FOOTNOTES
[1] On these tendencies generally, see Davidson, 130; Ward, i. 32; R. Rosières, Société française au Moyen Âge, ii. 228; E. King, Dramatic Art and Church Liturgy (Dublin Review, cxxv. 43). Mediaeval liturgiologists such as Belethus, Durandus, and Honorius of Autun (P.L. clxxii), lay great stress on the symbolical aspect of ritual and ceremonial. J. M. Robertson, The Gospel Mystery-Play (The Reformer, N.S. iii (1901), 657), makes an ingenious attempt to show that the earlier gospel narratives of the Passion, those of Saints Matthew and Mark, are based upon a dramatic version. This, he thinks, to have been on classical lines, and to have been performed liturgically until about the second century, when it was dropped in deference to the ascetic views of the stage then prevalent (cf. vol. i. p. 11). But the narrative, with its short speeches, its crowd of characters and its sufferings ‘coram populo’ cannot, on the face of it, be derived from a classical drama. A nearer parallel would be the Graeco-Jewish Ἐξαγωγή of Ezechiel (first century B.C., cf. Ward, i. 3). The Gospel narrative is, no doubt, mainly ‘a presentation of dramatic action and dialogue’; but this may be because it was built up around Logia. Of external evidence for Mr. Robertson’s view there is none. The ritual of the first two centuries was probably a very simple one; cf. F. E. Warren, Liturgy of the Ante-Nicene Church, 54. The earliest liturgical dramas, even in the Greek churches, and those only guessed at, are of the fourth (cf. p. 206). Mr. Robertson claims support from Galatians, iii. 1 οἷς κατ’ ὀφθαλμοὺς Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς προεγράφη ἐσταυρωμένος. Lightfoot, however, declares that the meaning of προγράφειν is ‘write up in public,’ ‘placard,’ ‘proclaim.’ If it cannot, as he says, mean ‘paint,’ still less can it mean ‘represent dramatically.’
[2] Duchesne, 47: A. V. G. Allen, Christian Institutions, 515.
[3] Duchesne, 393, 469, with the Ordo dedicationis Ecclesiae from a ninth-century Metz Sacramentary there printed; Maskell, Monum. Rit. Eccl. Angl. (1882) I. cccxxvi, 196, with text from Sarum Pontifical. The ceremonies are symbolically explained by Hugo of St. Victor, de Sacramentis, ii. 5. 3 (P. L. clxxvi, 441), who says, ‘Interrogatio inclusi, ignorantia populi.’
[4] Duchesne, 236; Martene, iii. 71; Gasté, 69; Feasey, 53; Use of Sarum, i. 59; Sarum Missal, 258; Sarum Processional, 47; York Missal, i. 84; York Processional, 148. The custom is described in the Peregrinatio Silviae (Duchesne, 486) as already in use at Jerusalem in the fourth century. ‘Etiam cum coeperit esse hora undecima, legitur ille locus de evangelio, ubi infantes cum ramis vel palmis occurrerunt Domino, dicentes: Benedictus qui venit in nomine Domini. Et statim levat se episcopus et omnis populus porro: inde de summo monte Oliveti totum pedibus itur. Nam totus populus ante ipsum cum ymnis vel antiphonis, respondentes semper: Benedictus qui venit in nomine Domini. Et quotquot sunt infantes in hisdem locis, usque etiam qui pedibus ambulare non possunt, quia teneri sunt, in collo illos parentes sui tenent, omnes ramos tenentes, alii palmarum, alii olivarum; et sic deducitur episcopus in eo typo quo tunc Dominus deductus est. Et de summo monte usque ad civitatem, et inde ad Anastase per totam civitatem, totum pedibus omnes, sed et si quae matronae sunt aut si qui domini, sic deducunt episcopum respondentes, et sic lente et lente, ne lassetur populus; porro iam sera pervenitur ad Anastase.’
[5] Cf. ch. xiv.
[6] Collier, i. 82; Feasey, 68, 75, quoting payments ‘for the prophets.’ their ‘raiment,’ ‘stages’ for them, &c., from sixteenth-century Revels and churchwardens’ accounts. The Sarum Processional, 50 (from eds. 1508, 1517), has ‘finito evangelio, unus puer ad modum prophetae indutus, stans in aliquo eminenti loco, cantat lectionem propheticam modo quo sequitur.’ Then come alternating passages between the ‘propheta’ and ‘tres clerici.’ Perhaps the latter were also sometimes disguised, but the Sarum Processional, as well as the thirteenth-century Consuetudinary and the York Missal (MS. D), all specify that the clergy, other than the prophet, shall be ‘habitu non mutato.’ Several of the London records given by Mr. Feasey mention an ‘angel,’ and one of them a ‘chylde that playde a messenger.’ A Coutances Order of 1573 (Gasté, 74) forbids ‘spectacula ... cum habitibus inhonestis’ at the Gospel during Mass on Palm Sunday.
[7] Martene, iii. 72; Gasté, 72; R. Twigge, Mediaeval Service Bks. of Aquitaine (Dublin Review, cxv. 294; cxvii. 67); Pearson, ii. 296.
[8] Sarum Missal, 264. The York Missal, i. 102, says, for Good Friday, ‘Diaconus legat Passionem,’ but MS. D. adds ‘vel legatur a tribus Presbyteris, si sic ordinatum erit.’ Payments for the singers of the Passion are quoted from churchwardens’ accounts (1447-1562) by Feasey, 81. The singing was sometimes done from the rood loft.
[9] Feasey, 17; Use of Sarum, i. 140 ‘quarta autem feria ante pascha dum passio domini legitur ad prolacionem ipsius clausulae Velum templi scissum est: praedictum velum in area presbiterii decidat.’ The same rubric is in the Wells Ordinale (H. E. Reynolds, Wells Cathedral, 42).
[10] J. W. Legg, Westminster Missal (H.B.S.), 1469; G. F. Aungier, Hist. and Antiq. of Syon Monastery, 350; Lanfranc, Decreta pro Ord. S. Bened. (P.L. cl. 465) ‘Ubi dicitur Partiti sunt vestimenta mea sibi, sint duo de indutis iuxta altare, hinc et inde trahentes ad se duos pannos qui ante officium super altare missi fuerant, linteo tamen remanente subtus missale’; Leofric’s Missal (Exeter, eleventh century), 261 ‘hac expleta statim duo diaconi nudant altare sindone quae prius fuerit sub evangelio posita in modum furantis. Aliqui vero, antequam legatur passio domini, praeparant sindones duas sibi coherentes et in eo versu ubi legitur: Partiti sunt vestimenta, scindunt hinc inde ipsas sindones desuper altare in modum furantis, et secum auferunt’; York Missal, i. 102 ‘hic distrahantur linteamina super altare connexa’; Sarum Missal, 323 ‘hic accedant duo ministri in superpelliceis, unus ad dextrum et alius ad sinistrum cornu altaris; et inde duo linteamina amoveant quae ad hoc super altare fuerunt apposita.’ I find the custom in Aquitaine (Dublin Review (1897), 366), and in Hungary (Dankó, Vetus Hymnarium Eccles. Hungariae, 534).
[11] Martene, iii. 99; Feasey, 107; Wordsworth, 184.
[12] Feasey, 84; Wordsworth, 290.
[13] Strictly speaking the Antiphon is begun by one half of the choir and finished by the other; the Responsorium is a solo with a short refrain sung by the choir, like the secular carole; cf. ch. viii, and Use of Sarum, i. 307; Dankó, Vetus Hymnarium Eccl. Hung. 11.
[14] Duchesne, 108; Davidson, 134; F. E. Warren, Liturgy of the Ante-Nicene Church, 74.
[15] Frere, vi. The Gregorian Liber Antiphonarius is in P.L. lxxviii. 641.
[16] Radulphus Glaber, Hist. sui Temporis (†1044), iii. 4 (Bouquet, Rerum Gallic. et Francic. Script. x. 29) ‘Igitur infra supradictum millesimum tertio iam fere imminente anno, contigit in universo pene terrarum orbe, praecipue tamen in Italia et in Galliis, innovari Ecclesiarum Basilicas, licet pleraeque decenter locatae minime indiguissent. Aemulabatur tamen quaeque gens Christicolarum adversus alteram decentiore frui. Erat enim instar ac si mundus ipse excutiendo semet, reiecta vetustate, passim candidam ecclesiarum vestem induerit.’
[17] Ekkehardus, Vita B. Notkeri Balbuli, c. xvi (Goldast, Rerum Alaman. Script. i. 235) ‘Iubilus, id est neuma ... si autem tristitiae fuerit oratio, ululatus dicitur, si vero gaudii, iubilus.’
[18] Gautier, Les Tropes, passim; Winchester Troper, vi; Dankó, Vetus Hymnarium Eccles. Hungariae, 15; Julleville, Myst. i. 21; Creizenach, i. 47. Gautier, i, defines a trope, ‘Qu’est-ce qu’un Trope? C’est l’interpolation d’un texte liturgique,’ and M. Gerbert, de cantu et musica sacra (1774), i. 340 ‘Tropus, in re liturgica, est versiculus quidam aut etiam plures ante inter vel post alios ecclesiasticos cantus appositi.’ Of earlier writers, cf. Durandus, iv. 5 ‘Est autem proprie tropus quidam versiculus qui in praecipuis festivitatibus cantatur immediate ante introitum quasi quoddam praeambulum et continuatio ipsius introitus.’ Gautier, 111, describes a large number of Tropers; Frere, Winchester Troper, xxvii, xxx, those of English uses from Winchester, Canterbury, Worcester, St. Albans, Dublin; Pamelius, Liturgicon (1609), ii. 611 an English Troper in the library of St. Bavon’s, Ghent. Amongst tropes in the wider sense are included the farsurae (vol. i. p. 277). Many of the later tropes are trivial, indecent, or profane. They are doubtless the work of goliardi (vol. i. p. 60).
[19] St. Gall MS. 484, f. 13 (ninth century); cf. Gautier, 34, 62, 139, 218; Winchester Troper, xvi; Meyer, 34. It is also in the Winchester Tropers (tenth-eleventh century), and the Canterbury Troper (fourth century), and is printed therefrom in Winchester Troper, 4, 102. Here it is divided between two groups of Cantores, and has the heading ‘Versus ante officium canendi in die Natalis Domini.’
[20] The Introit is: ‘Puer natus est nobis, et filius datus est nobis: cuius imperium super humerum eius, et vocabitur nomen eius magni consilii angelus. Ps. Cantate domino canticum novum.’
[21] Gautier, 219, prints a dialogued trope for a feast of St. Peter from an eleventh-century troper of St. Martial of Limoges; the Winchester Troper, 6, 103, has one for St. Stephen’s day (Winchester) and one for St. John the Evangelist’s (Canterbury). Meyer, 35, calls attention to the dialogued Christmas versus sacerdotales in Hartker’s tenth-century St. Gall Antiphonarium (J. M. Thomasius, Opera, iv. 187).
[22] St. Gall MS. 484, f. 11; printed and facsimiled by Gautier, 216, 220.
[23] S. Matthew xxviii. 1-7; S. Mark xvi. 1-7.
[24] The Introit is: ‘Resurrexi et adhuc tecum sum, alleluia: posuisti super me manum tuam, alleluia; mirabilis facta est scientia tua, alleluia, alleluia. Ps. Domine, probasti me.’
[25] Lange, 22, from Bibl. Nat. Lat. MS. 1240, f. 30ᵇ. As to date (923-34) and provenance of the MS., I follow H. M. Bannister in Journal of Theological Studies (April, 1901). Lange, 4, considers it an eleventh-century Antiphonar from Beaune.
[26] Printed by Frere, 176; cf. Gautier, 219. The version in Lange, 20, is incomplete. The Limoges Tropers (Bibl. Nat. 887, 909, 1084, 1118, 1119, 1120, 1121), all of the eleventh century, are described by Gautier, 111; cf. p. 29.
[27] Bibl. Nat. 1118, f. 40ᵛ; cf. Gautier, 226; Frere, 176.
[28] Bodl. Douce MS. 222, f. 6 (eleventh century; cf. Gautier, 136), printed and facsimiled by Gautier, 215, 219. Du Méril, Or. Lat. 149, gives it from a Limoges Troper (B.N. 909, f. 9): it is also in B.N. 1118, f. 8ᵛᵒ, and probably the other Limoges MSS. Frere, 145, gives it from the twelfth-century St. Magloire Troper (B.N. 13,252), and R. Twigge, in Dublin Review (1897), 362, from a fifteenth-century breviary of Clermont-Ferrand (Cl. F. MS. 67). Here it is sung by two boys, and near the altar after the Te Deum at Matins. According to Gautier, 123, it is also in the late eleventh-century Nevers Troper (B.N. 9449).
[29] Frere, 110, from Cott. MS. Calig. A. xiv (eleventh century). It comes between an illumination of the Ascension and the heading ‘In Die Ascensionis Domini.’ It is also in the St. Magloire Troper (B.N. 13,252, f. 10ᵛ) under the heading ‘In Ascensione Tropi ad Processionem,’ and in the St. Martial of Limoges Tropers (Gautier, 219; Lange, 20). Martene, iii. 193, describes it as sung in the procession before Mass at Vienne.
[30] Martene, iv. 147 ‘“Post processionem,” addunt Dionysianae consuet. [thirteenth century], “ascendant iuxta Sancta Sanctorum quidam bene cantantes, alii in dextro latere, alii in sinistro latere assistentes, bene et honorifice tropas scilicet: Quem quaeritis; coniubilantes, et sibi invicem respondentes; et cum intonuerint, Quia surrexi, dicens, Patri, mox Archicantor et duo socii eius assistentes in choro regias virgas in manibus tenentes, incipiant officium.” Hunc ritum accepisse videntur a Cassinensibus, quorum Ordinarium [before 1105] haec habet: “Processione finita, vadat Sacerdos post altare, et versus ad chorum dicat alta voce, Quem quaeritis? et duo alii Clerici stantes in medio chori respondeant: Iesum Nazarenum; et Sacerdos: Non est hic; illi vero conversi ad chorum dicant: Alleluia. Post haec alii quatuor cantent tropos, et agatur missa ordine suo.”’ As usual in Ordinaria (cf. e.g. p. 309) only the opening words of the chants are given. A similar direction is contained in MS. Casinense, 199, a twelfth-century breviary (Bibliotheca Casinensis, iv. 124): cf. also Lange, 21, 23.
[31] Martene, iii. 173; Lange, 24 (Tours i).
[33] Martene, iv. 148.
[34] Mr. Frere does not print any Introit tropes from the Worcester, St. Albans, and Dublin tropers: a leaf is unfortunately missing from the Canterbury troper (Frere, 107) where the Quem quaeritis might have come. It is not amongst the few tropes taken by Pamelius, Liturgicon (1609), ii. 611, from the English troper at St. Bavon’s, Ghent (Frere, 142). As the Concordia Regularis was partly based on Ghent customs (cf. p. 307), I should gladly know more of this.
[35] Bodl. MS. 775; described by Frere, xxvii, as MS. E ‘Its date lies between 979 and 1016, since Ethelred is mentioned as reigning sovereign in the Litany on f. 18ᵛ, and in consequence it has sometimes been called “The Ethelred Troper.” Also, as it has the Dedication Festival on the 24th of November, it is probably anterior to the re-dedication of the Cathedral on Oct. 20, 980, since this day became subsequently the Dedication Festival.’ A facsimile from the MS. was published by the Palaeographical Society (Series ii. pl. iii), and it was suggested that it is in an early eleventh-century hand, but possibly copied an earlier text. But surely it would have been brought up to date on such a matter as the Dedication Festival.
[36] C.C.C. Cambridge MS. 473, of the middle of the eleventh century, described by Frere, xxvii, as MS. CC. The text of the Quem quaeritis differs slightly from that of the Bodl. MS. and does not appear to be quite complete. It is facsimiled by Frere (pl. 26ᵃ). The printed text in Frere, 17, represents both versions; that in Manly, i. xxi, follows the Bodl. MS. Both Frere and Manly have ‘Angelice uocis consolatio’ where the Bodl. MS., as I read it, has ‘Angelice uoces consolatus’ (clearly in error).
[37] A full account of the Concordia Regularis and extracts from the Latin text are in Appendix O.
[38] I cannot understand why Mr. Frere, xvi, thinks that the Quem quaeritis was ‘a dramatic dialogue which came to be used as a trope to the Introit of Easter: but at Winchester it kept its independent place.’ It is used as a trope a century before the date of the Concordia Regularis.
[39] Why is the Quem quaeritis in the Bodl. MS. apparently on Good Friday? Perhaps this was an irregular use reformed by Bp. Ethelwold. If so the C. R. must be about 980 or later. This is not impossible (cf. App. O). In the later C. C. C. C. MS. the Q. q. might, I think, from its position be intended for Easter Matins. The version described in the C. R. differs slightly from that of the tropers.
[40] Martene, iv. 299 ‘Saeculo, ut aiunt, x scriptae’: cf. Douhet, 849. Martene, iii. 173, cites another Matins version from a vetustissimum rituale’ of Poitiers. If this is identical with the ‘pontificale vetustissimum: annorum circiter 800’ mentioned in his list of authorities (i. xxii) it may be earlier than the tenth century. It is certainly not the ‘liber sacramentorum annorum 900 circiter’ with which Douhet, 848, would identify it. The Pontificale was used by Martene in his edition of 1738; about the first edition of 1700-6, I cannot say. This version is not in Lange, and, as the omission of the usual first line is curious, I print it below (p. 29).
[41] Lange, 29; cf. Creizenach, i. 49.
[42] The Verdun Consuetudines do not. The burial and resurrection of the cross clearly formed no part of the Good Friday and Easter rites. The dialogue takes place ‘in subterraneis specubus,’ i.e. the crypt, and the representatives of the Maries return to the choir ‘cruce vacua nuntiantes: Surrexit Dominus’ (Martene, iv. 299).
[44] Bare feet continued to be the rule for the Adoratio Crucis. An exception is at Exeter, where, according to Pearson, ii. 296, they were forbidden, cf. Feasey, 115.
[45] St. Ethelwold’s Latin is atrocious, but I think that the sepulchre was made on the altar, not in the hollow of it, and covered from sight until wanted by a veil let down all round it from a circular support above. Cf. the Latin text in Appendix O: perhaps it is corrupt.
[46] Peregrinatio Silviae in Duchesne, 490. The object of adoration was a fragment of the true Cross, ‘sanctum lignum crucis.’ The Invention of the Cross by St. Helena is put by tradition †326. Doubtless many other churches obtained a fragment, and used it for the same purpose: cf. Feasey, 116. Thus the cross used at Rome was ‘lignum pretiosae crucis’ (Duchesne, 465: cf. his ed. of the Liber Pontificalis, i. 374).
[47] Duchesne, 238. For the mediaeval ceremony, cf. Feasey, 114; Pearson, ii. 293; Milchsack, 121; Rock, iii. 2. 241; Martene, iii. 129; iv. 137; Sarum Missal, 328; York Missal, i. 105; York Manual, 156, and the Durham extract in Appendix P: for that of modern Rome, Malleson and Tuker, ii. 271.
[48] The sepulchrum is not in the Sacramentarium Gelasianum (†seventh century, ed. H. A. Wilson, 77); nor the Sacramentum Gregorianum (†eighth century, P. L. lxxviii. 86), ‘qua salutata et reposita in loco suo’; nor in the Roman Ordines collected by Mabillon (P. L. lxxviii) nor in those added by Duchesne, 451, 464. The Ordines of 954 and 963 repeat the Gregorian formula, which is expanded by those of 1215 and 1319 into ‘in suo loco super altare.’ There is no mention of the sepulchrum in the Gallican liturgical books collected by Mabillon (P. L. lxxii). Of English books Leofric’s Exeter Missal (tenth century, ed. F. E. Warren) has no Sepulchrum; nor the Missal of St. Augustine’s Canterbury (†1100, ed. M. Rule), ‘reposita in loco solito’; nor the Missal of Robert of Jumièges (ninth and tenth century, ed. H. A. Wilson for H. B. Soc.). Pearson, ii. 316, suggests that the cross used for adoration was the great rood usually placed in the rood-loft, but sometimes ‘super altare.’
[49] Ethelwold’s Concordia Regularis was largely founded on that of Benedict of Aniane (†817; cf. Miss Bateson in E. H. Review, ix. 700), but there is no Easter week ordo in this (P. L. ciii. 701) nor in the same writer’s Memoriale or Ordo Monasticus (P. L. lxvi. 937: cf. his Vita, c. viii, in Acta SS. Feb. ii. 618). Ethelwold also borrowed customs from Fleury and Ghent (Appendix O). The sepulchrum is not mentioned in the Consuetudines Floriacenses (tenth century, ed. De Bosco, Floriac. Vet. Bibl. (1605), 390); cf. Creizenach, i. 49: nor in the description of a thirteenth-century coutumier in Rocher, Hist. de l’Abbaye de St.-Benoît-sur-Loire, 323. The only Fleury Quem quaeritis is of a late type in a thirteenth-century MS.; cf. p. 32. At Ghent, however, an inventory of treasures remaining at St. Bavon’s after a Norman invasion (1019-24) includes ‘tabulas de sepulchro 23,’ which appear to be distinct from reliquiae ‘de sepulchro Domini’ and ‘de operculo ligneo quod super corpus ipsius positum fuit in sepulchro’ (Neues Archiv, viii. 374). Did the possession of these ‘reliquiae’ suggest to the monks of St. Bavon’s the construction of an Easter sepulchre?
[50] It is merely a guess to say St. Gall. Schübiger, Sängerschule St. Gallens, 69, mentions the sepulchre there, but gives no very early notice. The sepulchre was known in the Eastern, as well as the Western Church, and for all I know may have come from Jerusalem (Feasey, 177). As to date, Weber, 32, suggests that pictorial representations of the Maries at the tomb show the influence of the dramatic Visitatio Sepulchri as far back as the ninth century. His chief point is that the Maries carry turribula (cf. p. 25, n. 5).
[51] E. H. Review, ix. 706.
[52] P. L. cl. 465 ‘adorata ab omnibus cruce, portitores eius elevantes eam incipiant antiphonam Super omnia ligna cedrorum, et sic vadant ad locum ubi eam collocare debent.’ This does not exclude a sepulchre, but probably the locus was an altar which might serve as a statio for the processions ‘ad crucifixum’ ordered on Easter Saturday after vespers and thrice a day through Easter week. Such processions continued in later ritual to visit the cross after its Elevatio on Easter morning: cf. York Manual, 177.
[53] See the description of the ceremony by a sixteenth-century eye-witness in Appendix P. The sepulchrum was also used by the Bridgettines of Sion monastery, an order of reformed Benedictine nuns (G. F. Aungier, Hist. of Syon Monastery, 350).
[54] J. D. Chambers citing J. B. Thiers, De Expositione S. Sacramenti, iii. 19.
[55] See the extracts from Sarum service-books in Appendix Q.
[56] York Missal, i. 106; York Manual, 163, 170.
[57] Wordsworth, 278.
[58] Hereford Missal (ed. Henderson), 96.
[59] H. E. Reynolds, Wells Cathedral, 32.
[60] The fullest accounts of the Easter sepulchre in England are those by H. J. Feasey, Ancient English Holy Week Ceremonial, 129, and A. Heales, Easter Sepulchres: their Object, Nature, and History in Archaeologia, xlii. 263; cf. also Monumenta Vetusta (Soc. of Antiquaries), iii. pll. xxxi, xxxii; Parker, Glossary of Architecture, s.v. Sepulchre; M. E. C. Walcott, Sacred Archaeology, s.v. Easter Sepulchre; T. F. Dyer, Church Lore Gleanings, 219; W. Andrews, Old Church Lore, iii; J. D. Chambers, App. xxiv; Micklethwaite, 52; Rock, iii. 2. 92, 240, 251. Continental ordines and notices may be found in Martene, iii. 131, 172, 178; iv. 141, 145; Milchsack, 41, 121; Pearson, ii. 295; Wetzer and Welte, Kirchen-Lexicon, s.v. Grab; J. Dankó, Vetus Hymn. Eccl. Hungariae, 535, 579. I have not seen this writer’s Die Feier des Osterfestes (Wien, 1872). On representations of the sepulchre in mediaeval art, cf. P. Weber, 32, and the miniature from Robert of Jumièges’ Missal (ed. F. E. Warren for H. B. Soc. pl. viii).
[61] At Exeter on the other hand Vespers on both Good Friday and Easter Eve were sung before the Sepulchre; and so with the Hours at Tours (Feasey, 130).
[62] Martene, iii. 179; Milchsack, 122; Lange, 135. The latter gives a Passau fifteenth-century version which ends ‘quibus finitis stantes ante altare, mutua caritate se invicem deosculentur, dicentes: Surrexit dominus vere. Et apparuit symoni. Dicatur una oratio de resurrectione. Statim fiat pulsatio.’ The Easter greeting and kiss of peace were in use, either before or after Matins at many churches (Martene, iii. 171, 180) and do not depend upon the sepulchre.
[63] Milchsack, 128, 135; cf. Meyer, 64. The Ordo Augustensis of 1487 directs that a procession shall go from the sepulchre ‘per ambitum vel cimeterium ... usque ad ultimam ianuam, quae claudatur.’ Here the Tollite portas dialogue is held with the ‘levita iunior, vel alius in figura diaboli grossa voce.’ On the other hand, in the Ordo Wirceburgensis of 1564 the procession knocks at the door from inside, and the respondent ‘loco Sathanae’ is without.
[64] ‘Sacerdos ... antequam congregetur chorus, cum processione sibi paucorum adiunctorum ... foribus ecclesiae clausis, secretius tollat sacramentum de sepulchro’; cf. the fifteenth-century Passau Breviary (Lange, 135) ‘clam surgitur’ and the Ordo Sepulturae in the Missalis Posoniensis of 1341 (Dankó, 579) ‘laicis exclusis.’ I have not noticed any such limitation in English rubrics later than the Concordia Regularis.
[65] Milchsack, 119 ‘quum a nostris antecessoribus ad nos pervenerit, ut in sacra nocte dominicae resurrectionis ad sustollendam crucifixi imaginem de sepulchro, ubi in parasceve locata fuerat, nimia virorum et mulierum numerositas, certatim sese comprimendo, ecclesiam simul cum canonicis et vicariis introire nitantur, opinantes erronee, quod si viderent crucifixi imaginem sustolli, evaderent hoc anno inevitabilem mortis horam. His itaque obviantes statuimus, ut resurrectionis mysterium ante ingressum plebis in ecclesiam peragatur’: cf. Pearson, ii. 298.
[66] A Finchale inventory of 1481 (J. T. Fowler, Trans. of Durham and North. Arch. Soc. iv. 134) includes ‘Item 1 pixis argentea cum coopertorio et ymagine crucifixi in summitate coopertorii pro corpore xⁱ deferendo in passione xⁱ.’ A pyx was also used in the Sarum rite (Appendix Q).
[67] Feasey, 165; Dankó, Vet. Hymn. Eccl. Hung. 535.
[68] York Manual, 174 ‘cuppa in qua est sacramentum.’
[69] At Durham (Appendix P) and at Lincoln (Wordsworth, 278); cf. Feasey, 164; Heales, 307. The image ‘cum corona spinea’ used at York (York Manual, 170) was of course the crucifix. A Reformation record of 1566 at Belton, Lincolnshire, speaks of ‘a sepulker with little Jack broken in pieces’ (Feasey, 165). Either a mere image or a mechanical puppet (cf. p. 158) may be meant. The labarum is the sign of the risen Christ in the later versions of the Quem quaeritis; cf. p. 35. It figures in nearly all paintings of the Resurrection.
[70] Narbonne Ordinarium (†1400) ‘levent cum filo pannum, qui est super libros argenti super altare in figura sepulcri’ (Martene, iii. 172; Lange, 65); Le Mans, Ordinarium ‘Tunc tres clerici accedentes ad altare cum reverentia sublevent palium cum quo sepulchrum fuerit coopertum’ (Lange, 66); cf. Pearson, ii. 293.
[71] Feasey, 131. In versions of the Quem quaeritis given by Lange, 24, 25, 26, the action is at the altar. A Senlis Breviary (fourteenth century) has ‘elevantes palium altaris’ (Lange, 27), and a Sens thirteenth-century MS. ‘Sublevans tapetum altaris, tamquam respiciens in sepulchrum’ (Lange, 64). But I am not sure that there was a genuine sepulchre in all these cases: cf. p. 26.
[72] Würzburg Breviary (fourteenth century) ‘descendunt in criptam ad visitandum sepulcrum’ (Lange, 53): cf. the Verdun Consuetudines (p. 16), where there may or may not have been a regular sepulchre.
[73] I have seen a beautiful one at Tarrant Hinton, Dorset, which is not amongst those mentioned by Heales or Feasey.
[74] The performers are sometimes directed to enter the sepulchre; cf. e.g. Lange, 28.
[75] Feasey, 149. There is such a chapel beneath the choir of the Jérusalem church at Bruges. The Winchester sepulchre is a chapel, but not of the Jerusalem type. At St. Gall the sepulchre was (†1583) in the ‘sacellum S. Sebastiani’ (Lange, 69).
[76] J. Britton, Redcliffe Church, 47, prints a contemporary description of a sepulchre given in 1470 by ‘Maister Canynge’ to St. Mary Redcliffe, Bristol, with, amongst other adornments, ‘Heaven made of timber and stain’d clothes’ and ‘Hell, made of timber and iron-work thereto, with Divels to the number of 13.’ This is apparently not a Chatterton forgery. Feasey, 166, gives a somewhat similar London specification, and also (p. 145) describes a fourteenth-century wooden sepulchre from Kilsby, Northants, believed to be the only one in existence. I have a suspicion that the wooden so-called ‘watcher’s chamber’ to the shrine of St. Frideswide in Christ Church, Oxford, is really a sepulchre. It is in the right place, off the north choir aisle, and why should a watcher of the shrine want to be perched up in a wooden cage on the top of a tomb?
[77] Dankó, 536, 580. Two instances are given. In one the sepulchre was sealed, in the other the pyx, ‘sigillo vel clavi ecclesiae.’ At Hereford ‘episcopus ... cereo claudat sepulchrum’ (Feasey, 159, from Harl. MS. 2983).
[78] Cf. vol. i. p. 126.
[79] Wordsworth, 279; Feasey, 161; Heales, 272, 299.
[80] Milchsack, 127.
[81] G. Gilpin, The Bee-Hive of the Romish Church (1579) (translated from Isaac Rabbotenu of Louvain, 1569) ‘They make the graue in a hie place in the church, where men must goe up manie steppes, which are decked with blacke cloth from aboue to beneath, and upon everie steppe standeth a siluer candlesticke with a waxe candle burning in it, and there doe walke souldiours in harnesse, as bright as Saint George, which keep the graue, till the Priests come and take him up; and then commeth sodenlie a flash of fire, wherwith they are all afraid and fall downe; and then up startes the man, and they begin to sing Alleluia, on all handes, and the clocke striketh eleuen.’ Feasey, 168, quotes De Moleon for a statement that the watchers at Orleans were dressed as soldiers.
[83] Hooper, Early Writings (Parker Soc.), 45 ‘The ploughman, be he never so unlearned, shall better be instructed of Christ’s death and passion by the corn that he soweth in the field, and likewise of Christ’s resurrection, than by all the dead posts that hang in the church, or are pulled out of the sepulchre with Christus resurgens. What resemblance hath the taking of the cross out of the sepulchre and going a procession with it, with the resurrection of Christ? None at all: the dead post is as dead when they sing Iam non moritur, as it was when they buried it with In pace factus est locus eius’: cf. Ridley, Works (Parker Soc.), 67.