The mediaeval stage, volume 2 (of 2)

Probably it was never revived. But there is an order for the procession with the Sacrament in 1540, and in 1542 this had its ‘pageants’ to which each householder was rated at 1d.

In 1552 the guild is held on the Sunday after Trinity Sunday, and similar meetings continue until 1644.

On a possible performance of Bale’s King John at the visit of Elizabeth to Ipswich in 1561 see Texts (iii), s.v. Bale.

Ixworth, Suffolk.

Thetford Priory made a payment ‘in regard to Ixworth play,’ in 1507-8 (Appendix E, iii).

Kelvedon, Essex.

See s.v. Easterford.

Kendal, Westmoreland.

The ‘Boke of Record,’ a municipal register begun at the incorporation in 1575, refers to the Corpus Christi play by the crafts as established at that date. On Feb. 14, 1575, the corporation forbade feasts of more than twelve guests;

‘Such lyke ... as have bene comonlye used at ... metyings of men off Occupacyons aboute orders for their severall pagiands off Corpus xpi playe ... exceptyd and reserved.’

An order ‘ffor the playe’ of Sept. 22, 1586, forbade the alderman to give permission for the acting of the play in any year without the consent of his brethren⁠[827].’

The plays lasted into the seventeenth century. Thomas Heywood says in 1612, that, ‘to this day,’ Kendall holds the privilege of its fairs and other charters by yearly stage-plays⁠[828]. And Weever, about 1631, speaks of—

‘Corpus Christi play in my countrey, which I have seene acted at Preston, and Lancaster, and last of all at Kendall, in the beginning of the raigne of King James; for which the Townesmen were sore troubled; and upon good reasons the Play finally supprest, not onely there, but in all other Townes of the Kingdome⁠[829].’

In the MS. life of the Puritan vicar of Rotherham, John Shaw, is a description of how he spoke to an old man at Cartmel of salvation by Christ:—

‘Oh Sir,’ said he, ‘I think I heard of that man you speak of once in a play at Kendall, called Corpus Christ’s play, where there was a man on a tree, and blood ran down, &c. And afterwards he professed he could not remember that he ever heard of salvation by Jesus, but in that play⁠[830].’

Kenninghall, Norfolk.

‘Kenningale game’ was at Harling (q.v.) in 1463, and the ‘Kenyngale players’ in 1467.

Kilkenny, Ireland.

John Bale, in his description of his brief episcopate of Ossory, gives an account of the proclamation of Queen Mary, at Kilkenny, on August 20, 1553, ‘The yonge men, in the Forenone, played a Tragedye of God’s Promyses in the olde Lawe, at the Market Crosse, with Organe, Plainges, and Songes very aptely. In the Afternone agayne they played a Commedie of Sanct Johan Baptistes Preachinges, of Christes Baptisynge, and of his Temptacion in the Wildernesse, to the small contentacion of the Prestes and other Papistes there⁠[831].’

These plays are extant; cf. Texts (iii), s.v. Bale.

King’s Lynn, Norfolk.

There was a Corpus Christi guild as early as 1400, and the Tailors’ Ordinances of 1449 require them to take part in the Corpus Christi procession; but I do not find evidence of regular annual plays. The Chamberlains’ Accounts for 1385, however, include:—

‘iijˢ iiijᵈ to certain players, playing an interlude on Corpus Christi day.’

‘iijˢ iiijᵈ paid by the Mayor’s gift to persons playing the interlude of St. Thomas the Martyr.’

And those for 1462—

‘iijˢ paid for two flagons of red wine, spent in the house of Arnulph Tixonye, by the Mayor and most of his brethren, being there to see a certain play at the Feast of Corpus Christi.’ In the same year the Skinners and Sailors ‘of the town’ received rewards ‘for their labour about the procession of Corpus Christi this year⁠[832].’

In 1409-10 Lady de Beaufort came to see a play⁠[833].

See also s.v. Middleton.

Kingston-on-Thames, Surrey.

On May 20, 1505, Henry VII made a payment

‘To the Players of Kingeston toward the bilding of the churche steple, in almasse, iijˢ iiijᵈ⁠[834].’

The churchwardens’ accounts for 1505-6 include

‘That we, Adam Backhous and Harry Nycol, amountyd of a play, 4ˡⁱ.’

A few later items relate to plays at Easter.

Lancaster.

A Corpus Christi play was acted within the lifetime of Weever, who was born 1576, and wrote 1631⁠[836].

Lanchire(?), Essex.

‘Somers of Lanchire’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1566. But I can find no such place.

Langley, Oxfordshire.

See s.v. Shipton.

Lavenham, Suffolk.

The Earl of Surrey rewarded the players of ‘Lanam’ on Jan. 8, 1492 (Appendix E, vii).

Leconfield, Yorkshire.

The list of customary rewards given by the fifth Earl of Northumberland to his servants, drawn up †1522, includes:—

‘Them of his Lordschipes Chapell if they doo play the Play of the Nativite uppon Cristynmes-Day in the mornynge in my Lords Chapell befor his Lordship, xxˢ.

... Them of his Lordship Chappell and other, if they doo play the play of Resurrection upon Esturday in the morning in my Lords Chapell, xxˢ⁠[837].’

Leeds, Yorkshire.

Ten Brink, ii. 256, says that Leeds formed a centre ‘for the art of the cyclic plays, which were represented yearly’; and Ward, i. 55, that at Leeds ‘the religious drama was assiduously cultivated by the citizens.’ I cannot find any authority for this, and can only suggest that it is a misapprehension of an entry in the Catalogue of Ralph Thoresby’s manuscripts appended to his Ducatus Leodensis (1715), 517. This was copied by Sharp, 141. But it refers to the York Plays, then in Thoresby’s possession.

Leicester.

The Hall book of the Corporation contains the following entries:—

1477, March 26. ‘The pleyers the which pleed the passion play the yere next afore brought yne a byll the whiche was of serten devties of mony and whedʳ the passion shulbe put to crafts to be bounden or nay. And at yᵗ tyme the seid pleyers gaff to the pachents yʳ mony which that thei had getten yn playng of the seid play euer fore to that day and all yʳ Rayments wʰ al othʳ maner of stuff yᵗ they had at that tyme. And at the same Common Halle be the advyse of all the Comons was chosen thies persones after named for to have the gydyng and Rule of the said play’ [19 persons with 2 ‘bedalls’ named]⁠[838].

1495, Friday after xijᵗᵉ day. ‘Yᵗ ys ordent agreyt stabelechyd & acte for the comon well of the towne and of seche guds as ys yn a store hows in the Setterday marcat yᵗ ys to say wodde tymber and vdyr playyng germands yf ther be ony her hys chosyn to be ouersears thereof’ [6 names]⁠[839].

It is not clear on what day the Passion play took place. There were great processions on Whit Monday from the churches of St. Martin and St. Mary to that of St. Margaret, and in these the Twelve Apostles figured⁠[840].

The accounts of the same churches show plays apparently distinct from the Passion play.

St. Mary’s.

These entries suggest a Quem quaeritis, but perhaps only a puppet-show.

St. Martin’s.

In 1551 the Corporation came not to a feast ‘because of the play that was in the church⁠[843].’

Lichfield, Staffordshire.

The Cathedral Statutes of Bishop Hugh de Nonant (1188-98) provide for the Pastores at Christmas and the Quem quaeritis and Peregrini at Easter.

‘Item in nocte Natalis representacio pastorum fieri consueuit et in diluculo Paschae representacio Resurreccionis dominicae et representacio peregrinorum die lunae in septimana Paschae sicut in libris super hijs ac alijs compositis continetur.’

Similarly in the account of the officium of the Succentor it is provided:

‘Et prouidere debet quod representacio pastorum in nocte Natalis domini et miraculorum in nocte Paschae et die lunae in Pascha congrue et honorifice fiant⁠[844].’

Lincoln.

About 1244 Bishop Grosseteste names ‘miracula’ amongst other ‘ludi’ which the archdeacons, so far as possible, are to exterminate in the diocese⁠[845].

Chapter computi for 1406, 1452, and 1531 include entries of payments, ‘In serothecis emptis pro Maria et Angelo et Prophetis ex consuetudine in Aurora Natalis Dñi hoc anno⁠[846].’

‘In 1420 tithes to the amount of 8ˢ 8ᵈ were assigned to Thomas Chamberleyn for getting up a spectacle or pageant (“cuiusdam excellentis visus”) called Rubum quem viderat at Christmas.... An anthem sung at Lauds on New Year’s day ... begins thus⁠[847]’ (cf. Sarum Breviary, ccxciii). Was this spectacle a Moses play forming part of, or detached from, an Ordo Prophetarum?

A set of local annals (1361-1515) compiled in the sixteenth century records the following plays:—

Canon Rock, apparently quoting the same document, also mentions a ‘Ludus de Sancto Iacobo⁠[848].’

On Dec. 13, 1521, the Corporation ‘agreed that Paternoster Play shall be played this year⁠[849].’

In 1478-80 the Chapter Curialitates include ‘In commun’ canonicorum existent’ ad videndum ludum Corporis Christi in camera Iohannis Sharpe infra clausum, 17ˢ 11ᵈ⁠[850].’

But the Corpus Christi play, although so called, would appear not to have been played upon Corpus Christi day, but to be identical with the visus or ‘sights’ of St. Anne’s day (July 26). These are mentioned almost yearly in the city minute-books of the early sixteenth century, and appear to have been cyclic and processional. They certainly included Noah’s Ship, the Three Kings of Cologne, the Ascension, and the Coronation of the Virgin. The Corporation ordered them to be played; the mayor and the ‘graceman,’ or chief officer of the guild of Saint Anne, directed them; the guild priest gave his assistance in the preparations. In 1517 Sir Robert Denyer was appointed on condition of doing this. Garments were often borrowed from the priory and the local magnates. In 1521 Lady Powys lent a gown for one of the Maries, and the other had a crimson gown of velvet belonging to the guild. Each craft was bound under penalty to provide a pageant. In 1540 some of the crafts had broken their pageants and were ordered to restore them. In the same year a large door was made at the late school-house that the pageants might be sent in, and 4d. was charged for housing every pageant, ‘and Noy schippe 12ᵈ.’ In 1547 the valuables of the procession were sold, but the ‘gear’ (i.e. the theatrical properties) still existed in 1569. During the Marian reaction in 1554 and 1555 ‘it was ordered that St. Anne’s Gild with Corpus Christi Play shall be brought forth and played this year⁠[851].’

The friendly relations of the Cathedral Chapter to the civic play are noteworthy. In 1469 the chapter paid the expenses of the visus of the Assumption given on St. Anne’s day in the nave of the church. In 1483 it was similarly agreed to have ‘Ludum, sive Serimonium, de Coronatione, sive Assumptione, beatae Mariae, prout consuetum fuerat, in navi dictae Ecclesiae.’ This was to be played and shown in the procession to be made by the citizens on St. Anne’s day. Apparently the crafts played the earlier plays of the cycle during the progress of the St. Anne’s procession through the streets, and the Chapter gave the Assumption as a finale to the whole in the cathedral itself. But their interest extended beyond their own visus. In 1488 Robert Clarke received an appointment, because ‘he is so ingenious in the show and play called the Ascension, given every year on St. Anne’s Day⁠[852].’

Under Elizabeth a new play appears. In 1564 the Corporation ordered ‘that a standing [i.e. non-processional?] play of some story of the Bible shall be played two days this summertime.’ The subject chosen was Tobias, and the place the Broadgate. Some of the properties, e.g. ‘Hell mouth, with a nether chap,’ were possibly the old ‘gear’ of St. Anne’s guild. In 1567 ‘the stage-play of the story of Toby’ was again played at Whitsuntide⁠[853].

Little Baddow, Essex.

Little Baddow men hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe during 1564-6.

London.

William Fitzstephen (†1170-82), in a description of London prefatory to his Vita of St. Thomas à Becket, says:—

‘Lundonia pro spectaculis theatralibus, pro ludis scenicis, ludos habet sanctiores, representationes miraculorum quae sancti confessores operati sunt, seu representationes passionum quibus claruit constantia martyrum⁠[854].’

Nothing more is heard of plays in London until 1378, when the scholars of St. Paul’s petitioned Richard II,

‘to prohibit some unexpert people from representing the History of the Old Testament, to the great prejudice of the said Clergy, who have been at great expence in order to represent it publickly at Christmas⁠[855].’

The chronicler Malvern records that in 1384,—

‘Vicesimo nono die Augusti clerici Londoniae apud Skynnereswelle fecerunt quendam ludum valde sumptuosum, duravitque quinque diebus⁠[856].’

In 1391 Malvern again records,—

‘Item xviijᵒ die Iulii clerici Londonienses fecerunt ludum satis curiosum apud Skynnereswell per dies quatuor duraturum, in quo tam vetus quam novum testamentum oculariter ludendo monstrabant⁠[857].’

In 1393, according to the London Chronicle, ‘was the pley of seynt Katerine⁠[858].’

Other chronicles record a play in 1409:—

‘This yere was the play at Skynners Welle, whiche endured Wednesday, Thorsday, Friday, and on Soneday it was ended⁠[859].’

The accounts of the royal wardrobe show that a scaffold of timber was built for the King (Henry IV), prince, barons, knights, and ladies on this occasion, and that the play showed,—

‘how God created Heaven and Earth out of nothing, and how he created Adam and so on to the Day of Judgment⁠[860].’

Finally, the Grey Friars Chronicle mentions a yet longer play in 1411:—

‘This year beganne a gret pley from the begynnyng of the worlde at the skynners’ welle, that lastyd vij dayes contynually; and there ware the moste parte of the lordes and gentylles of Ynglond⁠[861].’

The performers in most, if not all, of this group of plays were the clerks in minor orders who naturally abounded in London. The Guild of St. Nicholas of Parish Clerks had existed since 1233. In 1442 they received a charter, which refers to ‘diversis charitatis et pietatis operibus per ipsos annuatim exhibitis et inventis⁠[862].’ These opera possibly include the plays, which may have become annual between 1411 and 1442. They seem to have been given at various times of year, and hard by the well, variously described as Skinners Well or Clerkenwell. The Priory of St. Bartholomew is not far, and the plays may have had some connexion, at one time or another, with the famous Bartholomew Fair⁠[863]. It was probably the double name of the well that led Stowe to say that ‘the skinners of London held there certain plays yearly, played of Holy Scripture⁠[864].’

There is another gap of a century in the history of these greater London plays. But on July 20, 1498, Henry VII rewarded ‘the pleyers of London’ (Appendix E, viii), and of 1508 the annalist of Henry VII, Bernard Andrew, says:—

‘Spectacula vero natalis divi Iohannis vespere longe praeclarissima hoc anno ostensa fuerunt, quemadmodum superioris mensis huiusque aliquot festis diebus pone Christi ecclesiam circa urbis pomaria divinae recitatae fuere historiae⁠[865].’

Some of the London churches had their own plays, as may be seen from their churchwardens’ accounts. Those of St. Margaret’s, Southwark, have the following entries:—

Towards the end of Henry VIII’s reign the Revels office was able to borrow ‘frames for pageants’ from the wardens of St. Sepulchre’s⁠[867].

Probably the guild of Parish Clerks made it a profession to supply such church plays as these for a regular fee. They were employed also at the feasts of the city guilds. The Brewers, for instance, had plays in 1425 and 1433, and in 1435 paid ‘4 clerkis of London, for a play⁠[868].’ The Carpenters paid iiijˢ iiijᵈ for a play in 1490⁠[869]. London players occasionally performed before Henry VII. Besides ‘the players of London’ in 1498, he rewarded in 1501 the players at ‘Myles ende⁠[870].’

Attempts were made to revive religious plays during the Marian reaction. On June 7, 1557, ‘be-gane a stage play at the Grey freers of the Passyon of Cryst⁠[871].’ On St. Olave’s day, July 29, in the same year ‘was the church holiday in Silver street; and at eight of the clock at night began a stage play of a goodly matter, that continued until xij at mydnyght, and then they mad an end with a good song⁠[872].’

The last such play in London was ‘the acting of Christ’s Passion at Elie house in Holborne when Gundemore [Gondomar] lay there, on Good-Friday at night, at which there were thousands present⁠[873].’ This would be between 1613 and 1622.

Midsummer Watch.

A ‘marching watch’ was kept on the eves of Midsummer and SS. Peter and Paul (June 29) until 1538, and revived, for one year only, in 1548. Some 2,000 men went in armour; lamps and bonfires were lit in the streets, and ‘every man’s door shadowed with green birch, long fennel, St. John’s wort; orpine, white lilies and such like, garnished upon with garlands of beautiful flowers.’ It seems to have been customary for the guilds to which the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs for the year belonged to furnish pageants. Stowe says that ‘where the mayor had besides his giant three pageants, each of the sheriffs had besides their giants but two pageants, each their morris dance.’ In 1505 the Grocers had ‘a pageant for the maire [Sir John Wyngar] at Midsomer.’ In 1510 Henry VIII, disguised as a groom, came to see the Midsummer Watch, and on St. Peter’s eve came openly with the queen. There were ‘diverse goodlie shewes, as had beene accustomed.’ In 1522 the Drapers resolved ‘that there shall be no Mydsomʳ pageant becaus there was so many pageants redy standyng for the Emperors coming into London,’ and ‘for divers considerations’ to ‘surcease the said pageants and find xxx men in harness instead.’ But later they decided to ‘renew all the old pageants for the house; including our newe pageant of the Goldyn Flees for the mayr against mydsomʳ; also the gyant, lord Moryspyks, and a morys daunce, as was used the last year.’ The account-books mention Lord Moryspyks or ‘Marlingspikes,’ and a ‘king of the Moors,’ with a ‘stage’ and ‘wyld fire.’ In 1523, the King of Denmark being in London, the Drapers allowed the Sheriff two pageants, ‘but to be no precedent hereafter.’ They paid ‘for garnyshyng and newe repayring of th’ Assumpcion, and also for making a new pageant of St. Ursula.’ The King of Denmark was duly brought to see the watch. In 1524 they again had a pageant, the nature of which is not specified⁠[874].

Lopham, Norfolk.

‘Lopham game’ was at Harling (q.v.) in 1457.

Louth, Lincolnshire.

An inventory of documents in the rood-loft in 1516 includes the ‘hole Regenall of corpus xr̄i play.’ In 1558 the corporation paid for a play ‘in the markit-stede on corpus xr̄i day.’⁠[875]

Lydd, Kent.

The town accounts show a play of St. George on July 4, 1456, and payment to the ‘bane cryars’ of ‘our play’ in 1468. In 1422 the Lydd players acted at New Romney, and in 1490 the chaplain of the guild of St. George at New Romney went to see a play at Lydd, with a view to reproducing it. Between 1429 and 1490 the New Romney players acted often at Lydd, and also players of Ruckinge (1431), Wytesham (1441), Ham (1454), Hythe (1467), Folkestone (1479), Rye (1480), Stone (1490). Unnamed players were in the high street in 1485⁠[876].

Lyneham, Oxfordshire.

See s.v. Shipton.

Malden, Essex.

The Chelmsford (q.v.) play was shown at Malden in 1562.

Manningtree, Essex.

John Manningham, of the Middle Temple, wrote in his Diary, on Feb. 8, 1602, ‘The towne of Manitree in Essex holds by stage plays⁠[877].’ So Heywood, in his Apology for Actors (1612), ‘To this day there be townes that hold the priviledge of their fairs and other charters by yearly stage-plays, as at Manningtree in Suffolke, Kendall in the North, and others⁠[878].’ There are further allusions to these plays in T. Nash, The Choosing of Valentines,

and in Dekker, Seven Deadly Sins of London (1607), ‘Cruelty has got another part to play; it is acted like the old morals at Manning-tree⁠[880].’

Maxstoke, Warwickshire.

The accounts of Maxstoke Priory (a house of Augustinian canons) for 1430 include, ‘pro ientaculis puerorum eleemosynae exeuntium ad aulam in castro ut ibi ludum peragerent in die Purificationis, xivᵈ. Unde nihil a domini [Clinton] thesaurario, quia saepius hoc anno ministralli castri fecerunt ministralsiam in aula conventus et Prioris ad festa plurima sine ullo regardo⁠[881].’

Middleton, Norfolk.

In 1444 the corporation of Lynn (q.v.) showed a play with Mary and Gabriel before Lord Scales⁠[882].

Mildenhall, Suffolk.

Thetford Priory made a payment to ‘the play of Mydenale’ in 1503-4 (Appendix E, iii).

Mile End, Middlesex.

Henry VII rewarded ‘the Pleyers at Myles End’ on Aug. 6, 1501 (Appendix E, viii).

Milton, Oxfordshire.

See s.v. Shipton.

Morebath, Devonshire.

The churchwardens’ accounts record an Easter play at some date between 1520 and 1574⁠[883].

Nayland, Essex.

Richard More, of Nayland, hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1566.

Newcastle-on-Tyne, Northumberland.

The craft-plays on Corpus Christi day are mentioned in several fifteenth-century ordinaries, the earliest being that of the Coopers in 1426/7. The last years in which performances can be proved to have been given are 1561 and 1562. Ordinaries dated from 1578 to 1589 stipulate for a performance by the crafts ‘whensoever the generall plaies of the town of Newcastle, antiently called the Corpus Christi plays, shall be plaied,’ or the like. The determination of this point rested with the Corporation. The Goldsmiths drew up an ‘invoic of all the players apperell pertainyng to’ them in 1598/9. The cost of the plays fell on the crafts, who took fixed contributions from their members. The Taylors in 1536 required iijᵈ from each hireling, and vijᵈ from each newly admitted member. The Fullers and Dyers paid 9s. in 1561 for ‘the play lettine’ to four persons.

The mentions of ‘bearers of the care and baneres’ of them ‘that wated of the paient’ and of ‘the carynge of the trowt and wyn about the town’ seem to show that the plays were processional. On the other hand the one extant play (cf. p. 424) ends with a remark of the Diabolus to ‘All that is gathered in this stead.’ Perhaps the pageants first took part in the Corpus Christi procession proper and afterwards gathered in a field. The Mercers’ ordinary of 1480 shows that the procession was ‘by vij in morning,’ and the plays were certainly in the evening, for it was deposed in a law-suit at Durham in 1569 that Sir Robert Brandling of Newcastle said on Corpus Christi day, 1562, that ‘he would after his dinner draw his will, and after the plays would send for his consell, and make it up’ (Norfolk Archaeology, iii. 18).

For the list of plays, so far as it can be recovered, see p. 424. The ordinary of the Goldsmiths (1536) requires their play (Kynges of Coleyn) to be given at their feast⁠[884].

New Romney, Kent.

There are many notices of a play in the town accounts between 1428 and 1560. In 1456 the wardens of the play of the Resurrection are mentioned. In 1463 the jurats paid Agnes Ford 6s. 8d. ‘for the play of the Interlude of our Lord’s Passion.’ From 1474 the banns of the play are mentioned. In 1477 the play was on Whit-Tuesday. In 1518 the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports forbade the play, but it was revived elaborately in 1560. The accounts mention the purchase of copes and vestures from the corporation of Lydd, and refer to ‘a fool,’ ‘the Cytye of Samarye,’ ‘our last play,’ ‘the iijᵗʰ play,’ ‘the iiijᵗʰ play,’ and the ‘bane cryers.’ No crafts are mentioned: perhaps the play was produced by the corporation itself. The performances may have been on Crockhill or Crockley Green. ‘Playstool’ is a common name for a bit of land in Kent. Performances were often given in other towns: see s.v. Lydd. The play seems to have been only a Passion and Resurrection play, and not a complete cycle. ‘Le Playboke’ is mentioned from 1516. It is in an Elizabethan inventory of town records. A second play of St. George was probably started in 1490 when a chaplain of the guild of St. George went to see the Lydd St. George play, with a view to reproducing it. In 1497 the chaplains received the profits of the play. Players from the following towns are found acting at New Romney: Hythe (1399), Lydd (1422), Wittersham (1426, they ‘shewed th’ interlude’), Herne (1429), Ruckinge (1430), Folkestone (1474), Appledore (1488), Chart (1489), Rye (1489), Wye (1491), Brookland (1494), Halden (1499), Bethersden (1508)⁠[885].

Northampton, Northamptonshire.

Brotanek (Anglia, xxi. 21) conjectures that the Abraham and Isaac of the Dublin MS. may come from Northampton (cf. p. 427), and hints at an explanation of the ‘N. towne’ in the prologue to the Ludus Coventriae as ‘N[orthampton] towne’ (cf. p. 421).

But the only allusion even remotely suggesting miracle-plays that I can find in the printed civic records is in 1581, in which year some interrogatories as to St. George’s Hall contain a deposition by an old man to the effect that he had known the hall fifty years, and that the mayor and chamberlains had been wont to lay therein pageants, &c.⁠[886]

Norwich, Norfolk.

Whitsun Plays.

J. Whetley writes from Norwich on Corpus Christi even (May 20), 1478, to Sir John Paston in London, of a visit of Lord Suffolk to Hellesden, ‘at hys beyng ther that daye ther was never no man that playd Herrod in Corpus Crysty play better and more agreable to hys pageaunt than he dud⁠[887].’

I do not know whether it is fair to infer from this that in 1478 the Norwich plays were not at Whitsuntide, but at Corpus Christi; but this would account for J. Whetley’s trope.

On Sept. 21, 1527, the guild of St. Luke, composed of painters, braziers, plumbers, &c., made a presentment to the Assembly of the town that,—

‘where of longtime paste the said Guylde of Seynt Luke yerly till nowe hath ben used to be kept and holden within the citie aforesaid upon the Mundaye in pentecoste weke at which daye and the daye next ensuyng many and divers disgisyngs and pageaunts, as well of the lieffs and martyrdoms of divers and many hooly Saynts, as also many other light and feyned figurs and picturs of other persones and bests; the sight of which disgisings and pageaunts, as well yerly on the said Mondaye in pentecoste weke in the time of procession then goyng about a grett circuitte of the forsaid citie, as yerly the Tuysday in the same weke [serving] the lord named the Lord of Misrule at Tumlond within the same citie, hath ben and yet is sore coveted, specially by the people of the countre.’

The presentment goes on to show that much resort and profit have accrued to the city, but all the cost has fallen on the guild, which ‘is almost fully decayed’; and urges an order,—

‘that every occupacion wythyn the seyd Citye maye yerly at the said procession upon the Mondaye in Pentecost weke sette forth one pageaunt.’

It was agreed that each craft should play,—

‘one such pageaunt as shalbe assigned and appoynted by Master Mair and his brethern aldermen, as more playnly appereth in a boke thereof made.’

In the same hand is a list of crafts and plays (cf. p. 425)⁠[888].

Some extracts made in the eighteenth century from the, now lost, books of the Grocers’ Company, contain (a) two versions of their play on The Fall, dating from 1533 and 1565 respectively (cf. p. 425), and (b) various notices of the same from the Assembly Book.

The latter begin in 1534, when ‘4 Surveyors of yᵉ Pageant’ with a ‘Bedell’ were chosen, and an assessment of 22s. 10d. made for the pageant and the Corpus Christi procession. The expenses include, besides repairs to the pageant, fees to actors, refreshments, &c.,—

‘It. to Sʳ Stephen Prowet for makyng of a newe ballet, 12ᵈ.

House ferme for ye Pageant, 2ˢ.’

The pageant went in 1535 and 1536. In 1537 it ‘went not at Wytsontyde,’ but went in October ‘in yᵉ Processyon for yᵉ Byrthe of Prynce Edward.’ From 1538 to 1546 it went, the assessment for pageant and procession being about 20s. to 30s. As to 1547 the record is not clear. Then there is a gap in the extracts, and from 1556 onwards the ‘Gryffon,’ ‘Angell,’ and ‘Pendon’ of the Corpus Christi procession, with flowers, grocery, and fruit ‘to garnish yᵉ tre wᵗʰ,’ &c., appear alone in the accounts. In 1559 was ‘no solemnite’ at all. In 1563 it was agreed that the pageant should be ‘preparyd ageynst yᵉ daye of Mʳ Davy his takyng of his charge of yᵉ Mayralltye,’ with a ‘devyce’ to be prepared by the surveyors at a cost of 6s. 8d. The play cannot have quite lapsed, for in 1565 a new version was written (cf. p. 425). It was apparently contemplated that it might be played either alone or in a cycle. To the same year belongs the following

‘Inventory of yᵉ p’ticulars appartaynyng to yᵉ Company of yᵉ Grocers, a.d. 1565.

A Pageant, yᵗ is to saye, a Howse of Waynskott paynted and buylded on a Carte wᵗ fowre whelys.

A square topp to sett over yᵉ sayde Howse.

A Gryffon, gylte, wᵗ a fane to sette on yᵉ sayde toppe.

A bygger Iron fane to sett on yᵉ ende of yᵉ Pageante.

iiijˣˣ iij small Fanes belongyng to yᵉ same Pageante.

A Rybbe colleryd Red.

A cote & hosen wᵗ a bagg & capp for doloʳ, steyned.

2 cotes & a payre hosen for Eve, stayned.

A cote & hosen for Adam, Steyned.

A cote wᵗ hosen & tayle for yᵉ serpente, steyned, wᵗ a wᵗ heare.

A cote of yellow buckram wᵗ yᵉ Grocers’ arms for yᵉ Pendon bearer.

An Angell’s Cote & over hoses of Apis Skynns.

3 paynted clothes to hang abowte yᵉ Pageant.

A face & heare for yᵉ Father.

2 hearys for Adam & Eve.

4 head stallis of brode Inkle wᵗʰ knopps & tassells.

6 Horsse Clothes, stayned, wᵗ knopps & tassells.

Item, Weights, &c.’

There is a final memorandum that in 1570 the pageant was broken to pieces for six years ‘howse ferm’ due. There had been no ‘semblye nor metynge’ of the Company for eight years. The pageant had stood for six years in a ‘Gate howse,’ and then ‘at yᵉ Black Fryers brydge in open strete,’ where it became ‘so weather beaten, yᵗ yᵉ cheife parte was rotton⁠[889].’

Processions.

There were three notable annual processions at Norwich.

(a) The Corpus Christi Procession, in which the crafts were held to take part in 1489, and which appears, as above stated, in the Grocers’ records until 1558. They seem to have been represented by the ‘griffon’ from the top of their pageant, a banner with their arms, a crowned angel, and an emblematic ‘tree’ of fruit and grocery (possibly the ‘tree of knowledge’)⁠[890].

(b) The Procession of the Guild of St. Thomas à Becket on the day of his Translation (July 7) to his chapel in the wood. Here interludes were played⁠[891].

(c) The Riding of the Guild of St. George on his day (April 23). This dates from at least 1408, and a good many details as to it are preserved⁠[892].

Nuneaton, Warwickshire.

The ‘lusores de Eaton’ played at Maxstoke Priory between 1422 and 1461 (Appendix E, ii).

Oxford, Oxfordshire.

The following extracts from the Bursars’ computi of Magdalen College point to a Quem quaeritis of the longer type, with the ‘Noli me tangere’ episode.

1486-7. ‘pro factura sepulturae erga pascham. xijᵈ.’

1506-7. ‘pro scriptura lusi’ of St. Mary Magdalen. xᵈ.’

[There were further payments in connexion with this play, and for music.]

1509-10. ‘pro pane, cibo et aliis datis pueris ludentibus in die Paschae ... xvijᵈ ob.’

1514-5. ‘pro carnibus consumptis in capella tribus noctibus ante Pascha et in tempore Nativitatis. ijˢ.’

1518-9. ‘pro tinctura et factura tunicae eius qui ageret partem Christi et pro crinibus mulieribus. ijˢ vjᵈ.’

1536-7. ‘pro carbonibus consumptis in sacrario per custodes sepulchri, et per pueros in festis hiemalibus.’

[Repeated in other years.]

A chapel inventory of 1495 includes ‘unum frontale ... et unum dorsale cum quibus solet sepulcrum ornari.’

The same accounts (cf. p. 248) show items for plays in the hall at various seasons, and for the Boy Bishop at Christmas⁠[893].

The churchwardens of St. Peter’s in the East kept between 1444 and 1600 a stock of players’ garments, and let them out on hire⁠[894].

Penrhyn, Cornwall.

See Texts (i), Cornish Plays, Origo Mundi.

Perranzabulo, Cornwall.

The earliest historical notice of plays in Cornwall is by Richard Carew in 1602:—

‘The Guary miracle, in English, a miracle-play, is a kinde of Enterlude, compiled in Cornish out of some Scripture history, with that grossenes which accompanied the Romanes vetus Comoedia. For representing it they raise an earthen Amphitheatre in some open field, hauing the Diameter of his enclosed playne some 40 or 50 foot. The Country people flock from all sides, many miles off, to hear and see it: for they haue therein, deuils and deuices, to delight as well the eye as the eare; the players conne not their parts without booke, but are prompted by one called the Ordinary, who followeth at their back with the book in his hand, and telleth them softly what they must pronounce aloud.’

Whereupon Carew has a story of a ‘pleasant conceyted gentleman’ who raised laughter by repeating aloud all the Ordinary’s asides to himself.

One Mr. Scawen (†1660) describes the Guirremears as—

‘solemnized not without shew of devotion in open and spacious downs, of great capacity, encompassed about with earthen banks, and in some part stonework of largeness to contain thousands, the shapes of which remain in many places to this day, though the use of them long since gone.’

Bp. Nicholson, writing in 1700, says that the plays were:—

‘called Guirimir, which Mʳ Llhuyd supposes a corruption of Guarimirkle, and in the Cornish dialect to signify a miraculous play or interlude. They were composed for begetting in the common people a right notion of the Scriptures, and were acted in the memory of some not long since deceased.’

The eighteenth-century antiquary, Borlase, identifies the places in which the miracle-plays were given with those known as ‘rounds’ or, in Cornish, plân an guare. Of these he describes and figures two. That of St. Just was of stone, 126 feet in diameter, with seven rows of seats inside. It was much decayed when Norris wrote in 1859. That of Perranzabulo, or Piran-sand, was of earth, 130 feet in diameter, with a curious pit in the centre, joined to the outer ring by a narrow trench. Borlase thought that this was used for a Hell⁠[895]. It was more likely filled with water for Noah’s ship to float upon.

The Ordinalia printed by Mr. Norris take the Cornish plays back to at least the fourteenth, if not the thirteenth century. The circular diagrams in the manuscript exactly fall in with the round plân an guare described by Borlase and others. They show a ring of eight loci or sedes (cf. p. 83), for which the terms used in the stage-directions are pulpita or tenti, with an open circular space in the middle, which the stage-directions call the platea. The action is partly at the pulpita, partly in the platea. A new character often marks his appearance by strutting about his pulpitum, or perhaps around the ring—Hic pompabit Abraham, &c.

In the English stage-directions to the later (before 1611) Creation of the World, the platea becomes the playne, and for pulpitum the term room is used. The manager of the play is the ‘conveyour.’ Some of the directions are curious and minute. At the opening, ‘The father must be in a clowde, and when he speakethe of heaven let yᵉ levys open.’ Within is a ‘trone,’ which Lucifer tries to ascend. After the fight, ‘Lucifer voydeth & goeth downe to hell apareled fowle wᵗʰ fyre about hem turning to hell and every degre of devylls of lether & spirytis on cordis runing into yᵉ playne and so remayne ther.’ Meanwhile are got ready ‘Adam and Eva aparlet in whytt lether in a place apoynted by the conveyour & not to be sene tyll they be called & thei knell & ryse.’ Paradise has ‘ii fayre trees in yt’ and a ‘fowntaine’ and ‘fyne flowers,’ which appear suddenly. Similarly, a little later, ‘Let fyshe of dyuers sortis apeare & serten beastis as oxen kyne shepe & such like.’ Lucifer incarnates as ‘a fyne serpent made wᵗʰ a virgyn face & yolowe heare vpon her head.’ Presently comes the warning, ‘ffig leaves redy to cover ther members,’ and at the expulsion, ‘The garmentis of skynnes to be geven to adam and eva by the angell. Receave the garmentis. Let them depart out of paradice and adam and eva following them. Let them put on the garmentis and shewe a spyndell and a dystaff’ The Cain and Abel scene requires ‘a chawbone’ (‘Cain’s jawbone, that did the first murder’). Seth is led to Paradise and ‘Ther he vyseth all thingis, and seeth ij trees and in the one tree sytteth mary the virgyn & in her lappe her son jesus in the tope of the tree of lyf, and in the other tree yᵉ serpent wᶜʰ caused Eva to eat the appell.’ When Adam dies, his soul is taken ‘to lymbo,’ and he is buried ‘in a fayre tombe wᵗʰ som churche songis at hys buryall.’ The Noah scene requires ‘tooles and tymber redy, wᵗʰ planckis to make the arcke, a beam a mallet a calkyn yre[n] ropes mass[t]es pyche and tarr.’ Presently ‘let rayne appeare’ and ‘a raven & a culver ready.’ When the flood ends, ‘An alter redy veary fayre,’ at which ‘som good church songes’ are sung, and ‘a Rayne bowe to appeare.’ Like the earlier plays, this ends with a call on the minstrels to pipe for a dance.

A study of the place names in the Ordinalia led Mr. Pedler to suggest that they probably belonged to the neighbourhood of Penrhyn, and may have been composed at the collegiate house of Glasney. The St. Meriasek play is assigned by Mr. Stokes to Camborne, of which that saint was patron. It ends with an invocation of St. Meriasek, St. Mary of Camborne, and the Apostles.

Preston, Lancashire.

A Corpus Christi play was acted within the lifetime of Weever, who was born 1576 and wrote 1631⁠[896].

I find no trace of plays at the meetings of the Guild Merchant, although there was always a great procession, which from 1762 or earlier included such allegorical figures as Adam and Eve for the Tailors, Vulcan for the Smiths, &c.⁠[897]

Reading, Berkshire.

The churchwardens’ accounts of St. Lawrence’s record ‘a gaderyng of a stage-play’ in 1498.

In 1507 a play of Adam and Eve was held on ‘the Sonday afore Bartylmastyde’ ‘in the Forbury.’ There was a ‘schapfold,’ but ‘pagentts’ were also used. A Corpus Christi procession is also mentioned in 1509, 1512, and 1539.

In 1512 also was the ‘play of Kayme,’ and in 1515, ‘Cayme’s pageaunt’ in the market-place.

On May 1, 1499, and again in 1539, was the Kings of Cologne. This was distinct, no doubt, from the ‘king play,’ with its ‘tree,’ ‘king game,’ or ‘kyng ale,’ which took place at Whitsuntide (cf. vol. i. p. 173). But the date, May 1 (for which cf. Abingdon), is curious for a miracle-play, and must have been influenced by the folk feast.

A payment for ‘rosyn to the resurrecyon pley’ (possibly for making a blaze: cf. p. 23, note 5) occurs in 1507, and in 1533-5 payments to ‘Mʳ Laborne’ ‘for reforming the Resurrecon pley,’ and ‘for a boke’ of it.

In 1508 was a ‘pageaunt of the Passion on Easter Monday⁠[898].’

Ruckinge, Kent.

Ruckinge players were at New Romney in 1430, and Lydd in 1431.

Rye, Sussex.

Rye players were at Lydd in 1480, and at New Romney in 1489.

Sabsford (?), Essex.

‘Sabsforde men’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1562, 1563, and 1566. But I can find no such place.

Saffron Walden, Essex.

‘Men of Waldyne’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe during 1564-6.

St. Just, Cornwall.

See s.v. Perranzabulo.

Salisbury, Wiltshire.

A cathedral inventory of 1222 includes:—

‘Coronae ij de latone ad representationes faciendas.’

These latten ‘coronae’ may, I suppose, have been either crowns for the Magi, or ‘stellae⁠[899].’

The churchwardens’ accounts of St. Edmund’s for 1461 include an item ‘for all apparel and furniture of players at the Corpus Christi⁠[900].’

Shelfhanger, Norfolk.

Thetford Priory made a payment ‘in regard to Schelfanger play’ in 1507-8 (Appendix E, iii).

Shipton, Oxfordshire.

It was decided (†1220-28), as part of an award concerning the rights of collation to the churches of Shipton and Bricklesworth, both being prebends in Sarum cathedral, as follows:—

‘Actiones autem, si quae competant, in villa de Fifhide et de Idebire cedant canonico de Brikeleswrth. Actiones vero, si quae competant, in villa de Mideltone et de Langele, cedant canonico de Schiptone. Emolumentum vero actionum, si quae competant, in villa de Linham aequaliter inter se dividant⁠[901].’

The editor of the Sarum Charters can only explain actiones as ‘plays.’ Ducange gives the word in the sense of spectacula.

All the places named, Fyfield, Idbury, Milton, Langley, and Lyneham, are in Wychwood, and may have formed in the thirteenth century, if they do not all now, part of the parish of Shipton-under-Wychwood.

Shrewsbury, Shropshire.

The civic orders and accounts refer occasionally to plays. The first on record was given before Prince Arthur in 1495. In 1516 the abbot of Shrewsbury, in 1533 the bishop of Exeter, and in 1542 the royal commissioners were present. The subject in 1516 was the martyrdoms of Saints Feliciana and Sabina. In 1518 it was the Three Kings of Cologne. In 1510, 1518, 1533, 1553, and 1556 the performances were at Whitsuntide. The bailiffs, according to a notice in 1556, ‘set forward’ the plays, and the ‘lusores’ belonging to the town, who are mentioned in 1527 and 1549, were perhaps the performers. The locality was, in 1542, the churchyard of St. Chad’s. In 1495, 1516, and 1533 it was the quarry outside the walls, where it is stated in 1570 that ‘the plases have bin accustomyd to be usyd⁠[902].’ Here there were traces of a seated amphitheatre as late as 1779⁠[903]. Thomas Ashton became master of the free school in 1561, and he produced plays in the quarry. Elizabeth was to have been at his Julian the Apostate in 1565, but came too late. In 1567 he gave the Passion of Christ⁠[904]. An undated list of Costs for the Play includes ‘a desert’s (disard’s) hed and berd,’ ‘vi dossen belles’ for a morris, ‘gonne poudoʳ’ and other attractions for a devil⁠[905].

Shrewsbury Show.

The craft-guilds took part in the Corpus Christi procession, and the guild of Mercers inflicted a penalty of 12d. on brethren who on that feast should ‘happen to ride or goe to Coventre Faire or elleswhere out of the town of Shrewesburye to by or sell⁠[906].’ Until about 1880 Shrewsbury Show was held on the Monday after Corpus Christi day. The crafts had tableaux which, after the Reformation at least, were emblematic rather than religious⁠[907]; thus—

• Tailors. Adam and Eve or Elizabeth.
• Shearmen. St. Blasius or Edward IV.
• Skinners and Glovers. King of Morocco.
• Smiths. Vulcan.
• Painters. Rubens.
• Bricklayers. King Henry VIII.
• Shoemakers. SS. Crispin and Crispinian.
• Barbers. St. Katharine.
• Bakers. Venus and Ceres.

Sleaford, Lincolnshire.

The accounts of the guild of Holy Trinity for 1480 include:—

‘It. payd for the Ryginall of ye play for ye Ascencon & the wrytyng of spechys & payntyng of a garmet for god, iijˢ. viijᵈ.⁠[908]’

Miss Toulmin Smith finds in the same accounts for 1477, a ‘kyngyng,’ i.e. Three Kings of Cologne on Corpus Christi day⁠[909]; but I read the entry:—

‘It. payd for the ryngyng of ye same day, ijᵈ.’

Oliver, the historian of the guild, reads ‘hymnall’ for ‘Ryginall’ in the 1480 entry. He also asserts that there was a regular Corpus Christi play by the crafts. This seems improbable in a place of the size of Sleaford, and in fact Oliver’s elaborate description is entirely based upon data from elsewhere, especially the Gubernacio Ludi of Beverley (cf. p. 340)⁠[910].

Stapleford, Essex.