[84] Articles devised by the King’s Majesty, 1536 (Burnet, i. 1. 435; i. 2. 472; cf. Froude, ii. 486); Strype, Eccles. Memorials, i. 1. 546; i. 2. 432.
[85] Dixon, ii. 82, 432, 513, 516; iii. 37; Hardy and Gee, Doc. illustrative of English Church History, 278; Cardwell, Documentary Annals of the Reformation, i. 7; Froude, iv. 281. There certainly were sepulchres in 1548 (Feasey, 175).
[86] Dixon, iii. 37; Wilkins, iv. 32. The Act of 2 and 3 Edward VI, c. 10 (Froude, iv. 495), against images and paintings, was probably also held to require the demolition of many sepulchres: cf. Ridley’s Visitation Articles of 1550, quoted by Heales, 304.
[87] Dixon, iv. 129.
[88] Dixon, iv. 157; S. R. Maitland, Essays on the Reformation (ed. 1899), 186.
[89] Hardy and Gee, op. cit. 428. Art. xxiii forbids ‘monuments of ... idolatry and superstition.’ The Elizabethan Visitation Articles collected in the Second Report of the Ritual Commission make no mention of sepulchres. They generally follow pretty closely the wording of the Injunctions. But the Articles of Bentham, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry (1565), specify ‘monuments of idolatry and superstition’ as including ‘Sepulchres which were used on Good Friday’ (Heales, 307). Notices of the destruction of sepulchres become numerous, being found, for instance, in the case of 50 out of 153 Lincolnshire churches (Feasey, 142), and pious legacies begin to direct tombs ‘whereas the sepulchre was wonte to stande.’
[90] Davidson, 140; Malleson and Tuker, ii. 263, 267, 272. The latest examples of the Quem quaeritis are of the eighteenth century from Cologne and Angers (Lange, 36, 39) and Venice (Z. f. d. A. xli. 77).
[91] This respond begins Dum transisset Sabbatum.
[92] Cf. p. 18, n. 2. The Sarum Custumary provides for censing on feasts (a) at the anthem ‘super Magnificat’ at Vespers, (b) during or after the Te Deum at Matins (Use of Sarum, i. 113, 121). The sepulchre is included only at Vespers (cf. Appendix Q), but the variation I suggest would not be great.
[93] Cf. p. 22, n. 1. The Bamberg Agenda of †1597 (Lange, 93) has an Ordo visitandi sepulchrum which opens with directions for the construction of a sepulchre, which would obviously not be the case if the Depositio and Elevatio had preceded. Lange rarely prints more than the Visitatio, but of one group of texts he notes (p. 135) that the MSS. generally have also the Elevatio.
[94] Lange’s collection from 224 MSS. supersedes those of Du Méril, Coussemaker, Milchsack, &c. He supplemented it by versions from Meissen, Worms, Venice, and Grau in Hungary in Z. f. d. A. (1896), xli. 77; and has not got those from the (a) Winchester Tropers (cf. p. 12); (b) Autun and Nevers Tropers of the eleventh century (Gautier, 126, 219); (c) St. Magloire, twelfth-century Troper (cf. p. 11); (d) Dublin Processionals (Appendix R); (e) Laon twelfth-century Ordinary (Chevalier, Ordinaires de Laon, 118); (f) Clermont-Ferrand fifteenth-century Breviary (cf. p. 11); (g) Poitiers Ritual (Martene, iii. 173); (h) Verdun tenth-century Consuetudinary (Martene, iv. 299; cf. p. 15). The MSS. extend from the tenth to the eighteenth century. The majority of them are Breviaries; some are Ordinaries, Antiphoners, Processionals; a few are late Tropers, in which, besides the Tropes proper, the Holy week Ordo is included (cf. Gautier, 81); two (B. N. Lat. 1139 from Limoges, and Orleans MS. 178, from Fleury) are special books of dramatic repraesentationes; cf. p. 1.
[95] Martene, iii. 180, from an undated Caeremoniale. Lange, 26, only gives a portion of the text containing the Quem quaeritis proper, which was sung as a processional trope before the Missa maior. The procession had immediately before gone to the sepulchre and sung other anthems. But the sepulchre played a part at two other services. Before Matins the clergy had in turn entered the sepulchre, found it empty, came out and given each other the kiss of peace and Easter greeting. No Elevatio is described; perhaps it was still earlier ‘clam.’ After Lauds, the Missa matutinalis was sung ‘ad sepulchrum’ and the prosa or Alleluia trope was thus performed: ‘Prosa Victimae Paschali. Finito v Dicat nobis Maria, clericulus stans in sepulcro cum amictu parato et stola, dicat ℣. Angelicos testes. Chorus respondeat Dic nobis Maria. Clericulus dicat Angelicos testes. Clericus dicat Surrexit Christus. Chorus Credendum est magis usque ad finem.’ On this prose and its relation to the Quem quaeritis cf. p. 29. At St. Mark’s, Venice (Z. f. d. A. xli. 77), the position of the Quem quaeritis is also abnormal, coming just before Prime, but this version dates from 1736.
[97] Lange, 28 (Parma), 30 (Laon), 47 (Constance), 68 (Rheinau), 69 (St. Gall). At Rheinau, the Elevatio takes place in the course of the Quem quaeritis: at Parma, and probably in the other cases, the ‘sacrista pervigil’ has already removed the ‘Corpus Christi.’
[98] Durandus, lib. vi. c. 87. He describes the normal Visitatio, in terms much resembling those of Belethus (cf. p. 31), and adds ‘quidam vero hanc presentationem faciunt, antequam matutinum inchoent, sed hic est proprior locus, eo quod Te deum laudamus exprimit horam, qua resurrexit. Quidam etiam eam faciunt ad missam, cum dicuntur sequentia illa Victimae paschali, cum dicitur versus Dic nobis et sequentes.’ Ioannes Abrincensis, de Offic. eccles. (P. L. cxlvii. 54), briefly notes the ‘officium sepulchri’ as ‘post tertium responsorium,’ and says no more.
[99] Strassburg Agenda of 1513 (Lange, 50) ‘Haec prescripta visitatio sepulcri observetur secundum consuetudinem cuiuslibet ecclesiae.’ Meyer, 33, quotes a passage even more to the point from the Bamberg Agenda of 1587 ‘Haec dominicae resurrectionis commemoratio celebrioribus servit ecclesiis, unde aliarum ecclesiarum utpote minorum et ruralium rectores et parochi ex ordine hic descripto aliquid saltem desumere possunt, quod pro loci et personarum illic convenientium qualitate commodum fore iudicaverint.’
[100] Laon Ordinarium of twelfth century (U. Chevalier, Ordinaires de Laon, 118). The change consisted mainly in the introduction of the Victimae paschali: cf. p. 29.
[101] Cf. the full discussion, mainly from the textual point of view, throughout Lange’s book, with that of Meyer, and Creizenach, i. 47; Froning, 3; Wirth, 1.
[102] The Bohemian fourteenth-century version (Lange, 130) is nearly all narrative sung by the Ebdomarius: the only dialogue is from the Victimae paschali. Martene, iii. 173, gives, from a ‘vetustissimum Rituale,’ this Poitiers version, not in Lange, ‘Finitis matutinis, accedunt ad sepulchrum, portantes luminaria. Tunc incipit Maria: Ubi est Christus meus? Respondet angelus Non est hic. Tunc Maria aperit os sepulchri, et dicit publica voce: Surrexit Christus. Et omnes respondent Deo gratias.’ Possibly Maria here is the Virgin, who is not usually included in the Visitatio. But the same anthem opens a twelfth-century Limoges version, headed ‘Oc est de mulieribus’ in B. N. Lat. MS. 1139, a collection of ritual plays. The full text is ‘Ubi est Christus meus dominus et filius excelsus?’ which is not really appropriate to any other speaker: cf. Milchsack, 38. A frequent variant on ‘Quem quaeritis in sepulchro, o Christicolae?’ is ‘Quem quaeritis, o tremulae mulieres, in hoc tumulo plorantes?’; nor can the two forms be localized (Lange, 84).
[103] Lange, 32. These MSS. are of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. I find no such section in the normal text of the Gregorian Liber responsalis, which is the antiphonary for the office (P. L. lxxviii. 769). The ‘antiphonae de resurrectione domini ubicumque volueris’ of the B. N. Lat. MS. 17,436 include the ‘Cito euntes dicite, &c.,’ ‘Currebant duo simul, &c.,’ ‘Ardens est cor meum, &c.,’ and others which are regularly introduced into the play. Another commonly used is the Christus resurgens with its verse, ‘Dicant nunc Iudaei, &c.,’ which the Sarum books assign to the Elevatio (Appendix Q): cf. Lange, 77.
[104] Text in Daniel, Thesaurus Hymnologicus, ii. 95; Kehrein, Lateinische Sequenzen des Mittelalters, 81, and with facsimile and setting in A. Schübiger, Die Sängerschule St. Gallens, 90, &c.; cf. Lange, 59; Meyer, 49, 76; Milchsack, 34; Chevalier, Repertorium Hymnologicum, s.vv.; A. Schübiger, La Séquence de Pâques Victimae Paschali et son auteur (1858).
[105] Malleson-Tuker, ii. 27. It is used throughout Easter week.
[106] Lange, 60. It was interpolated during the thirteenth century in a twelfth-century Laon version (Chevalier, Ordinaires de Laon, 118).
[107] Narbonne, †1400 (Lange, 65) ‘duo canonici, tanquam apostoli’; cf. Lange, 75.
[108] Augsburg liber liturgicus of eleventh or twelfth century (Lange, 82).
[109] Belethus, c. cxiii (P. L. ccii. 119) ‘fit enim in plerisque Ecclesiis ut cantato ultimo responso, cum candelis cereis et solemni processione eant ex choro ad locum quemdam, ubi imaginarium sepulcrum compositum est, in quod introducuntur aliquot in personis mulierum et discipulorum Ioannis et Petri, quorum alter altero citius revertitur, sicut Ioannes velocius cucurrit Petro, atque item alii quidam in personis angelorum qui Christum resurrexisse dixerunt a mortuis. Quo quidem facto personae eae redeunt ad chorum, referuntque ea quae viderint et audierint. Tunc chorus, audita Christi resurrectione, prorumpit in altam vocem, inquiens, Te Deum laudamus.’ It is to be observed that Belethus knows no Depositio and Elevatio. After the Adoratio, he has, like the older Roman liturgies, ‘crucifixus in suum locum reponi debet’ (c. xcviii). Durandus, vi. 87, has an account very similar to that of Belethus, but says ‘Si qui autem habent versus de hac representatione compositos, licet non authenticos non improbamus’; cf. also p. 27.
[110] Engelberg (1372), Cividale (fourteenth century), Nuremberg (thirteenth century), Einsiedeln (thirteenth century), Prague (six, twelfth to fourteenth centuries), Rouen (two, thirteenth and fifteenth centuries), Mont St.-Michel (fourteenth century), Coutances (fifteenth century), Fleury (Orleans MS. 178, thirteenth century); all printed by Lange, 136 sqq. Gasté, 58, 63, also gives the Rouen and Coutances versions, the latter more fully than Lange. Meyer, 80, discusses the interrelations of the texts.
[111] Lange, 138. In this text the Maries have a locus suus. The MS. is a Processional, and it may be that the play was given not in the church, but in the open square, as was the Annunciation play in the same MS. (Coussemaker, 284; cf. p. 67). It is none the less liturgical. Rouen had probably an ‘ortus Christi’ out of which came the apparition ‘in sinistro cornu altaris,’ for at Easter, 1570, divine service was performed in a ‘paradis dressé avec la plus grande solennité dans la chapelle Notre-Dame, derrière le chœur’ (Gasté, 58).
[112] These are of course the ‘versus’ spoken of with tolerance in the passage just quoted from Durandus.
[113] Appendix R. The Heu! pius pastor occiditur does not seem to have been found outside the Fleury and Dublin plays (Chevalier, Repert. Hymn. nᵒ. 7741).
[114] Lange, 136, 141; Milchsack, 35, 66.
[115] Lange, 64, 74.
[116] Ibid. 162.
[117] Ibid. 151. The fourteenth-century text runs:
The earlier texts have ‘aromata ... memori,’ preceded by ‘Mariae cantantes “aromata” procedant ad unguentarium pro accipiendis ungentis’ and followed by ‘quibus acceptis accedant ad sepulchrum.’ Meyer, 58, 91, 106, calls this scene, in which he finds the first introduction of non-liturgical verse, the Zehnsilberspiel, and studies it at great length.
[118] Lange, 24, 51, 64 ‘coopertis capitibus’ (Tours, fifteenth century), ‘capita humeralibus velata’ (Rheinau), ‘amictibus in capitibus eorum’ (Narbonne, †1400).
[119] Lange, 36 (fourteenth century).
[120] Ibid. 27, 36, 53, 64, &c.; Appendix R.
[121] Lange, 51, 160; cf. Conc. Regularis (Appendix O).
[122] Lange, 64 ‘induti albis et amictibus cum stolis violatis et sindone rubea in facie eorum et alis in humeris’ (Narbonne, †1400).
[123] Lange, 40, 155, 158, 162 ‘palmam manu tenens, in capite fanulum largum habens’ (Toul, thirteenth century), ‘tenens spicam in manu’ (Rouen, fifteenth century), ‘tenens palmam in manu et habens coronam in capite’ (Mont St.-Michel, fourteenth century), ‘vestitus alba deaurata, mitra tectus caput etsi deinfulatus, palmam in sinistra, ramum candelarum plenum tenens in manu dextra’ (Fleury, thirteenth century).
[125] Lange, 147.
[126] Ibid. 143 ‘quae sit vestita dalmatica casulamque complicatam super humeros habeat; coronamque capiti superimpositam, nudis pedibus.’
[127] Lange, 156 ‘albatus cum stola, tenens crucem.’
[128] Ibid. 159, 164 ‘in habitu ortolani ... redeat, indutus capa serica vel pallio serico, tenens crucem’ (Coutances); ‘praeparatus in similitudinem hortolani ... is, qui ante fuit hortulanus, in similitudinem domini veniat, dalmaticatus candida dalmatica, candida infula infulatus, phylacteria pretiosa in capite, crucem cum labaro in dextra, textum auro paratorium in sinistra habens’ (Fleury). The labarum is the banner of Constantine with the Chi-Ro monogram (cf. Gibbon-Bury, ii. 567): but the banner usually attached to the cross in mediaeval pictures of the Resurrection itself bears simply a large cross; cf. Pearson, ii. 310.
[129] A study of the music might perhaps throw light on the relation of the versions to each other. I am sorry that it is beyond my powers: moreover Lange does not give the notation; Coussemaker gives it for half a dozen versions.
[130] For such overtures cf. Lange, 36, 62, 64; Milchsack, 37, 38, 40. On the doubtful use of the Gloriosi et famosi at Einsiedeln, cf. p. 54.
[131] In the Prague versions (Lange, 151). The choir, or rather ‘conventus,’ introduces the scenes with the three following anthems: (i) ‘Maria Magdalena et alia Maria ferebant diluculo aromata, dominum querentes in monumento,’ (ii) ‘Maria stabat ad monumentum foris plorans; dum ergo fleret, inclinavit se et prospexit in monumentum,’ (iii) ‘Currebant duo simul et ille alius discipulus praecucurrit citius petro et venit prior ad monumentum.’
[132] Lange, 146 (Nuremberg); for later examples cf. Lange, 99 sqq. The hymn generally comes just before the Te Deum. A fourteenth-century Bohemian version from Prague (Lange, 131) has a similar Bohemian hymn ‘Buoh wssemohuczy.’ At Bamberg in 1597 ‘potest chorus populo iterum praecinere cantilenas pascales Germanicas’ (Lange, 95). At Rheinau in 1573 it is suggested that the Quem quaeritis itself may as an alternative be sung in German (Lange, 68) ‘hisce aut Germanicis versibus cantatis.’ At Aquileja in 1495 ‘Populus cantet Christus surrexit,’ apparently in Latin (Lange, 106); and at Würzburg in 1477, ‘Populus incipit Ymnum suum: Te Deum’ (Lange, 67).
[133] Lange, 39, 119, 122, 124; cf. Martene, iii. 171.
[134] Lange, 41.
[135] Z. f. d. A. xli. 77.
[136] Lange, 39.
[137] Creizenach, i. 56; Julleville, i. 67.
[138] Lichfield Statutes of Hugh de Nonant, 1188-98 (Lincoln Statutes, ii. 15, 23) ‘Item in nocte Natalis representacio pastorum fieri consuevit et in diluculo Pasche representacio Resurreccionis dominicae et representacio peregrinorum die lune in septimana Pasche sicut in libris super hijs ac alijs compositis continetur.... De officio succentoris ... et providere debet quod representacio pastorum in nocte Natalis domini et miraculorum in nocte Pasche et die lune in Pascha congrue et honorifice fiant.’
[140] Text in Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, xxxiv. 314, from B. N. Lat. 16,309 (thirteenth-century Saintes Breviary), begins ‘Quando fiunt Peregrini, non dicitur prosa, sed peregrini deforis veniunt canendo ista’; ends with Magnificat and Oratio, ‘Deus qui sollempnitate paschali.’
[141] Text in Gasté, 65; Du Méril, 117, from Rouen Ordinarium (fourteenth century), begins ‘Officium Peregrinorum debet hic fieri hoc modo’; ends ‘Et processio, factis memoriis, redeat in choro et ibi finiantur vesperae.’ Gasté, 68, quotes an order of 1452 ‘Domini capitulantes concluserunt quod in istis festis Paschae fiat misterium representans resurrectionem Christi et apparitionem eius suis discipulis, eundo apud castrum de Emaux, amotis et cessantibus indecenciis.’
[142] Text in G. Desjardins, Hist. de la Cath. de Beauvais (1865), 115, 269, begins ‘Ordo ad suscipiendum peregrinum in secunda feria Paschae ad vesperas’; ends with Oratio de Resurrectione. Meyer, 133, describes the MS. as of the first half of the twelfth century.
[143] Text in Du Méril, 120, from Orleans MS. 178 (thirteenth century), begins ‘Ad faciendam similitudinem dominicae apparitionis in specie Peregrini, quae fit in tertia feria Paschae ad Vesperas’; ends ‘Salve, festa dies.’
[144] E. Hautcœur, Documents liturgiques de Lille, 55, from Ordinarium of thirteenth century, ‘Feria ii. ... in vesperis ... post collectam fit representatio peregrinorum. Qua facta cantatur Christus resurgens, et itur in chorum.’
[145] W. Meyer, Fragmenta Burana, 131, with text and facsimile. The play begins ‘Incipit exemplum apparicionis domini discipulis suis <iuxta> castellum Emaus, ubi illis apparuit in more peregrini,’ &c.
[146] Use of Sarum, i. 157; Sarum Breviary, i. dcccxxix.
[147] The Peregrini start ‘a vestiario ... per dextram alam ecclesiae usque ad portas occidentales, et subsistentes in capite processionis.’ Then the Sacerdos, ‘nudus pedes, ferens crucem super dextrum humerum’ comes ‘per dextram alam ecclesiae’ to meet them. They lead him ‘usque ad tabernaculum, in medio navis ecclesiae, in similitudinem castelli Emaux praeparatum.’
[148] Text in Milchsack, 97; Coussemaker, 21, from Tours MS. 927 (twelfth or thirteenth century); cf. Creizenach, i. 88; Julleville, i. 62; Meyer, 95; and on the MS. which also contains the ‘Ordo representacionis Adae,’ and is not native to Tours, cf. p. 71.
[149] Milchsack, 105; Creizenach, i. 90. The beginning and end of the Klosterneuburg play were printed from a thirteenth-century MS., now lost, by B. Pez, Thesaurus novus Anecd. ii. 1. liii. It began ‘Primo producatur Pilatus cum responsorio: Ingressus Pilatus,’ and ended with ‘Christ, der ist erstanden’; cf. Meyer, 126.
[150] ‘Modo veniat angelus et iniciat eis fulgura; milites cadunt in terram velut mortui.’
[151] Meyer, 97, 125, with text and facsimile, ‘Incipit ludus immo exemplum Dominice resurrectionis.’ The episode of the Resurrection with the dismay of the soldiers is found not only in the Tours and Benedictbeuern MS., but also in the simpler Coutances Quem quaeritis. Lange, 157, omits this passage, but Gasté, 63, gives it; ‘Si Mariae debeant representari, finito responsorio quatuor clerici armati accedentes ad sepulcrum Domini pannis sericis decenter ornatum et secum dicant personagia sua. Quo facto, duo pueri induti roquetis veniant ad monumentum ferentes duas virgas decorticatas in quibus sunt decem candelae ardentes; et statim cum appropinquaverint ad sepulcrum praedicti milites, procidant quasi mortui, nec surgant donec incipiatur Te Deum, ... &c.’ There is no actual appearance of the Rising Christ in any of these three plays as originally written. But a later hand has inserted in the Benedictbeuern MS. directions for the Christ to appear, discourse with the angels, and put on the ‘vestem ortulani.’
[152] Creizenach thinks the play (like Adam) was outside the church, because the Maries appear ‘ante ostium ecclesiae.’ But ‘ante’ may be inside. Mary Magdalen at one point is ‘in sinistra parte ecclesiae stans,’ and most of the action is round the sepulchrum.
[153] E. Wechssler, Die romanischen Marienklagen (1893); A. Schönbach, Die Marienklagen (1873); cf. Creizenach, i. 241; Julleville, i. 58; Sepet, 23; Milchsack, 92; Coussemaker, 285, 346; Meyer, 67; Pearson, ii. 384.
[154] A planctus ascribed to Bonaventura (thirteenth century) has the titles ‘Officium de compassione Mariae’ (Wechssler, 14), and ‘Officium sanctae crucis’ (Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, xxxiv. 315). Another, the ‘Surgit Christus cum trophaeo,’ is headed in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century MSS. ‘Sequentia devota antiquorum nostrorum de resurrectionis argumentis. Sanctarum virginum Mariae ac Mariae Magdalene de compassione mortis Christi per modum dyalogi sequentia.’ The chorus begins, and ‘tres bene vociferati scholares respondent’ (text in Milchsack, 92; cf. Wechssler, 14). A third, ‘O fratres et sorores,’ is headed ‘Hic incipit planctus Mariae et aliorum in die Parasceves’ (text from fourteenth-century Cividale MS. in Coussemaker, 285; Julleville, i. 58; cf. Wechssler, 17). Ducange, s.v. Planctus, quotes a (thirteenth-century) Toulouse rubric, ‘planctum beatissimae Virginis Mariae, qui dicitur a duobus puerulis post Matutinum et debent esse monachi, si possunt reperiri ad hoc apti.’ This planctus was sung from the ‘cathedra praedicatorii.’ On the use of vernacular Italian planctus by the laudesi in churches through Lent, cf. Wechssler, 30. The vernacular German ‘ludus passionis’ printed by O. Schönemann, Der Sündenfall und Marienklage (1855), 129, from a Wolfenbüttel fifteenth-century MS., seems to have still been meant for liturgical use, as it has the rubric ‘debet cantari post crux fidelis et sic finiri usque ad vesperam lamentabiliter cum caeteris sicut consuetum est fieri.’ It incorporates the Depositio.
[155] Meyer, Fragmenta Burana, 64, 122, with text and facsimile. The piece ends ‘et ita inchoatur ludus de resurrectione. Pontifices: O domine recte meminimus,’ which is the opening of the Easter play already described.
[156] Printed by Du Méril, 147; Gasté, 25; Davidson, 173, from Rouen Ordinaria (Rouen MSS. Y. 108 of fifteenth century, Y. 110 of fourteenth century); Coussemaker, 235, with notation, from Rouen Gradual (Bibl. Nat. Lat. 904); it is also in B. N. Lat. 1213 (fifteenth century) and Bibl. Mazarin, 216 (Du Méril, 148).
[157] The ‘obstetrices’ figure in the Protevangelium Iacobi, chh. 18 sqq. (Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, 33), and the Pseudo-Matthaei Evangelium, ch. 13 (Tischendorf, 77). In the latter they are named Salome and Zelomi.
[158] Gasté, 31 ‘Archiepiscopus, vel alius sacerdos versus ad Pastores dicat: Quem vidistis, pastores, dicite; annunciate nobis in terris quis apparuit. Pastores respondeant: Natum vidimus et choros angelorum collaudantes Dominum. Alleluia, alleluia, et totam antiphonam finiant’: cf. Meyer, 39; Sarum Breviary, clxxxviii; Martene, iii. 36; Durandus, vi. 13, 16 ‘in laudibus matutinis quasi choream ducimus, unde in prima antiphona dicimus; Quem vidistis, pastores? &c. Et ipsi responderunt: Natum vidimus.’
[159] Gasté, 33.
[160] Tille, D. W. 309; Pollard, xiii; Durandus-Barthélemy, iii. 411; E. Martinengo-Cesaresco, Puer Parvulus in Contemporary Review, lxxvii (1900), 117; W. H. D. Rouse, in F. L. v. 6; J. Feller, Le Bethléem Verviétois, 10. I find a modern English example described in a letter of 1878 written by Mr. Coventry Patmore’s son Henry from a Catholic school at Ushaw (Life of C. Patmore, i. 308).
[161] Malleson-Tuker, ii. 212.
[162] P. Sabatier, Life of St. Francis (Eng. transl.), 285, from Thomas of Celano, Vita Prima, 84, and Bonaventura, Vita, 149; cf. D’Ancona, i. 116.
[163] Usener, i. 280. It is called ‘oratorium sanctum quod praesepe dicitur’ (†731-41) and ‘camera praesepii’ (†844-7).
[164] Origen, adv. Celsum, i. 51; cf. Usener, i. 283, 287.
[165] Usener, i. 281; Tille, D. W. 54; Malleson-Tuker, ii. 210.
[166] Usener, i. 280. Gregory IV (827-43) ‘sanctum fecit praesepe ad similitudinem praesepii S. dei genetricis quae appellatur maior,’ in S. Maria in Trastevere.
[167] Gasté, 33, citing Montpellier MS. H. 304. The play occurs, with an Officium Stellae, in an anonymous treatise De ratione divini officii. The Amiens Ordinarium of 1291 (Grenier, 389) gives directions for a Pastores during the procession after the communion at the midnight mass. In preparation lights were lit at the praesepe during first vespers ‘dum canitur versus praesepe iam fulget tuum.’ At the end of the first nocturn the figure of a child was placed there. At the first lesson of the second nocturn the cry of noël was raised.
[168] Du Méril, 148.
[169] Ioannes Abrincensis, De officiis ecclesiasticis (P. L. cxlvii. 41, 43). Neither Belethus nor Durandus mentions the Pastores.
[170] Cf. vol. i. p. 272. The praesepe is of course in the Stella, which is found at Strassburg, Bilsen, and Einsiedeln, but even this is more characteristic of France than of Germany.
[171] Text ed. C. Magnin (Journal des Savants (1846), 93), from Bibl. Nat. Lat. 1139.
[172] Gasté, 50 ‘Corona ante crucem pendens in modum stellae accendatur’ (Rouen); Du Méril, 153 ‘stellam pendentem in filo, quae antecedit eos’ (Limoges). The churchwardens’ accounts of St. Nicholas, Yarmouth, from 1462-1512 (Norfolk Archaeology, xi. 334), contain payments for ‘making a new star,’ ‘leading the star,’ ‘a new balk line to the star and ryving the same star.’ Pearson, ii. 325, lays stress on the prominence of the star in the German vernacular mysteries. J. T. Micklethwaite, Ornaments of the Rubric, 44, says that the ‘star’ was called a ‘trendle’ or ‘rowell.’ Its use does not necessarily imply the presence of a drama.
[173] The account of the Stella here given should be supplemented from Creizenach, i. 60; Köppen, 10. The latter studies the verbal relation of the texts much more fully than can be done here. Meyer, 38, argues for their origin in an archetype from Germany. There are doubtless many other texts yet unprinted. Ch. Magnin, Journal de l’Instruction publique, Sept. 13, 1835, mentions such in Soleures, Fribourg, and Besançon Rituals.
[174] Text in Du Méril, 151; Martene, iii. 44, from Limoges Ordinarium of unspecified date. The version is partly metrical, and the action took place ‘cantato offertorio, antequam eant ad offerendum.’
[175] Text in Gasté, 49; Du Méril, 153; Davidson, 176; from Rouen MS. Y. 110 (fourteenth-century Ordinarium); Coussemaker, 242, from Bibl. Nat. Lat. MS. 904 (thirteenth-century Gradual, with notation); P. L. cxlvii. 135, from B. N. 904 and B. N. Lat. 1213 (fifteenth-century Ordinarium); cf. Gasté, 3. The rubric begins ‘Officium regum trium secundum usum Rothomagensem. Die epyphaniae, tercia cantata.’ John of Avranches (†1070) describing the Epiphany service, probably of Rouen, says, after mentioning the Evangelium genealogiae, which follows the ninth responsorium of Matins, ‘Deinde stellae officium incipiat’ (P. L. cxlvii. 43). Gasté, 53, quotes some Rouen chapter orders. In 1379 Peter Chopillard, painter, was paid ‘pro pingendo baculos quos portant Reges die Apparitionis.’ In 1507 the chapter after ‘matura deliberatio’ ordered the ‘representatio trium Regum’ to be held. In 1521 they suppressed it.