Parker of Writtell.
- Mʳˢ Higham of Woodham Walter.
1572.
- Parker of Writtell, Aprill.
- The Earle of Sussex players.
- John Walker of Hanfild.
1573.
- Casse of Boreham.
1574.
- Players of Boreham, till the mondaye after twelfe day.
In 1574 the ‘playe books’ were valued at £4, and in the same year all the garments, &c., included in the inventory of 1573 were sold to George Studley and others for £6 12s. 4d. In 1575 one Mr. Knott was paid 8d. ‘for the makinge of two oblijacyons for the assurance of the players garments belonginge to the Pyshe[774].’
Chester, Cheshire.
[Authorities.—(i) Editions of the plays by Wright and Deimling, described on p. 408. (ii) Notices in Furnivall, Digby Plays, xviii, from (a) Harl. MSS. 1944, 1948, which are versions of a Breviary of the City of Chester, compiled in 1609 by David Rogers from the collections of his father, Robert Rogers, Archdeacon of Chester, who died in 1595; (b) local Annales in Harl. 2125 (Randle Holme’s Collections), and Daniel King’s Vale-Royall (1656). (iii) Notices in R. H. Morris, Chester in the Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns (1894), from (a) Corporation archives, (b) accounts of the Smiths’ Company in Harl. 2054, (c) a copy in Harl. 2150 (cited in error as Harl. 2050) of part or all of the contents of a record known as the White Book of the Pentice. This was bound with other documents by Randle Holme, and indexed by him in 1669. I do not find any mention of such a ‘White Book’ in the calendar of extant Corporation archives by Mr. J. C. Jeaffreson, in Hist. MSS. viii. 1. 355, unless it is identical with the Pentice Chartulary compiled in 1575-6 on the basis, partly of an older ‘Black Book,’ ‘translated oute of Laten and Frenche’ in 1540, and partly of loose ‘sceduls, papers and books’ in the Treasure House.]