The war in Nicaragua

Little occurred between the 27th and 30th to change the condition of the respective parties. In order, however, to understand the events of the 30th, it will be necessary to relate occurrences at San Juan del Sur previous to that date. Then may we perceive how efficiently the U. S. naval forces, on the Pacific side, co-operated in the policy the British ships pursued toward parties on the San Juan river.

For the facts which transpired at San Juan del Sur, the log of the schooner Granada will be principally relied on, and full extracts from the log will furnish the clearest and most accurate narrative. On Wednesday, the 8th of April, the schooner lying in the port of San Juan, we find: “At 9 A.M., 100 of the enemy came into the town and fired some few shots at the schooner and at one or two of the citizens, doing no damage; we did not return their shots, on account of the steamer being in range full of passengers, but slipped our chain and dropped out of reach. Through the intercession of Captain Davis, of the U. S. sloop-of-war St. Mary’s, we agreed to not fire upon each other, as we might endanger American life and property. At 2 P.M. the Orizaba left for California. At 9 P.M. the enemy left San Juan.” Then, on the margin of the log for April 15th, we find: “At 9 A.M. one of the enemy came in and met Gottell.” This Gottell was a German, claiming to be a naturalized citizen of the United States. On the margin for the next day Fayssoux remarks: “In conversing with Gottell he acknowledged that the above man came from the enemy’s camp on Tuesday.” On the 17th, in the body of the log: “Made a formal charge to Captain Davis, of the U. S. sloop-of-war, St. Mary’s, against Gottell, for his violating his neutrality, and received his assurance that Gottell should be punished if it occurred again. Mora requested Davis to go up and speak to the troops at Rivas, to get them to desert General Walker.” Then in the margin for the same day: “Captain Davis read to me letters from Mora. Later in the day we heard that about 150 of the enemy were in and about town. Lieutenant McCorkle, of the St. Mary’s, came on board and said that Colonel Estrada wished the former truce continued.” On the 18th, the log says: “At 10 P.M. received a communication from shore, to the effect that Jerez was coming in with 200 more troops, and that they were going to fire on the schooner at daylight; slipped my chain and dropped out of their reach.” In the margin, for the same day: “The enemy offered Michael Mars $2,000 to place the schooner in their hands.” On the 21st: “The enemy negotiating with Thomas Edwards to deliver up the schooner.”

On the 22d Fayssoux notes in the log: “I met Col. Estrada, the commander of the enemy, on board of the U. S. sloop St. Mary’s; he expressed great gratitude for my treatment of his countrymen that I had taken prisoners, and offered his services to me.” On the 23d: “Saw a letter from ex-Captain James Mullen, in which he stated that Roman Rivas wished him to see me, and offer $5,000 if I would deliver the schooner to the enemy. Colonel Garcia, second in command, requested an interview with me on board of the U. S. sloop, St. Mary’s, to communicate something of importance—I suppose another attempt to bribe.” Then, on Friday, the 24th, we have an account of a most singular scene aboard of the St. Mary’s. Fayssoux’s object in permitting the interview may be readily imagined, but it is more difficult to divine why Davis should permit his ship to be made the theatre of an attempt to seduce an officer from his allegiance. But to the log: “I met Colonel Garcia on board of the St. Mary’s. He stated that Jerez had written to him (by order of General Mora), to see me and try to make some arrangement to bring the war to a speedy close; that the schooner being in port, under General Walker’s orders, she was much dreaded and might delay the close of the war. He asked if I had any proposition to make; I told him that he had sought the interview, and that I was waiting to hear for what purpose. He then said that they wished the schooner taken from the port or given up to them. I asked upon what terms: he said that he was not prepared to offer any, but that a commissioner would be appointed for that purpose; that his object was to see if I could be approached. I said that I would listen to any proposition from General Mora; that the present interview had not effected anything; that he had not proposed any mode of closing the war; that we stood as we had done previously. I acted on the above occasion with the knowledge and approval of Captain Davis and Colonel Macdonald, and at no time lost command of my temper, although seeing the full extent of the dishonor offered me, and the insult of their sending such a noted thief and traitor to confer with me.”

For the 25th, we find: “Sent word by Capt. Charles H. Davis to Col. Estrada that if he did not discontinue erecting barricades which could be commanded by my guns that I would fire upon him; he agreed to do so until Lieut. Huston of the St. Mary’s should arrive from Rivas, where he had gone to escort the American ladies who were there, to San Juan. Col. Estrada said that in erecting barricades he had nothing in view against this schooner, but put them up to prevent the landing of troops; that he did it in ignorance, not meaning to violate the agreement between him and myself. At 4 P.M. some thirty women and children arrived at the Pacific hotel. The barricades not worked upon.” Then on the 26th: “Capt. Davis spoke again to Col. Estrada in regard to the barricades; he said he would not do anything on them until he heard from Rivas. Capt. Davis wrote to General Mora asking him to confirm the truce, as the number of women had largely increased, and that I felt it my duty to fire upon their barricades, if in reach of my guns. The enemy mounted and brought to the beach an old gun that they found lying in the street Capt. Davis says that General Mora has written to him several times, appearing anxious for him to come to him and open a treaty with General Walker.” And in the margin: “I had to urge Capt. Davis at all times to interfere about the barricades.”

On the 27th: “At 10ʰ 45′ saw the enemy erecting a barricade in the Columbia hotel; I immediately prepared to haul in shore. At the same time I sent to Capt. Davis, and said that as the enemy were acting in bad faith I would fire upon them. He sent First Lieut. Maury to me to ask if I would not wait until he heard from Rivas. I replied that I would if Capt. Davis would then go on shore and destroy them (meaning the barricades). Lieut. Maury could not answer that question. I then told him that if they did not stop that in half an hour I would fire. Lieut. Maury then went to Colonel Estrada and said that Capt. Davis looked on the truce as at an end, and that I would fire in half an hour. Colonel Estrada wished to debate the question, and again pleaded ignorance; but Lieut. Maury said that he had nothing more to say, that I would fire. Estrada then agreed to let the barricade alone, and that the truce should be observed. The first note was sent to Col. C. J. Macdonald, and shown by him to Capt. D., who said that he would take me if I did fire, as he thought it would be his duty. Macdonald was asked to come on board and say that I must not fire, as Davis would take me; Macdonald asked for that threat in writing; Davis offered to give it, but after some more conversation on the subject, he sent the above message to Estrada. Capt. D. acknowledged to Macdonald that it would be my duty to fire if the enemy did not desist; his reasoning was entirely incomprehensible to me.” And the reasoning is incomprehensible to any one, on the supposition of Davis’ neutrality. The marginal note on the log for the 27th, says: “Although being perfectly aware of the treachery of the enemy at all times, and their violation of the truce in building barricades in reach of my guns, I permitted them to go to a certain extent, hoping to turn them to our advantage. And thinking it policy, I did not urge upon Capt. Davis his duty to destroy those already started or completed, though I took occasion to let his officers know my views on the subject, and that I thought he was easily satisfied with promises which were constantly broken; that I had had opportunities of gaining advantages, but had scrupulously kept the truce.”

Tuesday, April 28th: “Saw the enemy putting up a barricade on the Transit road. Although the fact was mentioned to Capt. Davis, he did not take any action upon it, but told me that General Mora, in reply to a letter from him, said that though he looked upon it as a matter of great importance to fortify San Juan, as Davis requested it, he would not put up barricades under my guns. Lieut. McCorkle visited the enemy’s camp, to ascertain if reports brought by a man by the name of Titus from General Walker’s camp were true, he, Titus, being thought a traitor.” On the 29th: “At 2 P.M. Lieut. McCorkle returned from the Allied camp. He reports our men deserting in large bodies; that General Mora says that General Walker will not be included in any treaty that may be made.” Then on the 30th: “Capt. Davis visited the camp of the Allies for the purpose of treating between them and General Walker.”

The facts plainly and simply told by the log of the schooner show that Davis was in constant communication with Mora, and that he was fully aware of the value of the Granada to Walker, and of the importance the Allies attached to her presence at San Juan del Sur. It was with a full and thorough knowledge of the ineffectual efforts Mora had made to get the schooner that Davis reached the headquarters of the Allies, whence on the afternoon of the 30th, he sent a letter to Walker by an aide-de-camp of the Costa Rican general-in-chief. The latter proposed that Walker should abandon Rivas and go aboard of the St. Mary’s to Panama, Davis undertaking to guarantee his personal safety. Although the tone of the letter was offensive, Walker, thinking Davis might have some information he did not possess, and unwilling to let slip an opportunity of gaining knowledge as to what was passing between Davis and the Allies, replied that the proposition of the United States commander was vague, and suggested a visit on his part to Rivas. Davis answered that he was sorry Walker found his proposition vague; that he proposed the latter should “abandon the enterprise and leave the country;” that Walker might rely on the fact of Lockridge having left San Juan river; and finally that he had maturely considered the invitation to enter Rivas, and had decided, unreservedly, not to take such a step. Thus did the United States commander refuse to see for himself the state of the force in Rivas before he determined on the course he should pursue. In reply to the second letter of Davis, Walker proposed to send two officers, Henningsen and Waters, to confer with the United States commander, provided they had safe conduct from Mora. The required safe conduct was forthwith sent, and with a short note in the handwriting of Zavala, but signed by Davis, saying that Henningsen and Waters should proceed at once to the headquarters of the Allies, as the commander of the St. Mary’s was obliged to return speedily to San Juan del Sur.

Accordingly, Henningsen and Waters proceeded to the headquarters of the Allies, and what there passed may be best told in the words of the written report Henningsen made to Walker on the 2d of May. The report says:—

“In conformity with your instructions on the night of the 30th of April, I proceeded with Col. Waters to the enemy’s camp at Cuatro Esquinas, to confer on your behalf with Capt. Davis of the U. S. sloop-of-war St. Mary’s. Capt. Davis remarked that he was in possession of information, which, in his opinion, rendered your position at Rivas untenable, and that he had, therefore, with the view of saving further useless effusion of blood, opened negotiations with the Allies for the evacuation of that place, in the event of his being able to obtain your concurrence.

“This information was, firstly, that Col. Lockridge had retired with all your forces to the United States, leaving the enemy in possession of the San Juan river; secondly, that the Transit Company intended to send no more steamers to San Juan del Sur; thirdly, that you were reduced to a few days’ provisions, and that your ranks were being rapidly thinned by desertion. Under these circumstances, considering your position as desperate in Rivas, he had to propose that you should surrender Rivas to him, that you and your staff should accompany him to San Juan del Sur, to be transported by the St. Mary’s to Panama; that the rest of the army and citizens should be likewise transported via Tortugas and Punta Arenas to Panama, after surrendering their arms to him, the officers retaining their side-arms. I replied that your entertaining such a proposition would depend on your being satisfied with regard to the evacuation of the river by Col. Lockridge and his command, as your principal motive for holding Rivas to the last moment was the fear that he might arrive and find it occupied by the enemy: that with regard to your position being desperate, it was true that you could not, from want of provisions, hold Rivas much longer, but that you could break through the enemy’s lines and march in any direction at present: that, if further enfeebled, you could always cut your way to the Pacific, and embark either at San Juan or at some other point on the coast, on your schooner Granada, which had on board two six-pounders and a store of arms, cartridges, cannon ammunition, powder and lead. On this Capt. Davis remarked, that he must at once inform me that it was his unalterable determination not to allow the schooner Granada to leave the port, and to take possession of her previous to his sailing from San Juan del Sur, which must take place in a few days; that he was acting on instructions from his superior—from his commander-in-chief;⁠[6] that, since the outgoing of the late administration at Washington, instructions had been received from the new, which contained nothing to induce him to alter the course which he intended to pursue; but that he preferred I would consider all this as unsaid, and that you would regard him as acting on his own and sole responsibility. I remarked, that his resolution was a most important one and would probably prove a determining fact, and therefore asked him deliberately to repeat whether it was his fixed determination to seize the schooner Granada. He replied that it was his unalterable resolution not to allow the Granada to leave the harbor of San Juan, and to take possession of her before he sailed. With regard to the evacuation of the San Juan river by Col. Lockridge and his command, he said, that he had entirely satisfied himself of the fact, both by the investigations of his Lieut. McCorkle, and by perusal that morning of a contract for passage to the United States, signed by Scott and by officers of the British squadron, besides other corroborative evidence. I observed that he might have been imposed upon by a forgery, and asked whether his conviction was shared by C. J. Macdonald, agent of the Transit Company, whose experience rendered his opinion valuable. Capt. Davis replied that Mr. Macdonald had been satisfied of the fact by Lieut. McCorkle’s report, but that he (Capt. Davis), fully aware of the responsibility he was assuming, pledged himself for the authenticity of this statement. I thereupon agreed to communicate to you this conversation, and to submit the following offers from Capt. Davis, as the only propositions likely to be admissible, viz: That, under the guarantee of the American flag, you should, with sixteen officers of your selection, with their arms, horses and effects, leave Rivas to embark at San Juan for Panama; that Rivas with its garrison, should be surrendered to Capt. Davis; that the privates should deliver up their arms, and, together with the officers, employees and citizens, be transported by another route to Panama, accompanied by a United States officer, and under guarantee of the United States flag. At 2 o’clock, A.M., 1st May, I returned to Rivas, promising your answer at 10 o’clock, and personally to come back, if the negotiation was not broken off.”

In the offers thus submitted by Henningsen, nothing was said of the native Nicaraguans then in Rivas. Walker, therefore, informed Henningsen that he would sign nothing, or agree to nothing, unless ample guarantees were given for the safety, both in person and property, of the native Nicaraguans. Hence, when Henningsen returned at 10 o’clock, A.M., on the first of May, with the draft of an agreement to be signed by Walker and Davis, it contained a clause protecting all natives of Central America then in Rivas. The convention submitted to Davis, and signed by him, reads as follows:

“Rivas, May 1, 1857.

“An agreement is hereby entered into between Gen. William Walker, on the one part, and Commander H. Davis, of the U. S. Navy, on the other part, and of which the stipulations are as follows:

“Firstly, Gen. Wm. Walker, with sixteen officers of his staff, shall march out of Rivas with their side-arms, pistols, horses, and personal baggage, under the guarantee of the said Capt. Davis, of the U. S. Navy, that they shall not be molested by the enemy, and shall be allowed to embark on board the U. S. vessel-of-war, the St. Mary’s, in the harbor of San Juan del Sur, the said Capt. Davis, undertaking to transport them safely on the St. Mary’s to Panama.

“Secondly, The officers of Gen. Walker’s army shall march out of Rivas with their side-arms, under the guarantee and protection of Capt. Davis, who undertakes to see them safely transported to Panama, in charge of a United States officer.

“Thirdly, The privates and non-commissioned officers, citizens, and employees of Departments, wounded or unwounded, shall be surrendered with their arms to Capt. Davis, or one of his officers, and placed under his protection and control, he pledging himself to have them safely transported to Panama, in charge of a United States officer, in separate vessels from the deserters from the ranks, and without being brought into contact with them.

“Fourthly, Capt. Davis undertakes to obtain guarantees, and hereby does guarantee that all natives of Nicaragua, or of Central America, now in Rivas, and surrendered to the protection of Capt. Davis, shall be allowed to reside in Nicaragua, and be protected in life and property.

“Fifthly, It is agreed that such officers as have wives and families in San Juan del Sur, shall be allowed to remain there under the protection of the U. S. Consul, till an opportunity offers of embarking for Panama or San Francisco.

“Gen. Walker and Capt. Davis mutually pledge themselves to each other that this agreement shall be executed in good faith.”

It will be noticed that this agreement was made entirely between Walker and Davis, and the Allies were not mentioned in it except as “the enemy.” Nor would it be necessary, unless for the singular conduct of Commander Davis afterward, to say that no other agreements were made or entered into, except the one which was signed by the respective parties.

After Davis had agreed to the terms of the convention, Henningsen returned to Rivas, and ordered the cannon, foundry, and ammunition to be destroyed, by breaking the trunnions, and sawing through the carriages of the former, by breaking up the steam-engine, fan, and cupola of the foundry, and throwing the ammunition and powder into the arsenal-yard wells. “In this manner were destroyed,” according to Henningsen’s report, “in the arsenal, two twelve-pounder brass howitzers, three six-pounder iron guns, four light iron twelve-pounder mortars, four brass guns taken from the enemy, viz.: one four-pounder, and three five-pounder guns; in the ordnance office, fifty-five thousand cartridges, three hundred thousand caps, fifteen hundred pounds of powder. There remained undestroyed: fifty-five shell, three hundred and twenty twenty-four-pound shot—fired into Rivas by the enemy—two hundred and forty six-pound shot, of iron cast from the enemy’s shot, from bell-metal, or from lead.”

While Swingle and Potter were, under Henningsen’s direction, executing the orders for the destruction of the articles in the arsenal and ordnance, Walker sent for the surgeon-general, Coleman, and informing him of the agreement made with Davis, instructed him to remain in charge of the hospital, and see that the sick and wounded were properly cared for. He then made out a list of the officers who were to accompany him on board the St. Mary’s, and notified them to prepare forthwith to proceed to San Juan del Sur. The officers thus selected were, Henningsen, Hooff, Brady, Natzmer, Waters, Henry, Swingle, Rogers, Tucker, Kellum, McAllenny, West, Williamson, McEachin, McMichael, Hankins, and Bacon. About five o’clock in the afternoon, Commander Davis, with Zavala, arrived at Walker’s quarters; and Henningsen and Davis repaired to the Plaza, where all the troops of the garrison were formed. The order of the day, containing the agreement between Walker and Davis, was then read to the troops, and the garrison was delivered to the commander of the St. Mary’s. The state of the garrison, when given over to the United States officer, was: Wounded and sick in and out of hospital, surgeons, and hospital attendants, 173; prisoners, 102; officers, non-commissioned, and privates, exclusive of the 16 going to San Juan, 148; employees of departments and armed citizens, 86; native troops, 40. While Henningsen was turning over the garrison to Davis, Walker, accompanied by the officers he had selected, and by Gen. Zavala, rode out of Rivas, and took the road for San Juan del Sur. On the night of the first of May, a few hours after leaving Rivas, the Nicaraguan officers were aboard the St. Mary’s.

Commander Davis did not reach the St. Mary’s until the morning of the 2d. Soon after he came aboard the sloop he proposed to Walker that the schooner Granada should be given into his hands without the use of force. Of course the proposal was rejected. He then said to Walker that the latter might keep the arms and ammunition on the schooner if he would give up the vessel. This was a proposition to sell the Granada, with all the glories of the 23d of November, for the paltry cargo aboard of her; and there was not a lieutenant in the service of Nicaragua who would not have rejected it, with scorn and contempt for the officer, so far forgetful of his own honor as to utter the proposal. Just before dinner, on the 2d, Davis went ashore, leaving written orders with his first lieutenant to take the schooner. The log of the Granada, for the 2d, says: “At 4 P.M. Lieut. Maury came on board the schooner, and requested me to turn over the schooner to Capt. Davis. I asked why I should do so. He answered that Capt. Davis considered it his duty to seize her if I did not give her up, as he looked upon her as included in the treaty between himself and Gen. Walker. I refused to give her up.” Then Maury returned to the St. Mary’s, and requested Walker to give an order to Fayssoux to turn over the schooner to him. Walker replied he would not give the order, unless there was a demonstration of overwhelming force on the part of the St. Mary’s. Maury brought the broadside of the sloop to bear on the Granada, and then he received the order of surrender. The log continues: “He (that is Maury) returned in half an hour, with an order from Gen. Walker to turn her over to the United States; he was accompanied by 100 armed men and a howitzer. At 4.30 P.M. the Nicaraguan flag was hauled down, and the United States’ run up in its place, and my crew sent on shore.” Finally, on the 4th of May, the Granada was turned over to Costa Rica, and the person who received her for that republic was an aid of Cañas, a Jamaica negro, known by the name of Captain Murray.

This was a fit conclusion to the combined efforts of the British and United States naval forces to get the Americans out of Nicaragua. The descendant of revolutionary ancestors,⁠[7] bearing, in his own name of Irvine that of a grandsire who was a general officer in the war of Independence—himself fitted by the purity and integrity of his character to adorn the service of any power on either continent—was forced to give way to a negro subject of Her Britannic Majesty holding a commission from the Republic of Costa Rica. The poet could not have imagined aught more striking or more characteristic.

Thus have I, during a leisure thrust on me against my will, tried to tell clearly and concisely the story of the rise, progress, and close, for a time, of the War in Nicaragua. Doubtless many brave deeds and some worthy names have escaped the notice they deserve, for I have been obliged to write almost entirely from memory, with few papers or documents to refresh my recollection of events now some time past. My main effort has been to trace as distinctly as I could the causes of the war, the manner in which it was waged, and the circumstances attending its conclusion. As I said in the last general order published at Rivas: “Reduced to our present position by the cowardice of some, the incapacity of others, and the treachery of many, the army has yet written a page of American history which it is impossible to forget or erase. From the future, if not from the present, we may expect just judgment.” That which you ignorantly call “Filibusterism” is not the offspring of hasty passion or ill-regulated desire; it is the fruit of the sure, unerring instincts which act in accordance with laws as old as the creation. They are but drivellers who speak of establishing fixed relations between the pure white American race, as it exists in the United States, and the mixed Hispano-Indian race, as it exists in Mexico and Central America, without the employment of force. The history of the world presents no such Utopian vision as that of an inferior race yielding meekly and peacefully to the controlling influence of a superior people. Whenever barbarism and civilization, or two distinct forms of civilization, meet face to face, the result must be war. Therefore, the struggle between the old and the new elements in Nicaraguan society was not passing or accidental, but natural and inevitable. The war in Nicaragua was the first clear and distinct issue made between the races inhabiting the northern and the central portions of the continent. But while this contest sprang from natural laws, I trust the foregoing narrative shows that the stronger race kept throughout on the side of right and justice; and if they so maintained their cause in Central America let them not doubt of its future success. Nor kings nor presidents can arrest a movement based on truth and conducted with justice; and the very obstacles they place in the way merely prepare those who are injured for the part they are to play in the world’s history. He is but a blind reader of the past who has not learned that Providence fits its agents for great designs by trials, and sufferings, and persecutions. “By the cross thou shalt conquer” is as clearly written in the pages of history as when the startled emperor saw it blazing in letters of light athwart the heavens. In the very difficulties with which the Americans of Nicaragua have had to contend I see the presage of their triumph. Let me, therefore, say to my former comrades, be of good cheer: faint not, nor grow weary by the way, for your toils and your efforts are sure in the end to win success. With us there can be no choice; honor and duty call on us to pursue the path we have entered, and we dare not be deaf to the appeal. By the bones of the mouldering dead at Masaya, at Rivas, and at Granada, I adjure you never to abandon the cause of Nicaragua. Let it be your waking and your sleeping thought to devise means for a return to the land whence we were unjustly brought. And, if we be but true to ourselves, all will yet end well.

THE END.

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