The Chester plays are traditionally ascribed to the mayoralty of one John Arneway. As ‘John Arneway,’ ‘de Arnewey,’ ‘Hernwey,’ or ‘Harnwey’ served continuously as mayor from 1268 to 1277⁠[775], and as no other of the great English cycles of municipal plays can claim anything like this antiquity, it is worth while to examine the evidence pretty closely. I therefore put the versions of the tradition in chronological order.

(a) 1544. The following document is headed ‘The proclamation for the Plaies, newly made by William Newhall, clarke of the Pentice, the first yere of his entre.’ It is dated ‘tempore Willi Sneyde, draper, secundo tempore sui maioritatis’ [Oct. 9, 1543-1544], endorsed as made ‘opon the rode ee’ [Rood-eye], and stated on an accompanying sheet to be ‘of laten into Englishe translated and made by the said William Newhall the yere aforesaid⁠[776].’

‘For as moche as of old tyme, not only for the Augmentacon and increase of [the holy and catholick] faith of our Savyour, Jhu’ Crist, and to exort the mynds of the co’mon people to [good devotion and holsome] doctryne thereof, but also for the co’men Welth and prosperitie of this Citie a plaie [and declaration—] and diverse stories of the bible, begynnyng with the creacon and fall of Lucifer, and [ending with the general] jugement of the World to be declared and plaied in the Witson wek, was devised [and made by one Sir] Henry Fraunces, somtyme monk of this dissolved monastery, who obtayned and gate of Clement, then beyng [bushop of Rome, a thousand] daies of pardon, and of the Busshop of Chester at that time beyng xlᵗⁱ daies of pardon graunted from thensforth to every person resortyng in pecible maner with good devocon to here and se the sayd [piaies] from tyme to tyme as oft as they shalbe plaied within this Citie [and that every person disturbing the same piaies in any manner wise to be accursed by thauctoritie of the said Pope Clement bulls unto such tyme as he or they be absolved therof (erased)], which piaies were devised to the honour of God by John Arneway, then maire of this Citie of Chester, and his brethren, and holl cominalty therof to be brought forthe, declared and plead at the cost and charges of the craftsmen and occupacons of the said Citie, whiche hitherunto have frome tyme to tyme used and performed the same accordingly.

Wherfore Maister Maire, in the Kynges name, straitly chargeth and co’mandeth that every person and persons of what estate, degre or condicion soever he or they be, resortyng to the said piaies, do use [themselves] pecible without makyng eny assault, affrey, or other disturbance whereby the same piaies shalbe disturbed, and that no maner person or persons who soever he or they be do use or weare eny unlaufull wepons within the precynct of the said Citie duryng the tyme of the said piaies [not only upon payn of cursyng by thauctoritie of the said Pope Clement Bulls, but also (erased)] opon payn of enprisonment of their bodies and makyng fyne to the Kyng at Maister Maires pleasure. And God save the Kyng and Mr. Maire, &c.⁠[777]’

(b) †1544-7⁠[778]. The documents concerning the plays copied for Randle Holme out of the ‘White Book of the Pentice⁠[779]’ are (1) a list of the plays and the crafts producing them (cf. p. 408); (2) a note that ‘On Corpus Χρi day the colliges and prestys bryng forth a play at the assentement of the Maire’; (3) a note that all the arrangements detailed are subject to alteration by the Mayor and his brethren; (4) a version, without heading, of Newhall’s proclamation which entirely omits the allusions to Sir Henry Fraunces and the pardons, while retaining that to Arneway; (5) verses headed ‘The comen bannes to be proclaymed and Ryddon with the Stewardys of every occupacon.’ These are printed in Morris, 307. They give a list of the plays (cf. p. 408), and add that there will be a ‘solempne procession’ with the sacrament on Corpus Christi day from ‘Saynt Maries on the Hill’ to ‘Saynt Johns,’ together with ‘a play sett forth by the clergye In honor of the fest.’ The passage referring to Corpus Christi is marked by Randle Holme’s copyist as ‘Erased in the Booke⁠[780].’ The only historical statement in the Banns is that

(c) †1551-1572. The later Banns, given most fully in Rogers’s Breauarye of Chester (cf. Furnivall, xx), but also more or less imperfectly in MSS. h and B of the plays (Deimling, i. 2), were probably written for one or other of the post-Reformation performances, but not that of 1575, as they contemplate a Whitsun performance, while that of 1575 was after Midsummer. They state that

(d) 1609. The Breauarye itself, in an account probably due to the elder Rogers, who may have himself seen some of the later performances, says (Furnivall, xviii):—‘Heare note that these playes of Chester called yᵉ whitson playes weare the woorke of one Rondoll, a monke of yᵉ Abbaye of Sᵗ Warburge in Chester, who redused yᵉ whole history of the byble into Englishe storyes in metter, in yᵉ englishe tounge; and this moncke, in a good desire to doe good, published yᵉ same, then the firste mayor of Chester, namely Sir Iohn Arneway, Knighte, he caused the same to be played [“anno domini, 1329”]⁠[781].’ In a list of Mayors contained in the same MS. is given (Furnivall, xxv), under the year 1328 and the mayoralty of Sir John Arneway, ‘The whitson playes Inuented, in Chester, by one Rondoll Higden, a monke in Chester abbaye.’

(e) 1628. On the cover of MS. H of the plays (Harl. MS. 2124) is this note:—‘The Whitsun playes first made by one Don Randle Heggenet, a Monke of Chester Abbey, who was thrise at Rome, before he could obtain leaue of the Pope to haue them in the English tongue.

The Whitsun playes were playd openly in pageants by the Cittizens of Chester in the Whitsun Weeke.

Nicholas the fift Then was Pope in the year of our Lord 1447.

Ano 1628.

Sir Henry ffrancis, sometyme a Monke of the Monestery of Chester, obtained of Pope Clemens a thousand daies of pardon, and of the Bishop of Chester 40 dayes pardon for every person that resorted peaceably to see the same playes, and that every person that disturbed the same, to be accursed by the said Pope untill such tyme as they should be absolued therof.’

(f) 1669. Randle Holme made a note upon his copy of the ‘White Book of the Pentice’ (Harl. 2150, f. 86ᵇ), of the ‘Whitson plaies ... being first presented and putt into English by Rand. Higden, a monck of Chester Abbey.’

(g) Seventeenth century. A ‘later hand’ added to the copy of Newhall’s proclamation on the fly-leaf of MS. h (1600) of the plays:

‘Sir Io Arnway, maior 1327 and 1328, at which tyme these playes were written by Randall Higgenett, a monk of chester abby, and played openly in the witson weeke.’

(h) Seventeenth century. An account of the plays amongst Lord De Tabley’s MSS.⁠[782] assigns them to ‘Randall Higden, a monk of Chester Abbey, A. D. 1269.’

Up to a certain point these fragments of tradition are consistent and, a priori, not improbable. About 1328 is just the sort of date to which one would look for the formation of a craft-cycle. Randall or Randulf Higden⁠[783], the author of the Polychronicon, took the vows at St. Werburgh’s in 1299 and died in 1364. An accident makes it possible also to identify Sir Henry Francis, for he is mentioned as senior monk of Chester Abbey in two documents of May 5, 1377, and April 17, 1382.⁠[784] The occurrence of the name of this quite obscure person in a tradition of some 200 years later is, I think, evidence that it is not wholly an unfounded one. It is true that Newhall’s proclamation states that Francis ‘devised and made’ the plays, whereas the Banns of 1575 and the later accounts assign the ‘devise’ to ‘done Rondall.’ But this discrepancy seems to have afforded no difficulty to the writer of 1628, who clearly thought that Heggenet ‘made’ the plays, and Francis obtained the ‘pardon’ for them. The Pope Clement concerned is probably Clement VI (1342-52), but might be the Antipope Clement VII (1378-94). The one point which will not harmonize with the rest is that about which, unfortunately, the tradition is most uniform, namely, the connexion of the plays with the mayoralty of Sir John Arneway. For neither Higden nor Francis could have worked for a mayor whose terms of office extended from 1268 to 1277. But even this difficulty does not appear to be insoluble. I find from Canon Morris’s invaluable volume that a later mayor bearing a name very similar to Arneway’s, one Richard Erneis or Herneys, was in office from 1327 to 1329, precisely at the date to which the tradition, in some of its forms, ascribes the plays. Is it not then probable that to this Richard Herneys the establishment of the plays is really due, and that he has been confused in the memory of Chester with his greater predecessor, the ‘Dick Whittington’ of the city, John Arneway or Hernwey? I am glad to be the means of restoring to him his long withheld tribute of esteem.

The Records.

If the plays were actually established in 1327-9, the first hundred years of their history is a blank. The earliest notice in any record is in 1462, when the Bakers’ charter refers to their ‘play and light of Corpus Christi.’ The Saddlers’ charter of 1471 similarly speaks of their ‘paginae luminis et ludi corporis Christi⁠[785].’ It will be observed that the play is here called a Corpus Christi play. The term ‘Whitson Playe’ first occurs in a record of 1520⁠[786], but there is no doubt that during the sixteenth century the regular season for the performances was Whitsuntide. As the ‘White Book’ (†1544) still speaks of ‘pagyns in play of Corpus Χρi⁠[787],’ it is possible that a cyclical play was so called, whether actually given on Corpus Christi day or not. It is also, I think, possible that the Chester plays may have been transferred from Corpus Christi to Whitsuntide in order to avoid clashing with the procession, without quite losing their old name; and this may be what is meant by the statement on the cover of MS. ‘H’ of the plays that they were ‘playd openly ... in the Whitsun Weeke’ in 1447. It was in 1426 that a question as to the clashing of procession and plays arose in York (cf. p. 400).

Nearly all the extant notices of the plays belong to the sixteenth century. Originally annual, they became occasional at the Reformation. They can be traced in 1546, 1551, 1554, 1561, 1567 (at Christmas), 1568, 1569, 1572, and 1575. The two last performances aroused considerable opposition. In 1572 Mayor John Hankey ‘would needs have the playes go forward, against the wills of the Bishops of Canterbury, York and Chester.’ Apparently an inhibition was sent by Archbishop Grindal; ‘but it came too late.’ In 1575, under Mayor Sir John Savage, the plays were subjected to revision, and such of them as were thought suitable given ‘at the cost of the inhabitants’ on Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday after Midsummer. This performance was ‘to the great dislike of many, because the playe was in on parte of the Citty.’ It was also in direct contravention of inhibitions from the Archbishop and the Earl of Huntingdon. As a result both Hankey and Savage were cited before the Privy Council, but the aldermen and common council took the responsibility upon themselves, and apparently nothing further came of the matter⁠[788].

Probably 1575 was the last year in which the plays were given as a whole. A performance in 1600 has been alleged⁠[789], but this date is probably taken from the heading of the Banns in MS. ‘h’ of the plays, which runs:—

‘The reading of the banes, 1600.

The banes which are reade Beefore the beginning of the playes of Chester 1600.

4 June 1600.’

Doubtless 1600 is the date of the transcript, as it is repeated after the signature to several of the plays. It is quite possible that this manuscript was made in view of an intended performance. George Bellin, the scribe, seems to have been of a Chester family. But if so, the intention was frustrated, for the annalists declare that Henry Hardware, mayor in 1600 ‘would not suffer any Playes.’ It is to be noted also that David Rogers, whose Breauarye was completed in 1609 and certainly contains matter subsequent to the death of his father in 1595, states that 1575 was the last time the plays were played⁠[790].

Mode of Performance.

The Banns were proclaimed on St. George’s day by the city crier, with whom rode the Stewards of each craft. The Mayor’s proclamation against disturbers of the peace was read upon the Roodee. The plays themselves lasted through the first three week-days of Whitsuntide. Nine were given on the Monday, nine on the Tuesday, and seven on the Wednesday. The first station was at the Abbey gates, the next by the pentice at the high cross before the Mayor, others in Watergate Street, Bridge Street, and so on to Eastgate Street. Scaffolds and stages were put up to accommodate the spectators, and in 1528 a law-suit is recorded about the right to a ‘mansion, Rowme, or Place for the Whydson plaies.’ Rogers describes the ‘pagiente’ or ‘cariage’ as

‘a highe place made like a howse with ij rowmes, being open on yᵉ tope: the lower rowme they apparrelled & dressed them selues; and in the higher rowme they played; and they stood vpon 6 wheeles [Harl. 1944. It is “4 wheeles” in Harl. 1948].’

The term ‘pageant’ is used at Chester both for the vehicle and for the play performed on it; but, contrary to the custom elsewhere, more usually for the latter. The vehicle is generally called a ‘carriage.’ It was kept in a ‘caryadghouse’ and occasionally served two crafts on different days. The expenses of carriage, porters, refreshments, actors, and rehearsals fell, as shown by the extant Accounts of the Smiths’ company, on the crafts. They were met by a levy upon each member and journeyman. Vestments were hired from the clergy; both minstrels and choristers were in request for songs and music. The Corporation supervised the performances, questions as to the incidence of the burden upon this or that craft coming before the Pentice court. In 1575 the Smiths submitted two alternative plays for the choice of the aldermen. The authoritative copy or ‘originall booke’ of the plays seems to have belonged to the city. The Smiths paid for reading the ‘Regenall,’ ‘an Rygynall’ or ‘orraginall.’ In 1568 one ‘Randall Trevor, gent.’ seems to have lost the book. There is an interesting allusion to the unprofessional quality of the actors, in the copy of the later Banns preserved by Rogers. The plays are not

Exceptional Performances.

In 1567 ‘Richard Dutton, mayor, kept a very worthy house for all comers all the tyme of Christmas with a Lorde of Misrule and other pastymes in this city as the Whitson Plays.’

Single plays from the cycle were similarly used for purposes of special entertainment. In 1488 was the Assumption before Lord Strange at the High Cross; in 1497 the Assumption before Prince Arthur at the Abbey gates and the High Cross; in 1515 the Assumption again together with the Shepherds’ play in St. John’s churchyard. In 1576, the Smiths had ‘our plas’ (the Purification) ‘at Alderman Mountford’s on Midsomer Eve.’ Finally, in 1578, Thomas Bellin, mayor, caused the Shepherds’ play ‘and other triumphs’ to be played at the high cross on the Roodee before the Earl of Derby, Lord Strange, and others⁠[792].

Other plays.

The play by the ‘colliges and prestys’ on Corpus Christi day mentioned in the ‘White Book’ and in the ‘Banes’ preserved therein has already been noted.

In 1529 King Robert of Sicily was shown at the High Cross. This is doubtless the play on the same subject referred to in a fragmentary letter to some ‘Lordshypp’ among the State Papers as to be played on St. Peter’s day at the cost of some of the companies. It was said to be ‘not newe at thys time, but hath bin before shewen, evyn as longe agoe as the reygne of his highnes most gratious father of blyssyd memorye, and yt was penned by a godly clerke.’

In 1563 ‘upon the Sunday after Midsommer day, the History of Eneas and Queen Dido was play’d in the Roods Eye. And were set out by one William Croston, gent. and one Mr. Man, on which Triumph there was made two Forts, and shipping on the Water, besides many horsemen well armed and appointed.’

The entertainment of Lords Derby and Strange by Thomas Bellin in 1578 included a ‘comedy’ by the ‘scollers of the freescole’ at the mayor’s house. Was this theatrical mayor a relative of George Bellin, the scribe of MSS. ‘W’ and ‘h’ of the Chester plays?

In 1589 King Ebranke with all his Sons was shown before the Earl of Derby at the High Cross⁠[793].

The Midsummer Show.

This was doubtless in its origin a folk procession. Traditionally, it was founded in 1498 and only went in years when there were no Whitsun plays. The crafts were represented by personages out of their plays, ‘the Doctors and little God’ riding for the Smiths, the Devil for the Butchers, Abraham and Isaac for the Barbers, Balaam and his Ass for the Bricklayers, and so forth. It does not appear that the ‘carriages’ were had out. Other features of the ‘Show’ were four giants, an elephant and castle, an unicorn, a camel, a luce, an antelope, a dragon with six naked boys beating at it, morris-dancers, the ‘Mayor’s Mount’ and the ‘Merchants’ Mount,’ the latter being of the nature of a hobby-ship. In 1600, Mayor Henry Hardware, a ‘godly zealous man,’ would not let the ‘Graull’ go at Midsummer Watch, but instead a man in white armour. He suppressed also ‘the divill in his fethers,’ a man in woman’s clothes with another devil called ‘cuppes and cans,’ ‘god in stringes,’ the dragon and the naked boys, and had the giants broken up. But next year the old customs were restored. The Midsummer Show again suffered eclipse under the Commonwealth, but was revived at the Restoration and endured until 1678⁠[794].

Coggeshall, Essex.

Lord Howard rewarded the players of ‘Kokesale’ or ‘Coksale’ on Dec. 26, 1481, and Dec. 25, 1482 (Appendix E, vii).

Colchester, Essex.

The Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe was twice hired by Colchester men during 1564-6; also by William Monnteyne of Colchester in 1566.

Coleshill, Warwickshire.

The ‘lusores de Coleshille’ played at Maxstoke Priory between 1422 and 1461 (Appendix E, ii).

Coventry, Warwickshire.

[Authorities.—The facts are taken, where no other reference is given, from T. Sharp, A Dissertation on the Pageants or Dramatic Mysteries Anciently Performed at Coventry (1825), and J. B. Gracie, The Weavers’ Pageant (1836: Abbotsford Club). The latter accounts of J. O. Halliwell-Phillipps, Outlines of the Life of Shakespeare (ninth edition, 1890), i. 335, ii. 289, and M. D. Harris, Life in an Old English Town, 319, add a little. The Leet-Book and other municipal archives used by Sharp are described by Harris, 377; his private collection passed into that of Mr. Staunton at Longbridge House, and thence into the Shakespeare Memorial Library at Birmingham, where it was burnt in 1879. It included two craft-plays, the account-books of the Smiths, Cappers, Drapers, and Weavers, and one or two MSS. (one of which is referred to as ‘Codex Hales’) of a set of brief local seventeenth-century Annales, of which other texts are printed by Dugdale, Hist. of Warwickshire, i. 147, and Hearne, Fordun’s Scotichronicon, v. 1438. Several versions of these Annales are amongst the manuscripts of the Coventry Corporation (cf. E. S. Hartland, Science of Fairy Tales, 75). On their nature, cf. C. Gross, Bibl. of Municipal History, xviii.]

Corpus Christi Craft-Plays.

The earliest notice is a mention of the ‘domum pro le pagent pannarum’ in a deed of 1392. There must therefore be an error, so far as the pageants go, in the statement of the Annals, under the mayoral year 1416-7, ‘The pageants and Hox tuesday invented, wherein the king and nobles took great delight⁠[795].’ Henry V was more than once at Coventry as prince, in 1404 for example, and in 1411. His only recorded visit as king was in 1421, too early for Corpus Christi or even Hox Tuesday⁠[796]. There is frequent reference to the plays in corporation and craft documents of the fifteenth century. In 1457 they were seen by Queen Margaret, who ‘lodged at Richard Wodes, the grocer,’ whither the corporation sent an elegant collation, including ‘ij cofyns of counfetys and a pot of grene gynger.’ With her were the Duke and Duchess of Buckingham, Lord and Lady Rivers, the elder and younger Lady of Shrewsbury, and ‘other mony moo lordes and ladyes.’ They were seen also by Richard III in 1485 and twice by Henry VII. The first occasion was on St. Peter’s day (June 29) in 1486, and the second in 1493, when say the Annals, rather oddly (cf. p. 420), ‘This yeare the King came to se the playes acted by the Gray Friers, and much commended them.’ In 1520 the Annals record ‘New playes at Corpus Christi tyde, which were greatly commended.’ In 1539 the mayor of Coventry, writing to Cromwell, told him that the poor commoners were at such expense with their plays and pageants that they fared the worse all the year after⁠[797]. In the sixteenth century the Coventry plays were probably the most famous in England. The C. Mery Talys (1526) has a story of a preacher, who wound up a sermon on the Creed with ‘Yf you beleue not me then for a more suerte & suffycyent auctoryte go your way to Couentre and there ye shall se them all playd in Corpus Cristi playe⁠[798].’ And John Heywood, in his Foure PP, speaks of one who

Foxe, the martyrologist, records that in 1553 John Careless, in Coventry gaol for conscience sake, was let out to play in the pageant about the city. There is some confusion here, as Careless was only in gaol in Coventry for a short time in November before he was sent to London⁠[800].

When the Annals say that in 1575-6 ‘the Pageants on Hox Tuesday that had been laid down eight years were played again,’ there is probably some confusion between ‘Hox Tuesday’ and ‘the Pageants,’ for the account-books show that the latter were played regularly, except in 1575, until 1580, when the Annals report them as ‘again laid down.’ In 1584 a different play was given (cf. infra), and possibly also in 1591, although the fact that the songs of the Taylors and Shearmen’s pageant are dated 1591 rather suggests that after all the regular plays may have been revived that year. Some of the pageants were sold in 1586 and 1587, but the Cappers preserved the properties of their play in 1597, and the Weavers had still players’ apparel to lend in 1607. According to the Annals, by 1628 the pageants had ‘bine put downe many yeares since.’

The plays were given annually and in one day at the feast of Corpus Christi. Contrary to the custom of the northern towns, there were only some ten or twelve pageants, each covering a fairly wide range of incident (cf. p. 423). Nor can the performances be shown to have been repeated at more than three or four stations. ‘Gosford Street,’ ‘Mikel’ or ‘Much Park Street end’ and ‘Newgate’ are recorded, and in one of these may have been the house of Richard Wodes, where Queen Margaret lay. The Drapers only provided three ‘worlds’ for their pageant, and probably one was burnt at each station. According to the Annals, part of the charges of the plays was met by the enclosure of a piece of common land (possibly to build pageant houses upon). Otherwise they fell wholly upon the crafts, to some one of which every artisan in the town was bound to become contributory for the purpose. The principal crafts were appointed by the Leet to produce the pageants, and with each were grouped minor bodies liable only for fixed sums, varying from 3s. 4d. to 16s. 8d. In 1501 an outside craft, the Tilemakers of Stoke, is found contributing 5s. to a pageant. These combinations of crafts varied considerably from time to time. Within the craft the necessary funds were raised, in part at least, by special levies. Strangers taking out their freedom were sometimes called upon for a contribution. Every member of the craft paid his ‘pagent pencys.’ In several crafts the levy was 1s. Amongst the Smiths it must have been less, as they only got from 2s. 2d. to 3s. 4d. in this way, whereas the Cappers in 1562 collected 22s. 4d. In 1517 William Pisford left a scarlet and a crimson gown to the Tanners for their play, together with 3s. 4d. to each craft that found a pageant. The total cost of the Smiths’ play in 1490 was £3 7s. 5½d. In 1453 we find the Smiths contracting with one Thomas Colclow to have ‘the rewle of the pajaunt’ for twelve years, and to produce the play for a payment of 46s. 8d. A similar contract was made in 1481. But as a rule, the crafts undertook the management themselves, and the account-books studied by Sharp afford more detailed information as to the mode of production than happens to be available for any other of the great cycles.

It is therefore worth while to give some account of the chief objects of expenditure. First of all there was the pageant itself. The name appears in every possible variety of spelling in Coventry documents. Dugdale, on the authority of eye-witnesses, describes the pageants as ‘Theaters for the severall Scenes, very large and high, placed upon wheels.’ Painted cloths were used ‘to lap aboubt the pajent,’ and there was a carved and painted top, adorned with a crest, with vanes, pencils, or streamers. On the platform of the pageant such simple scenic apparatus as a seat for Pilate, a pillar for the scourging, a ‘sepulchre,’ and the like, was fixed. The Weavers’ pageant seems to have had an ‘upper part’ representing the Temple; also divisions described in the stage directions as ‘the for pagand’ and ‘the tempull warde.’ The Cappers’ pageant was fitted up with a ‘hell-mouth.’ The Drapers also had a ‘hell-mouth,’ with a windlass, and fire at the mouth, and a barrel for the earthquake, and three worlds to be set afire. ‘Scaffolds,’ distinct from the pageant itself, were drawn round with it. These, according to Sharp, were for spectators, but they may have been supplementary stages, made necessary by the number of episodes in each play at Coventry. Certainly the action was not wholly confined to the pageant, for in the Shearmen and Taylors’ play, ‘Here Erode ragis in the pagond & in the strete also’; and again, ‘the iij Kyngis speykyth in the strete.’ The pageant was constantly in need of repairs. A pageant-house had to be built or hired for it. On the day of the feast it was cleaned, strewn with rushes; and the axle was greased with soap. Men were paid to ‘drive’ or ‘horse’ it, and the Cappers expected their journeymen to undertake this job.

The players received payments varying with the importance of their parts. The sums allowed by the Weavers in 1525 ranged from 10d. to 2s. 4d. Minstrels, both vocalists and instrumentalists, were also hired, and in 1573 one Fawston, evidently an artist of exceptional talent, received from the Smiths, besides 4d. ‘for hangyng Judas,’ another 4d. ‘for Coc croyng.’ The Drapers paid as much as 3s. 4d. ‘for pleayng God,’ and 5s. ‘to iij whyte sollys’ or ‘savyd sowles,’ 5s. ‘to iij blake sollys,’ or ‘dampnyd sowles,’ 16d. ‘to ij wormes of conscyence,’ and the like. Payments also occur for speaking the prologue, preface, or ‘protestacyon.’

The corporation exercised control over the players, and in 1440 ordered under a penalty of 20s. ‘quod Robertus Gñe et omnes alii qui ludunt in festo Corporis Christi bene et sufficienter ludant ita quod nulla impedicio fiat in aliquo ioco.’ In 1443, an order forbade members of certain crafts to play in any pageant except their own without the mayor’s licence.

The players required refreshment at intervals during the day, and probably the craftsmen who attended the pageant took their share. Further expenses, both for refreshment, and for the hire of a room or hall, were incurred at rehearsals. The Smiths in 1490 had their first ‘reherse’ in Easter week, and their second in Whitsun week.

Each craft had its own ‘orygynall’ or ‘play-boke,’ and paid for making the necessary copies, for setting or ‘pricking’ songs, for ‘beryng of ye Orygynall’ or prompting, and occasionally for bringing the text up to date. Thus the Smiths had a ‘new rygenale’ in 1491, and in 1573 a ‘new play,’ by which is apparently meant an additional scene to their existing play (cf. p. 423). The Drapers added ‘the matter of the castell of Emaus’ in 1540. The Weavers paid 5s. ‘for makyng of the play boke’ in 1535, and the colophon of their extant text shows it to have been ‘newly translate’ in that year by Robert Croo. This was a regular theatrical man of all work. The matter of the Shearmen and Taylors’ play was ‘nevly correcte’ by him in the same year. In 1557 he got 20s. from the Drapers ‘for makyng of the boke for the paggen.’ The Smiths paid him in 1563 ‘for ij leves of our pley boke.’ And between 1556 and 1562 he further assisted the Drapers, by playing God, mending the ‘devells cottes,’ supplying a hat for the Pharisee, and manufacturing the requisite ‘iij worldys.’

Finally, there was the not inconsiderable cost of costumes and properties, including the gloves for the performers which figure so invariably in mediaeval balance sheets. Further details as to these and all other objects of expenditure than I have here room for will be found in the invaluable volumes of Mr. Sharp.

The Destruction of Jerusalem.

In 1584, four years after the ordinary Corpus Christi plays were laid down, the Annals record ‘This year the new Play of the Destruction of Jerusalem was first played.’ This is confirmed by the accounts of the corporation, which include a sum of £13 6s. 8d. ‘paid to Mr. Smythe of Oxford the xvᵗʰ daye of Aprill 1584 for hys paynes for writing of the tragedye.’ This was one John Smythe, a scholar of the Free School in Coventry and afterwards of St. John’s College, Oxford. The play was produced at considerable expense upon the pageants of the crafts, but the day of performance is not stated. From the detailed accounts of the Smiths and the Cappers, Mr. Sharp infers that it was based upon the narrative of Josephus.

In 1591, the old Corpus Christi plays seem to have been proposed for exhibition, as the MS. of the Shearmen and Taylors’ songs bears the date of May 13 in that year. But on May 19 the corporation resolved ‘that the destruction of Jerusalem, the Conquest of the Danes, or the historie of K[ing] E[dward] the X [Confessor], at the request of the Comons of this Cittie shal be plaied on the pagens on Midsomer daye & St. Peters daye next in this Cittie & non other playes.’ The two last-named plays may have been inspired by the traditional interpretations of the Hox Tuesday custom (cf. vol. i. p. 154). Which was chosen does not appear; but some performance or other was given. Several of the crafts had by this time sold their pageants. Those who had not lent them; and all compounded for the production of a scene by the payment of a sum down. This appears to have gone to one Thomas Massey, who contracted for the production. He had already supplied properties in 1584. In 1603 he quarrelled with the corporation about certain devices shown on the visit of the Princess Elizabeth to Coventry. In 1606 he hired some acting-apparel from the Weavers’ company⁠[801].

Miscellaneous Plays.

The Annals record:—

1490-1. ‘This year was the play of St. Katherine in the little Park.’

1504-5. ‘This yeare they played the play of St. Crytyan in the little parke⁠[802].’

In 1511, one of the pageants at the entry of Henry VIII had a ‘goodly Stage Play’ upon it⁠[803].

The Dyers in 1478, the Cappers in 1525, and the Drapers in 1556, 1566, and 1568 appear to have had plays at their dinners. Probably ‘the Golden Fleece,’ for which the Cappers paid the inevitable Robert Crowe and two others, was a play⁠[804].

The ‘lusores de Coventry’ played at Maxstoke Priory between 1422 and 1461 (Appendix E, ii). ‘Certain Players of Coventrye’ were at court in 1530 (Appendix E, viii).

Towards the end of the sixteenth century occur notices of travelling ‘players of Coventrie.’ They were at Bristol and Abingdon in 1570, and at Leicester in 1569 and 1571. At Abingdon they are described as ‘Mr. Smythes players of Coventree.’ John Smythe, the writer of the Destruction of Jerusalem, was only seven years old in 1570. Mr. Halliwell-Phillipps would read ‘the Smythes’ players⁠[805].’

The Corpus Christi Procession.

The procession or ‘Ridyng’ on Corpus Christi day is first mentioned in the Leet Book in 1444, and in 1446 is an order ‘quod le Ruydyng in festo Corporis Christi fiat prout ex antiquo tempore consueverint.’ It took place early in the day after a ‘breakfast.’ The craft-guilds rode in it, and provided minstrels and torchbearers. The Trinity Guild seems to have borne a crucifix, and the Guild of Corpus Christi and St. Nicholas the host under a canopy. The accounts of the Smiths include the following items:—

The other extant guild accounts throw no light on the presence of representatives of the plays in the procession; but the Corpus Christi guild itself provided dramatic personages.

Croxton, Norfolk(?).

See s.v. Texts (i), Croxton Play, The Sacrament.

Daventry, Northamptonshire.

The ‘lusores de Daventry’ played at Maxstoke Priory between 1422 and 1461 (Appendix E, ii).

Dublin, Ireland.

The version of the Quem quaeritis used at the Church of St. John the Evangelist in the fourteenth century is printed in Appendix R.

The Chain Book of the City contains the following memorandum, apparently entered in 1498.

Corpus Christi day a pagentis:—

‘The pagentis of Corpus Christi day, made by an olde law and confermed by a semble befor Thomas Collier, Maire of the Citte of Divelin, and Juries, Baliffes and commones, the iiiith Friday next after midsomer, the xiii. yere of the reign of King Henri the VIIth [1498]:

‘Glovers: Adam and Eve, with an angill followyng berryng a swerde. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Corvisers: Caym and Abell, with an auter and the ofference. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Maryners, Vynters, Shipcarpynderis, and Samountakers: Noe, with his shipp, apparalid acordyng. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Wevers: Abraham [and] Ysack, with ther auter and a lambe and ther offerance. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Smythis, Shermen, Bakers, Sclateris, Cokis and Masonys: Pharo, with his hoste. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Skynners, House-Carpynders, and Tanners, and Browders: for the body of the camell, and Oure Lady and hir chil[d]e well aperelid, with Joseph to lede the camell, and Moyses with the children of Israell, and the Portors to berr the camell. Peyn, xl.s. and Steyners and Peyntors to peynte the hede of the camell. [Peyn,] xl.s.

‘[Goldsmy]this: The three kynges of Collynn, ridyng worshupfully, with the offerance, with a sterr afor them. Peyn, xl.s.

‘[Hoopers]: The shep[er]dis, with an Angill syngyng Gloria in excelsis Deo. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Corpus Christi yild: Criste in his Passioun, with three Maries, and angilis berring serges of wex in ther hands. [Peyn,] xl.s.

‘Taylors: Pilate, with his fellaship, and his lady and his knyghtes, well beseyne. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Barbors: An[nas] and Caiphas, well araied acordyng. [Peyn,] xl.s.

‘Courteours: Arthure, with [his] knightes. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Fisshers: The Twelve Apostelis. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Marchauntes: The Prophetis. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Bouchers: tormentours, with ther garmentis well and clenly peynted. [Peyn,] xl.s.

‘The Maire of the Bulring and bachelers of the same: The Nine Worthies ridyng worshupfully, with ther followers accordyng. Peyn, xl.s.

‘The Hagardmen and the husbandmen to berr the dragoun and to repaire the dragoun a Seint Georges day and Corpus Christi day. Peyn, xl.s.’

This list is immediately followed by a second, practically identical with it, of ‘The Pagentys of Corpus Christi Processioun.’

These pageants, though the subjects are drawn from the usual Corpus Christi play-cycle (with the addition of King Arthur and the nine Worthies), appear, from their irregular order, to be only dumb-show accompaniments of a procession. In 1569 the crafts were directed to keep the same order in the Shrove Tuesday ball riding (cf. vol. i. p. 150), ‘as they are appointed to go with their pageants on Corpus Christi daye by the Chayne Boke⁠[807].’

The same intermixture of profane and sacred elements marks the late and scanty records of actual plays in Dublin.

‘Tho. Fitzgerald, Earl of Kildare and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the year 1528, was invited to a new play every day in Christmas, Arland Usher being then mayor, and Francis Herbert and John Squire bayliffs, wherein the taylors acted the part of Adam and Eve; the shoemakers represented the story of Crispin and Crispinianus; the vintners acted Bacchus and his story; the Carpenters that of Joseph and Mary; Vulcan, and what related to him, was acted by the Smiths; and the comedy of Ceres, the goddess of corn, by the Bakers. Their stage was erected on Hoggin Green (now called College Green), and on it the priors of St. John of Jerusalem, of the blessed Trinity, and All Hallows caused two plays to be acted, the one representing the passion of our Saviour, and the other the several deaths which the apostles suffered⁠[808].’ In 1541 there were ‘epulae, comoediae, et certamina ludicra’ when Henry VIII was proclaimed King of Ireland. These included ‘the nine Worthies.’ On the return of Lord Sussex from an expedition against James MacConnell in 1557, ‘the Six Worthies was played by the city⁠[809].’

A seventeenth-century transcript of a lost leaf of the Chain Book has the following order for the St. George’s day procession:—

‘The Pageant of St. George’s day, to be ordered and kept as hereafter followeth:

‘The Mayor of the yeare before to finde the Emperour and Empress with their followers, well apparelled, that is to say, the Emperor, with two Doctors, and the Empress, with two knights, and two maydens to beare the traynes of their gownes, well apparelled, and [the Guild of] St. George to pay their wages.

‘Item: Mr. Mayor for the time being to find St. George a-horseback, and the wardens to pay three shillings and four pence for his wages that day. And the Bailives for the time being to find four horses, with men upon them, well apparelled, to beare the pole-axe, the standard, and the Emperor and St. George’s sword.

‘Item: The elder master of the yeald to find a mayd well aparelled to lead the dragon; and the Clerk of the Market to find a good line for the dragon.

‘Item: The elder warden to find St. George, with four trumpettors, and St. George’s [Guild] to pay their wages.

‘Item: the yonger warden to finde the king of Dele and the queene of Dele, and two knightes to lead the queene of Dele, with two maydens to beare the trayne of her goune, all wholy in black apparell, and to have St. George’s chappell well hanged and apparelled to every purpose with cushins ... russhes and other necessaries belonging for said St. George’s day⁠[810].’

Dunstable, Bedfordshire.

One Geoffrey, a Norman, was ‘apud Dunestapliam, expectans scholam S. Albani sibi repromissam; ubi quendam ludum de S. Katerina (quem Miracula vulgariter appellamus) fecit; ad quae decoranda petiit a Sacrista S. Albani, ut sibi capae chorales accommodarentur, et obtinuit.’ Unfortunately the ‘capae’ were burnt. This must have been early in the twelfth century, as Geoffrey in grief became a monk, and was Abbot of St. Albans by 1119⁠[811].

Edinburgh, Scotland.

The civic records show traces of municipal plays in 1554, but it is not clear that they were miracle-plays proper or of long standing. Sir David Lyndsay’s Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis was played in the Greenside between 1550 and 1559 (cf. p. 442). On June 15, 1554, a payment was made to Sir William Makdougall, ‘maister of werk,’ for those ‘that furneist the grayth to the convoy of the moris to the Abbay and of the play maid that samyn day the tent day of Junii instant.’ Makdougall was to deliver to the dean of guild the handscenye [ensign] and canves specifiit in the said tikkit to be kepit to the behuif of the town.’ Sums were also paid this summer for ‘the playing place’ or ‘the play field now biggand in the Grenesid.’

On Oct. 12 Walter Bynnyng was paid for ‘the making of the play graith’ and for painting the ‘handsenye’ and ‘playariss facis.’ He was to ‘mak the play geir vnderwrittin furthcumand to the town, quhen thai haif ado thairwith, quhilkis he has now ressauit; viz. viij play hattis, ane kingis crown, ane myter, ane fulis hude, ane septour, ane pair angell wingis, twa angell hair, ane chaplet of tryvmphe.’

On Dec. 28 ‘the prouest, baillies and counsale findis it necessar and expedient that the litill farsche and play maid be William Lauder be playit afoir the Quenis grace⁠[812].’ I trace a note of regret for the doubtful morals and certain expense of the entertainments which the presence in Edinburgh of the newly-made Regent, Mary of Lorraine, imposed upon the burghers.

Easterford, Essex.

Lord Howard rewarded the players of ‘Esterforde’ on Jan. 7, 1482 (Appendix E, vii). This place is now known as Kelvedon.

Folkestone, Kent.

Folkestone players were at New Romney in 1474, and at Lydd in 1479.

Foston, Leicestershire.

In 1561 the players of ‘Fosson’ borrowed ‘serten stufe’ from the churchwardens of St. Martin’s, Leicester⁠[813].

Fyfield, Oxfordshire.

See s.v. Shipton.

Garboldisham, Norfolk.

‘Garblesham game’ was at Harling (q.v.) in 1457.

Great Chart, Kent.

‘Chart’ players were at New Romney in 1489.

Hadleigh, Essex.

Lord Howard rewarded the ‘Plaiers of Hadley’ on Dec. 27, 1481 (Appendix E, vii).

Halstead, Essex.

There was a play in the church in 1529⁠[814].

Ham Street, Kent.

Ham players were at Lydd in 1454.

Hanningfield, Essex.

‘John Walker of Hanfild’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1572.

Harling, Norfolk.

In 1452 the wardens paid for the ‘original of an Interlude pleyed at the Cherch gate.’ In 1457 payments were made for ‘Lopham game,’ and ‘Garblesham game,’ in 1463 for ‘Kenningale game,’ in 1467 to the ‘Kenyngale players⁠[815].’

Hascombe, Surrey.

Amongst the Loseley MSS. is a deposition of 1578/9:

‘Coram me Henr. Goringe, ar. xijᵒ die Januar. 1578. George Longherst and John Mill exᵈ sayeth, that on Sondaye last they were together at widow Michelles house, in the parish of Hascombe, and there delyvered their mares to kepe till they came agayne, and sayde that they wold goo to Hascombe Churche, to a kynge playe wᶜʰ then was there. And sayeth yᵗ they went thither and there contynued about an houre, at which tyme the sonne was then downe⁠[816].’

The date suggests a performance on Jan. 6. Evidently a May ‘kynge playe’ is out of the question; but a Twelfth Night King, or a ‘Stella’ belated in the afternoon, are both possible.

Hereford, Herefordshire.

On April 30, 1440, John Hauler and John Pewte sued Thomas Sporyour in the city court ‘de placito detencionis unius libri de lusionibus, prec. iis. iiijd.⁠[817]’

The Register of the Corporation for 1503 contains a list of

‘The paiants for the procession of Corpus Christi:

Furst, Glovers. Adam, Eve, Cayne and Abell (erased).

Eldest seriant. Cayne, Abell, and Moysey, Aron.

Carpenters. Noye ship.

Chaundelers. Abram, Isack, Moysey cum iiiiᵒʳ pueris.

Skynners. Jesse.

Flacchers. Salutac̄on of our Lady.

Vynteners. Nativite of our Lord.

Taillours. The iii Kings of Colen.

The belman. The purificac̄on of our Lady, with Symyon.

Drapers. The ... (blank) deitours, goyng with the good Lord.

Sadlers. Fleme Jordan.

Cardeners. The castell of Israell.

Walkers. The good Lord ridyng on an asse (“judging at an assize,” in Johnson!) with xii Appostelles.

The tanners. The story of Shore Thursday.

Bochours. The takyng of our Lord.

The eldest seriant. The tormentyng of our Lord with iiii tormentoures, with the lamentac̄on of our Lady [and Seynt John the evaungelist: faintly added by another hand].

[Cappers. Portacio crucis usque montem Oilverii: added.]

Dyers. Iesus pendens in cruce [altered by the second hand from Portacio crucis et Iohanne evangelista portante Mariam].

Smythes. Longys with his knyghtes.

The eldest seriant. Maria and Iohannes evangelista (interlined).

Barbours. Joseth Abarmathia.

Dyers. Sepultura Christi.

The eldest seriant. Tres Mariae.

Porters. Milites armati custodes sepulcri.

Mercers. Pilate, Cayfes, Annas, and Mahounde. [This last name has been partly erased.]

Bakers. Knyghtes in harnes.

Journeymen cappers. Seynt Keterina with tres(?) tormentors⁠[818].’

At a law day held on Dec. 10, 1548, it was agreed that the crafts who were ‘bound by the grantes of their corporacions yerely to bring forthe and set forward dyvers pageaunttes of ancient history in the processions of the cytey upon the day and fest of Corpus Χρi, which now is and are omitted and surceased’ should instead make an annual payment towards the expense of repairing walls, causeways, &c.⁠[819] The 1503 list seems to concern a dumb-show only, and it cannot be positively assumed that the lusiones of 1440 were a Corpus Christi play.

In 1706 a labourer went through the city in the week before Easter, being Passion week, clothed in a long coat with a large periwig, with a great multitude following him, sitting upon an ass, to the derision of our Saviour Jesus Christ’s riding into Jerusalem, to the great scandal of the Christian religion, to the contempt of our Lord and his doctrine, and to the ill and pernicious example of others⁠[820].

Herne, Kent.

Herne players were at New Romney in 1429.

Heybridge, Essex.

The churchwardens’ accounts for 1532 show a play, with ‘a fool’ and ‘pagent players,’ apparently in the church⁠[821].

High Easter, Essex.

High Easter men hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1570-2.

High Halden, Kent.

‘Haldene’ players were at New Romney in 1499.

Holbeach, Lincolnshire.

In 1548 the churchwardens paid vˢ viijᵈ for the ‘costs of the iij kyngs of Coloyne⁠[822].’

Hull, Yorkshire.

The accounts of the Trinity House, a guild of master mariners and pilots, contain entries concerning a play of Noah.

Hadley, the historian of Hull, extracts these items ‘from the expences on Plough-day,’ and says, ‘This being a maritime society, it was celebrated by a procession adapted to the circumstance⁠[823].’ There are continental parallels for ship-processions at spring feasts (vol. i. p. 121); but evidently that at Hull had been assimilated, perhaps under the influence of Beverley, to a miracle-play or pageant. A recent writer, apparently from some source other than Hadley, says that the entries in the accounts run from before 1421 to 1529. Amongst his additional extracts are:—

Hythe, Kent.

Hythe players were at New Romney in 1399 and at Lydd in 1467.

Idbury, Oxfordshire.

See s.v. Shipton.

Ipswich, Suffolk.

In 1325 the former Guild Merchant was reconstituted as a Guild of Corpus Christi. The Constitution provides for a procession, on Corpus Christi day, unless it is hindered ‘pro qualitate temporis⁠[825].’

The notices in the seventeenth-century Annals of the town point to a play as well as a procession⁠[826]. The Guild included all the burgesses; each paying 16d. a year and attending the dinner on Corpus Christi day.

In 1443 the common marsh was devised ‘to maintaine and repaire the pageants of the Guilde.’

In 1445 J. Causton was admitted burgess on condition of maintaining for seven years ‘the ornaments belonging to Corpus Χⁱ pageant and the stages, receiving the Charges thereof from the farmers of the Common Marshe and the Portmen’s medow, as the Bayliffs for the time being shall think meete.’ Arrears were paid to J. Caldwell for his charge of ‘Corpus Chr. pageant.’

In 1491 an order was made, laying down, ‘Howe euery occupacion of craftsmen schuld order themselves in the goyng with their pageantes in the procession of Corpus Christi.’ The list closes with the ‘Friers Carmelites,’ ‘Friers Minors,’ and ‘Friers Prechors.’ The subjects of the pageants are unfortunately not given. The pageant cost 45s. 1d.

In 1492 ‘areres of yᵉ Pageant’ were paid, and ‘kepers of the Ornaments and utensiles of Corpus Christi appointed.’

In 1493, 1494, 1495, 1496 orders were made for the provision of the ‘pageant.’ In 1495 there was a grant of £3 11. 0 for it. In 1496 it was ‘at the charge of such as have been used.’

In 1502 ‘Corpus Christi pageant shall hereafter be observed, and a convenient artificer shall be intertained to that end, and shall have 40s.’ Each Portman was to pay 1s. 4d., each of the ‘twenty-four’ 8d.; the other 6s. 8d. to be levied. ‘Noe Bayliff shall interrupt or hinder the pageant, unless by order of the great court or uppon special cause.’ Collectors for the pageant were chosen.

In 1504 the ‘collectors for the play of Corpus Christi’ were ‘to make a free burgess for their expences at Corpus Christi play.’ These collectors are again mentioned in 1505 and 1506, and in the latter year ‘ornaments’ and ‘stageing for Corpus Christi play.’

In 1509 all inhabitants are to have ‘their Tabernas and attendance at the ffeast of Corpus Christi’ and ‘everyone shall hold by the order of their procession, according to the Constitutions.’

In 1511 a contribution is ordered to a pageant of St. George, and the Corpus Christi dinner and pageant are laid aside.

From 1513 to 1519 the play is ordered to be laid aside in every year except 1517. In 1520 it ‘shall hold this yere,’ and the pageant is ordered to be ready. It is laid aside in 1521 until further order, and the master of the pageant called ‘the shipp’ is to have the same ready under forfeiture of £10. It is ‘deferred’ in 1522 and ‘laid aside for ever’ in 1531.