CHAPTER TEN.
Now What Shall We Do About It?
“No people will toil and sweat to keep a class in idleness unless cajoled or compelled to do so.... There are various devices by means of which a body of persons may sink their fangs into their fellows and subsist upon them. Slavery ... is the primary form of the parasitic relation. By modifying this into serfdom the parasitic class, without the least abating its power of securing its nourishment from others, places itself in a position more convenient to it and less irritating to the exploited.... Finally, the institution of property is so shaped as to permit a slanting exploitation under which a class is able to live in idleness. The parasitic class is always a ruling class, and utilizes as many as it can of the means of control.”—Professor Edward A. Ross, Department of Sociology, University of Wisconsin.[301]
“The various institutions, political, ecclesiastical, professional, industrial, etc., including the government, are devices, means, gradually brought into existence, to serve interests that develop within the State.”—Professor Albion W. Small, Head of Department of Sociology, University of Chicago.[302]
“The non-industrial or parasitic classes are often the most active.... They are wonderfully successful in creating the belief that they are the most important of all the social elements.”—Dr. Lester F. Ward, Department of Sociology, Brown University.[303]
The preceding chapters have, it is hoped, been of some assistance to the reader in realizing in what unqualified contempt the working class are held in our boasted civilized society,—how utterly the working class are tricked and betrayed, brutalized and bled, degraded and despised, robbed, starved and stung,—their flesh torn, their blood spilt, their bodies tossed to the buzzards and grave-worms, and even the widows and orphans insulted with thirty dirty pieces of silver in payment for the life and love and joy lost in war. Having tried to make this, and more, clear, now let me explain “what to do about it.”
What, indeed, shall the working class do to rid themselves of the curse called war?
We can do nothing, absolutely nothing, with sweeping effectiveness, till we understand the industrial structure and purpose of the present order of society, and, as a class, also understand the art of self-defense—political and industrial class-defense.
Repeatedly in preceding chapters I have written of two classes.
Are there indeed two classes?
Get distinctly in mind the three following propositions stating the three largest facts of all concerning the present order of society:
First Proposition: In the present capitalist form society is divided into two classes, two industrial classes: the capitalist class and the working class.
Second Proposition: Industrially, society is organized and managed for the special benefit of part of society—for one class, the capitalist class.
Third Proposition: Each of these two classes has industrial interests as a class; these class interests conflict; and there is, therefore, as a part of and because of the class form of society, a constant class conflict, a class struggle.
Let me try to make these three propositions clear. Please note carefully the exact wording of the propositions to be explained.
The explanation,—first proposition:
Of course you wish to live and be comfortable. To live and be comfortable you must consume useful things. But before you can consume useful things they must be produced. And since this is true of all the members of society it is readily seen that the first task of society, the primary social function, is production.
Production, industry, is the foundation of society.
Now, in performing this industrial work, in doing this first thing, we use raw materials, mines, forests, fields, mills, factories, tools, machinery, railways, etc., etc.; and these things are called the MEANS OF PRODUCTION. We make use of these things, these means of production, in applying our labor-power—that is, in producing the things society wishes to consume.
But:—
One class privately own the coal mines and iron mines and buy labor-power;
The other class work in the coal mines and iron mines and sell labor-power.
One class privately own lumber forests and marble quarries, and buy labor-power;
The other class work in the lumber forests and marble quarries, and sell labor-power.
One class privately own cotton mills, steel mills, and flour mills, etc., and buy labor-power.
The other class work in cotton mills, steel mills, and flour mills, etc., and sell labor-power.
One class privately own railroads and buy labor-power;
The other class work on railroads and sell labor-power.
Or, to say it briefly,
One class, the capitalist class, privately OWN the chief material means of production—and BUY labor-power.
The other class, the working class, USE the chief material means of production—and SELL labor power.
Surely you can see that there are two industrial classes.
There are, under capitalism, not only two industrial classes, but also two social classes. Industrial classes become social classes.
Johan Kaspar Bluntschli, one of Germany’s most eminent writers on political science, has this to say:
“Classes have very often been founded on the basis of property. In these constitutions ... property becomes the determining political force, and citizens are valued by amount of their income.... The Proletariate ... consists mainly of the waste of other classes, of those fractions of the population who, by their isolation and their poverty, have no place in the established order of society.” [That is, they are in no commanding relation to the industrially vital property.][304]
“Conversely, social rank depends on economic conditions; the state is made ... conservative ... by the economic interests at its foundation....
“Perhaps its [property’s] most important social effect has come to be the fact that the possession of property is so generally the basis of social differentiation. In earlier times, physical force, later, institutions of caste, were the basis of differentiation in society; wealth is the most universally recognized source of power, so that social rank is often determined by the possession of wealth.”—Professor Fairbanks, Yale University.[305]
And now the second proposition: Are these industries and the other industries really operated for the special benefit of part of society? The answer is clear in the following illustration:
If the profits on all these industries should, during the next twelve months, rise two billion dollars higher than usual, would the wages of the workers engaged in these industries be increased in that proportion? Most certainly they would not. You know very well they would not. But why not? Simply because these industries, like all other industries, are, under capitalism, operated for the special benefit of those, the capitalist class, who privately own these industries and buy labor-power, and, by this arrangement, live on profits,—on surplus value.[306]
And, finally, the third proposition: Do the industrial interests of these two industrial classes fundamentally conflict? Perhaps the answer will be clear in the following homely illustration:
If you are selling a horse, you wish to sell him for—say $300. But the buyer of the horse wishes to buy the horse for, say, $150.
Clearly there is a conflict of interests between the buyer of the horse and the seller of the horse.
A wage-earner selling labor-power wishes to sell, say, eight hours labor-power for $6.
The capitalist employer buying labor-power wishes to buy, say, nine hours labor-power for $2.50—in order to get the surplus value—that fascinating surplus.
Thus there is a fundamental conflict between the industrial interests of this buyer of labor power and the industrial interests of this seller of labor-power.
And it is just so with the two industrial classes.
There is a fundamental conflict of industrial interests between the employer class buying labor-power and the working class selling labor-power.
Between these two industrial classes there is a struggle, a class struggle—to defend their conflicting industrial interests.
This class struggle takes on many different forms—but it is always the same thing down at the bottom—a class struggle in industry.
The three propositions explained above are most important. A clear understanding of these three propositions always—always—revolutionizes the political thinking of the working class man, or woman, who has not, before, understood them. These three truths destroy old political prejudices and customs, cut the reins by which the political tricksters misguide the workers, clear the air of “hot air,” reveal the blind alleys of old party politics, point the road to power and freedom for the working class, and make a rock-bottom foundation for a working class political philosophy and policy and tactics.
The capitalist class (who rule and ruin the toilers) regard these three truths as more dangerous than any other, or all other, teachings that ever reach the working class mind. It is to the capitalists’ interest that the workers should not learn these three truths. But it is to the interest of the working class that the working class should learn these three truths.
With these three primary facts of present society clearly in mind let us proceed.
In addition to their powerful position as capitalist OWNERS OF THE MEANS OF PRODUCTION, the capitalist class have three special advantages over the working class in this class struggle:
(1) The capitalist class are more class conscious than the working class are—at present. That is, the capitalists more distinctly realize that, as capitalists, they constitute a class—with class interests to defend.
(2) The capitalists, because they are more class conscious, are, naturally, more class loyal than the working class are—at present. In obedience to the biological law of self-preservation, a class, as well as an individual, will defend themselves, as a class—that is, will be class loyal—in proportion as they are class conscious, or in proportion as they are aware of and understand the interests of their class. Tho’ the capitalists understand that they are a class with class interests, they are always cooing softly to all workers who are ignorant enough to listen, cooing sweetly about “no classes,” “all in the same boat,” “harmony of interests,” “Capital and Labor are brothers,” etc.
(3) The capitalists study tactics of class warfare—tactics of industrial struggle, far more than the working class do—at present. Being more class conscious and therefore more class loyal and consequently more eager, as a class, for self-defense, the capitalist class naturally study more patiently the ways and means for their own class defense. And because they do study more they really know more—at present—about politics, about the game called the class struggle, about the art of self-defense, class defense in industry.[307]
In all the modern forms of this unhappy class struggle, one phase of which is called war, the capitalist class are awake and watchful, united and victorious—seated in the saddle of power at the head of the procession; and the working class are drowsy and confused, divided and defeated—limping afoot and ridiculous at the tail end of the grand march of the world’s affairs.
All great military leaders in all wars—in all struggles—in all time have always used the two following tactics:
First: Divide the enemy, if possible, and have them crush one another; or,
Second: If circumstances hinder the first tactics, then divide the enemy and crush them one part at a time.
And the captains of industry, the capitalists, right now employ these tactics with success. They themselves band together, but they divide and rule the working class. More class conscious, more class loyal and more studious of the ways and means of struggle than the working class are, the capitalist class proceed as follows:
(A) On the Economic Field the capitalists divide the working class and have them fight one another; and thus the capitalist class are easily able to defeat and fleece the workers all the time, everywhere. The workers, having no part in the ownership of the means of production and being thus divorced from a commanding relation to the economic foundations of society, craftily fooled with false teaching of “capital-and-labor-harmony-of-interests,” sore and humble with disappointment, whipped with the lash of hunger, stung to desperation, confused and traduced by bribed pets, spies and traitors,—the workers angrily, blindly, split up into jealous groups, shamefully turn against one another, fight one another, under-bid one another, “scab” on one another, desert one another,—defeat one another. Moreover one part of the working class is flattered and cheaply bribed into volunteering to organize and arm themselves and proudly stand guard over their brothers and against their brothers; and thus the workers spy and inform on one another, arrest one another, jail one another, “bull pen” one another, bayonet one another and shoot one another—under the capitalist system—the present class-labor system.
The working class, of course, are thus easily defeated and robbed industrially.
The busy human bees sting themselves—and lose the honey of their own industry.
And all this is entirely satisfactory to the industrial masters—great and small. (See page 175, [5].)
The rulers rule.
(B) On the Political Field the capitalist class divide the working class into two or more groups and have them politically antagonize themselves, have all the workers all the time politically sting and defeat one another—that is,—have them cancel the political class-power of the working class.
One part of the working class vote one capitalist class party ticket, another part of the working class vote another capitalist class party ticket, another another, and so on. Thus millions of the confused working class politically defeat the working class and politically support their industrial masters by politically supporting political parties (variously and craftily labeled) which unanimously stand for the capitalist system.
Thus the confused working class are easily defeated politically—which makes it far easier to rob them industrially.
By electing to political power any political party standing for any form of the capitalist class-labor system the working class give the capitalist class complete control not only of all the political institutions, but also of all other institutions useable by a class in self-defense; because the control of political institutions carries with it the legal right to control all other institutions. In this political confusion, division and eclipse, the working class are as helpless as sheep, and, like sheep, are shorn by their political and industrial shepherds.
And this also is entirely satisfactory to the masters of industry—both great and small.
The rulers rule.
We must learn this: Everywhere, always and under all circumstances the working class must stand together in the use of all forms of power we have in defense of our class.
Having distinctly in mind, then, these important preliminaries,—and especially the fact that whatever we do in self-defense we must do as a class banded together, let us consider still further the source—the fountain-head—of the trouble called the class struggle, one form of which is commonly called war.
Society has many functions to perform. In order to perform these functions society must be organized.
Always, it is most important to note, society is organized primarily with respect to the function of wealth production, because the production of things to live on comes before every other social function.
For the performance of this function of wealth production society, developed beyond tribal communism, can be organized in two ways and only two ways:
First Possible Form of Social Organization: On the Plan of Mutualism—under which the INDUSTRIAL FOUNDATIONS of society are PUBLIC PROPERTY.
Society can be organized for the performance of this great industrial function of production on the plan of mutualism—all of the people having Joint-ownership and joint-control of the chief material means of production, all of the people of proper age and condition of health performing useful, necessary social service,—there being no industrial master class and no industrial dependent class,—the industrial independence of all the members of society being due to the fact that each is an owner, a joint owner, of the chief material means of production. Every one is thus commandingly related to the absolutely necessary means of life. With equality in ownership and equality in control of the things used in getting a living the people become equals in opportunity to get a living,—that is, industrially free. The dominant institution would be the institution of public property in the dominant means used in performing the dominant social function. This would render impossible the domination of society by a group or class within society—ALL the members of society would have their feet firmly planted upon the foundations of life, the means of life, the means of production; and could not be crowded off the foundations and robbed by private owners of these foundations.
This form of society may properly be called an industrial democracy.
The purpose of this form of society is the welfare of all the members of society.
Under this form of society there would be no industrial classes; and therefore, class robbery would not be and could not be organized, legalized and easy.
Second Possible Form of Social Organization: On the Plan of Antagonism—that is, with a Class-Labor System—under which the INDUSTRIAL FOUNDATIONS of society are PRIVATE PROPERTY,—privately owned by one class and productively used by the other class.
Society can, indeed, be organized for the performance of this great industrial function of production on the plan of a class-labor system—one part of society being in the strategic position of industrial masters, a ruling class, their mastery being due to the fact that they own as private property the chief material means of production;—the other part of society being in the helpless position of industrial dependents, a working class,—their industrial dependence being due to the fact that they have no effective share in the ownership and control of the chief material means of production.
This form of society we may properly call an industrial despotism.
The purpose of this form of society is the special welfare of part of the members of society.
Under this class-labor form of society, class robbery is organized, legalized, and easy.
The foundation institution of all despotism is the institution of private property in the economic foundations of society—that is, in the means of production. This is the rock-bottom of organized, legalized and easy robbery of the workers by the shirkers.
Historically society has been organized in a class-labor form in three different ways,—as follows:
(1) Chattel slavery, instituted thousands of years ago, was a class-labor system,—an organized, legalized opportunity for wholesale class robbery; and under that form of class-labor system, with class robbery legally arranged for, class robbery was, of course, respectable, profitable and easy—and therefore inevitable.
Peace was impossible.
The purpose of this form of society was unsocial.
Under this form of society the masters were in legal possession of the means of production and also of the forts, courts, and legislatures (such as existed); and were thus in perfect position to defend and extend their industrial robbery.
The chattel slave owners were thus parasites, aggressive social parasites.
That is admitted.[308]
(2) Serfdom, common in Europe only a hundred years ago, was also a class-labor system—an organized, legalized opportunity for wholesale class robbery; and under that form of class-labor system, with class robbery legally arranged for, class robbery was, of course respectable, profitable and easy—and therefore inevitable.
Peace was impossible.
The purpose of this form of society was unsocial.
Under this form the masters were still in legal possession of the means of production and also of the forts, courts and legislatures, and were thus in perfect position to defend and extend their industrial robbery.
The landlords-and-masters of the ancient serfs were thus also parasites, aggressive social parasites.
That is admitted.
(3) Capitalism, the present system, is also a class-labor system, an organized, legalized opportunity for wholesale class robbery; and under this form of class-labor system, with class robbery legally arranged for, class robbery is, today, of course, altogether respectable, abundantly profitable and temptingly easy—and therefore, naturally, inevitable.
The purpose of the present capitalist form of society is the special welfare of only a part of society, the capitalist class, and is, therefore, an unsocial purpose.
Peace is impossible—while capitalism lasts.
Under this form of society the masters, the capitalist class, are in possession of the means of production; that is, in legal possession of the industrial foundations of society, and also in legal control of the arsenals, cannon, soldiers, forts, courts and legislatures, and are thus in perfect position to defend and extend their industrial robbery.
The capitalists (so far as they receive social incomes without rendering equivalent social service) are thus parasites, aggressive social parasites. (See footnote, pages 298–99.)
That is admitted. That is admitted, explained and condemned even by the President of the American Sociological Society, Dr. Lester F. Ward, Professor of Sociology in Brown University.[309]
This parasitism of capitalism is easily seen in this way:
Wealth equivalent to three hundred and sixty-nine tons of gold ($200,000,000) was given by inheritance to William H. Vanderbilt’s eight children.[310]
If the daughter of John D. Rockefeller, senior, should by inheritance receive one-half of the present six-hundred-million-dollar fortune, she would receive, without rendering any service whatever, wealth equivalent to five hundred and fifty-three tons of gold.
Billions of dollars’ worth of mines, railways, factories, forests and other means of production, will, by inheritance, without function,—that is, without service—legally fall into the hands of the children of the present capitalist class, whether those children are intelligent, virtuous and industrious, or stupid, vicious and lazy. And thus, like the children of kings and nobles, they will be in position to win the race of life without running, in position to prey upon others in the struggle for existence, in legal position to procure substance without service.
This whole vast scheme of robbery—social parasitism—is “correct” and “proper,”—that is, the process is ELABORATELY LEGALIZED.
Parasitism is robbery.
Parasitism does not cease to be parasitism, nor does robbery cease to be robbery, when, like chattel slavery, it shrewdly gets itself organized, baptized and legalized as an “eminently respectable” and profitable righteous institution for committing perpetual grand larceny.[311]
Thus at present, as in the past under slavery, as in the past under serfdom, the ruling class, as intelligent parasites, prepare for class aggression, prepare for class robbery. They as a class create and secure their opportunity for legally robbing the producing class by arranging to control the industrial structure of society and thus control the performance of the industrial function—that is, the fundamental function, the first function, of society.
The ruled and robbed working class must get it in mind distinctly and unforgettably that the foundation of all class-labor forms of society, that which gives to part of society the control of society, the foundation upon which industrial parasitism rests, the substructure of all despotism—is the institution of private property in the chief material means of production. This institution SPLITS SOCIETY INTO TWO CLASSES, namely, the producers and the parasites. Political parties do not create classes. Political parties are a consequence of industrial classes and are intended to defend industrial classes. Sometimes, to make sure of victory, the capitalist class have several political parties in the field—under shrewdly confusing names.
A class-labor system, any class-labor system, all class-labor systems—provide, by means of institutions, the LEGAL conditions and opportunities at the industrial foundations of society for part of society, a class, to act directly or indirectly as parasites; and it is entirely natural that that part of society, in pursuing their own interests, should use their opportunity to act like parasites. And it is entirely natural also that there should be resistance by the producers, and therefore class struggle, class war. Indeed all class-labor forms of society are industrially so brutally unjust and therefore so irritating that the largest fact in such societies is an eternal, internal, infernal conflict of industrial class interests—an endless civil war in industry, a class war, a class struggle, around and around the industrial foundations of society. (See pages 167–70.)
Antagonism is thus in the Structure of class-form society.
This helps to an understanding of past and present conflicts.
It becomes evident that the source of war is to be found at the industrial foundations of society.
War—war broadly considered—the class struggle, throughout the history of civilized society is no more and no less than the natural aggressive robbery by a part of society provided with an opportunity to rob and the natural resistance of the class that is robbed.
War, the war, is aggression and resistance—robbery and resistance—plunder and protest:—
(1) The aggressive industrial robbery by one class, and
(2) The resistance to industrial robbery by the other class.
Not only in the history of civilized peoples everywhere for thousands of years, but also in our own present-day capitalist society everywhere, we see this natural aggression and natural resistance.
The result today—as in the past—is struggle, war, class war—between the parasites and the producers.
The war is the class war.
Modern “foreign” wars are simply contests between different groups of capitalists (the workers of course doing the fighting and bleeding) to extend the area of opportunity for industrial class robbery, and are thus simply phases and extensions of the class war.
War, then, begins with aggression, continues with aggression; and is at present extended by aggressive foreign wars of industrial or commercial conquest.
To summarize.
(a) War, conflict, class aggression and class resistance, are inherent in all class-labor forms of society.
(b) Capitalism is a class-labor form of society.
(c) Therefore, under capitalism there will be, there must be as long as capitalism lasts—class aggression and class resistance, class conflict—class war.
The conclusion cannot be dodged: Peace is impossible—under capitalism.
A million sermons and a million peace talk-fests cannot heal the smarting wounds in the robbed toiler’s breast; cannot pull the fangs of the capitalists from the flesh of the toilers, as long as capitalism lasts. Organized eloquence can not stop a cannon ball or persuade the rulers to resign.
Under capitalism, as under slavery and serfdom, the employers are in a position down at the industrial foundations of society to legally filch their livings from the working class—thus:—the capitalists privately own and privately control the means of production—the things the workers must use in getting a living. Like leeches the capitalist class are thus fastened to the very foundations of society. Here at the industrial foundations of society the industrial blood of society, wealth, is produced. And here are the leeches; and here they are in absolute control of the industrial blood of society. And it is natural, entirely natural, that here, in such position with such opportunity, they should, like leeches, suck this industrial blood, that is, behave like parasites.
The capitalists—with society arranged in this manner—are indeed in position to rob the world wholesale, in position to hold up all the weary producers on all the earth.
This organized, legalized hold-up and the resistance to this hold-up—this is war, the war.
The policeman, the militiaman, the cossack and the soldier are all always ready to rush upon the world’s stage to serve.
To serve whom?
In all the conflicts due to class-labor forms of society, the ruling class, as already indicated, have always a heavy social fist, a social weapon—an armed guard, such as militia, heavy police forces, and standing armies to extend the robbery and to protect the industrial ruling class in their unjust, unsocial position of legalized robbers of the working class. All talk, all hope, all prayer, for peace and quiet and harmony are idle as long as society is unjustly organized—that is, unsocially organized, down at its very foundations, one part of society being in the position of industrial masters, the other part of society being in the position of industrial dependents. The yawning chasm in society thus created between the two warring classes—can never be bridged with wishes, hopes and prayers, nor by peace conferences dominated by profit-stuffed masters and their well-fed intellectual serfs who dare not admit the fundamental cause of war.[312]
Thus it becomes clear what the future has for the working class—while capitalism lasts:
In spite of all the sincere and insincere hopes and prayers for peace there will always be, under capitalism, legalized wholesale plundering of the workers by the capitalist employers—a form of aggressive social parasitism by the employers and vigorous resistance by the workers in proportion to their realization of the robbery;—and consequently there will be wage struggles, wage reductions, compulsory under-consumption, “over-production,” unemployment, bread lines, soup kitchens, rent riots, evictions, “demand-work” marches, strikes, picketing, “scabbing,” boycotting, lockouts, injunctions, “bull-pens,” blacklisting, interstate kidnapping; and also anti-picket thugs,—policemen, Pinkertons, deputy sheriffs, constabulary, cossacks, militiamen and the “regulars” shooting down underpaid, underfed workers; everywhere the belittled lives and the spilt blood of the working class.[313]
And there will be increasing opposition to free assemblage, opposition to free speech, opposition to free press—in order to silence discussion and stop the spread of knowledge of what is fundamentally wrong.
Also there will continue to be, from time to time, naturally, under capitalism, wars of conquest to widen the field of exploitation—to enlarge the opportunity for aggressive social parasitism,—wars to open up foreign markets, wars to protect foreign markets for products which the producers’ wages will not permit them to consume and the employers are not able to consume;—and everywhere the world will be stormy with the stirring trumpet call, “To arms! To arms!”—stormy with the crafty and confusing cry, “To the front! To the front! The flag!”—stormy with the shrilling fife, the roll of drums, the rattle of musketry, the flash of swords, the booming roar of cannon, burning cities, sinking warships and the thundering tread of galloping cavalry horses,—the class struggle in a thousand visible bitter forms,—and everywhere windrows and ditchfuls of dead men, dead working men, everywhere the torn flesh, the slit veins, the streaming blood and tears of the working class: hell everywhere except in the homes of our “very best people” who in times of trouble as in times of peace are always calmly feeding (like leeches ever feeding) on the surplus legally filched from the working class.
Thus capitalist society is everywhere cursed with a festering social sore, an unhealable sore, poisoning, withering the best things in society, blasting the finer forms and feelings of brotherhood and peace. Everywhere the lives of the toilers are vulgarized and brutalized and wasted. And all these things will always be natural and unescapable facts and parts of any class-labor form of society, an unsocially organized society, with injustice organized, legalized and easy, down deep in the industrial foundations of society,—ever an endless civil war in industry between the two, the only two, industrial classes.
Now what shall we do about it?
It is as plain as “a, b, c.”
War and all the forms of the class struggle are excessive social inflammation.[314]
(a) Injustice violently inflames society.
(b) Social parasitism is monstrously unjust.
(c) Social parasitism therefore inflames society—and should be destroyed.
(a) Any form of society that produces and protects a class of social parasites will always inflame society, and should therefore be destroyed.
(b) Capitalism produces and protects a class of social parasites, and thus inflames society.
(c) Capitalism must therefore be destroyed.
Justice soothes society.
Society must be organized with justice in its structure.
We must search for justice—for a new social structure.
We must construct a form of society that will “make it easier to do right and more difficult to do wrong.”[315]
Shall we be non-resistant?
No, emphatically, no.
Non-resistance is not natural (especially for the class conscious workers)—for workers who understand their interests as a class; and non-resistance is not reasonable, is not safe, and is not possible. Non-resistance would mean defeat and degradation for the working class—forever.[316]
Then is peace a childish dream and is war to be an endless wrangle and blood-spilling nightmare—for the working class?
No—not necessarily.
We must resist.
But we should not resist first and only by physical force.
The working class must THINK—or they will have to struggle and bleed and weep and wait forever,—wait and whimper like babies in the woods for “some one” or some “good people” to come and “save” them.
The workers must think till they find a form of social organization in which the fundamental cause of war, that is, class robbery, will have no opportunity, and will therefore cease to exist.
What Dr. Ward calls the “spirit of aggression” will fade and finally expire when the condition (the parasitic opportunity) which cultivates the “spirit of aggression” is destroyed.
The founders of the American republic resisted fearlessly, by force too. But the working class in the United States at present should not, and cannot now, with advantage, resist by force and force alone, and that for very good reasons:
First:—We of the working class in the United States have now for our own class defense another, and better, form of power, a form of power less dangerous, less expensive, quieter and more legal and therefore more strategic,—a form of power that makes the capitalist class dread the awakening of the working class; namely, our political power—our united ballots.
Second:—Until we are intelligent enough to strategically defend our class with our united ballots we shall be too dull, even if it should be necessary, to use force of arms successfully in defense of our class. It seems unwise to counsel the use of the ruder methods of armed force until, having developed the necessary intelligence, we have by trial fairly tested our peace powers, our political powers—our united ballots. (See special paragraph, page 303.)
Third:—We are not politically prepared,—that is, we are not legally in possession of the powers of government, and therefore we are not in strong position to protect our class with all our forms of power legally. And until we are prepared we shall be used and abused.
Thus it is evident we can not, with advantage, use physical force.
What must we do?
We must destroy capitalism and close the class struggle.
In all the variations of the struggles or wars of capitalism the working class are hired, flattered, fooled, or forced to do all the actual fighting.
This must cease—as soon as possible—as a preliminary.
This will cease—when the conscious workers successfully explain capitalism and war to the confused and deluded workers. War will cease when we have explained the national and international conspiracy of the capitalist class.
War will cease when we rouse the workers of the world by explaining.
By explaining we inform.
By informing we increase intelligence.
By increasing intelligence we increase self-respect and the passion for a greater life and for the freedom necessary for a greater life.
Therefore,
Explain—inside and outside the ranks—everywhere—in shop, mill, mine and on the farm.
Explain till emperors and presidents dread their own conscripted and “volunteer” armies.
Explain till murder for board and clothes and $16 a month looks vile.
Explain till young working-class men inside and outside the ranks see the light.
Explain till an advertisement for human butchers and military fists becomes utterly disgusting to the working class.
Explain till our class becomes class conscious—till it sees itself, sees its class interest and its class power.
Explain till our class can not be fooled, hired, flattered or forced to butcher or be butchered.
Explain till our class, like the capitalist class, understand the political method of class defense.
Explain till millions of the roused workers of all political parties clasp hands at the ballot box in a political party of their own class for the defiant self-defense of their own class.
Explain till our class clearly sees and proudly declares that we must destroy the capitalist class-labor form of society and reconstruct society on a plan of rational mutualism.[317]
All such explanations, all such teachings tend powerfully to rouse the working class to a consciousness of themselves, make them eager to defend themselves, both on the industrial field and on the political field—with all their forms of power.
Chattel slavery has been destroyed. Certainly. Why not?
Serfdom has been destroyed. Of course. Why not?
Capitalism must be destroyed. Of course——
What! Shall we destroy the rich men, the capitalists?
No, of course not.
That would not be fair. Capitalists are capitalists legally—permitted by the working class.
By politically created laws and institutions capitalists are legally in position to rule and rob the working class.
And by politically created laws and institutions the ruling class shall cease to be in that position.
The personal destruction of thousands, or hundreds of thousands of capitalists would not in the least degree mend matters. The children of chattel slave owners became slave owners by the politically created laws of inheritance. Just so the children of capitalists become capitalists through neither virtue nor vice of theirs—they become capitalists through politically created laws of inheritance.
The legal right to own privately the industrial foundations of society must be destroyed, legally. If the capitalists should become anarchists and illegally resist legal methods they could not reasonably object to having their own laws against anarchists applied to themselves vigorously.
Of course it is true that the capitalists fleece the workers of surplus value all the time, and many of the capitalists are malignant and cruel toward the workers and by a thousand persecutions invite their own personal destruction. Some of the capitalists have destroyed themselves, have committed suicide, to escape the disgrace of their crimes. Some capitalists are now in the penitentiary; many more capitalists should be in the penitentiary—as many of their own class confess; a far larger number of capitalists, if the laws were enforced, would promptly leave the country to keep out of the penitentiary—some have done so; and a large number of capitalists are also bribing juries and prosecuting attorneys in order to avoid the penitentiary; many prominent business men, trust magnates, have had the anti-trust law changed to enable them to more easily avoid the penitentiary—so President Taft said in Columbus, Ohio, August 19, 1907.[318]
And the capitalist class outrage the working class in a thousand ways. This is all true. The multitude of capitalist outrages are sufficient to provoke revenge. But we do not seek revenge. Revenge is not fine. Revenge is not noble. Moreover we cannot escape war by means of revenge, and, still more important, rich men and women are not a form of society. They are members of society and they behave naturally—under the circumstances; that is, being a ruling class in a class-form society, they behave as masters.
Capitalism as a form of society must be destroyed.
Is it meant that we shall destroy the means of production—the mills, mines, forests, railroads and such things?
Certainly not. The means of production are material, mechanical things. They are not a form of society.
What then? Are we to “destroy society”? Are we to turn society upside down, inside out and “other end to,”—suddenly—“some dark night,” so to speak?
Not at all.
Here is what we must do:—Rapidly, just as rapidly as possible we must destroy the present class-labor form of society called capitalism,—and to do this we must strike at and strike out the foundation of the capitalist form of society.
But what is the foundation of this capitalist class-labor form of society?
As already pointed out, the foundation of capitalism is the institution of private property in the means of production.
The capitalists, the employers, the ruling class, stand legally between the means of production and the users of the means of production; thus a legal obstruction is raised between the workers and the things they work with in getting a living.
The capitalist class legally control the conditions under which the workers may use the means of production.
The capitalist class are in a legalized parasitic relation or connection to the means of production.
This relation is the key-stone in the arch of capitalism; this relation is the prime element in the present form of society.
This parasitic relation enables the capitalists to rule, rob and ruin the working class all the time everywhere.
This relation must be destroyed; this despotic, parasitic relation must be cut.
The capitalist class must be legally pared off, legally pushed off, legally shorn from, the chief material means of production—as PRIVATE owners.
Yes, this robbery, this organized, legalized robbery called capitalism—must be destroyed.
“The vast individual and corporate fortunes, the vast combinations of capital, which have marked the development of our industrial system, create new conditions and necessitate a change from the old attitude of the state and nation toward property.”[319]
The case, the circumstances, require unflinching social surgery.
You believe in surgery, don’t you. Of course you do. Surgery is recognized the world over as a rational and necessary means of saving life, the life of the individual.
Well, extend the application of the principle and practice of surgery to society—to the social body.[320]
Parasites never voluntarily let go their grasp on the source of their lives, never voluntarily let go the living things from which they suck their livings. And the parasitic capitalist class will stick to the means of production, as private owners, till they are legally dislodged—shorn from the means of production. What is here written concerning social parasites should not be misunderstood as malicious reflection on the ancient slave owner or the ancient feudal landlord or the modern capitalist. In the course of human evolution the appearance and activity of social parasites has been—and is now—as natural as the appearance and activity of parasites in the lower animal world and in the vegetable world. And the effort to dislodge human parasites from society should be, as far as is humanly possible, free from personal malice.[321]
However, on the farm, in the care of plants and animals no matter how small or helpless or innocent or beautiful parasites may be which interfere with the wheat crop or the flock of sheep, the parasites must be dislodged—rigorously and promptly. And, in society, no matter how handsome, polite, pious, learned, philanthropic, or ancestrally distinguished and blue-blooded a human parasite may be who lives on the labor of the workers, that parasite, old or young, male or female, must dismount promptly, must be forced from the shoulders of the working class. Those who, at the time of social reconstruction, endeavor to defend themselves by polishing their family coat-of-arms and climbing their ancestral trees in search of credentials, will simply be making monkeys of themselves. They will be even more ridiculous than the Royalists in the American Revolution. Those of “gentle breeding” will have to learn the gentle art of getting a living by producing a living; that awful saying, “If he will not work, neither shall he eat,” will mean more and more.
The working class must, then, legally, do whatever is necessary to protect themselves from the strangling clutches of the capitalist class.
And here is what is necessary:
The working class must themselves become organized political authority, must seize the powers of government—and thus secure legal control of sovereign political power which carries with it the legal right[322] to control, or revise, or abolish, or reorganize industrial institutions; must thus secure the legal right (and power) to construct and inaugurate that industrial form of society which will destroy capitalism with its organized, legalized opportunity for class robbery, and which will, at the same time, substitute organized, legalized opportunity for every member of society to make a living without being robbed, opportunity to live without wasting and vulgarizing his life in a struggle against his fellow men. And this destruction of unsocial capitalism and the construction, at the same time, in place of capitalism, the necessary social substitute, can be accomplished by the industrial reorganization of society on the following plan—
The Plan of Rational Mutualism:
(1) The SOCIAL ownership of the means of production.
(2) The SOCIAL control of the means of production.
(3) Equality of OPPORTUNITY TO USE the means of production, under regulations made by the workers themselves.
(4) The production of goods primarily for SOCIAL SERVICE OF ALL,—instead of primarily for PROFITS FOR A PART OF SOCIETY.
(5) The SELF-EMPLOYMENT of all who are willing to do useful work,—by virtue of the fact of their joint ownership and joint control of the things the workers must collectively use in production, the reward of each to be undiminished by rent, interest or profits.
(6) The possession and control of the powers of government by and in behalf of those who seek the freedom of the working class, by those who seek to destroy the tyrannical capitalist wage-system and thus secure industrial liberty.
This plan connects every life with the source of life.
This plan plants firmly the feet of all members of society upon the industrial foundations of society.
Safe.
Unafraid.
Free.
This mutualism in industry will not interfere with such private affairs as religious life, family life and social life,—any more than the mutual ownership of the public library now interferes with such private affairs.
Thus we must, in short, SOCIALIZE SOCIETY,—by socializing the ownership, socializing the control, socializing the management, and socializing the purpose of the industrial foundations of society.
This would be the destruction of that class-labor system called capitalism which now rests on the institution of private property in the means of production; and this would, at the same time, also constitute a rational substitute—social in its nature.
Mutualism would thus be in the STRUCTURE of society.
The purpose of this form of society would be a fundamentally social purpose, namely, the welfare of all the willing-to-be-industrious members of society.
The capitalist class, as such, would cease to exist.
The working class, as such, would cease to exist.
All—all the people would be in full, vital, unhindered, unrobbed connection with the industrial foundations of society, the chief material means of production. All people of proper age and condition of health would become workers. Industrial class lines would disappear. Industrial mastery would disappear. Industrial dependence would disappear.
This would be the foundation of industrial democracy.
This would be reorganization.
This would be revolution.
A revolution is a rapid, fundamental change in a fundamental institution.
The rapid reorganization of industry into the form called the trust is a revolution—now in process.
The trust magnates are revolutionists—so far as it suits their economic interests.
Revolutions are neither noisy nor bloody, unless there is violent effort to prevent the growth of society.
As to the matter of being afraid of revolutions: Why should we clap our hands in praise of the American Revolutionists (who employed sword, rifle, bayonet and cannon in their revolution) and then harshly condemn the peaceful Socialists who stand for peace in all parts of the world and always urge the orderly methods of procedure in accomplishing the revolution (the fundamental change) they seek to effect.
Don’t be afraid.
Fortunately millions of American school boys and girls are required to commit to memory the following words of splendid defiance and self-respect:
“We hold these truths to be self-evident: ... That governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends (the inalienable rights ... life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness) it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a NEW government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem MOST LIKELY to effect their safety and happiness.... When a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under an absolute despotism, it is their RIGHT, it is their DUTY, to THROW OFF SUCH GOVERNMENT and to provide NEW guards for their future security.”—American Declaration of Independence.
Don’t be afraid.
“The State must from time to time readjust the relation of government to liberty.... As the people of the State advance in civilization, the domain of liberty must be widened.”—Professor John W. Burgess, Head of Department of Political Science, Columbia University.[323]
Don’t be afraid.
The time has come for the workers to use their political liberty to secure industrial liberty—to “widen the domain of liberty,” to secure a fair race, to secure equality of opportunity.
Equality? Yes,—equality of opportunity. Certainly. Why not?
“A race that is fair requires an equal start.... The state must aim at perpetual renewal of the opportunities of life in every man and class of men.”—Dr. John Bascom, Ex-President of the University of Wisconsin.[324]
Don’t be afraid.
There will be no noise, no bloodshed; all will be orderly, legal and sociable—unless the capitalists anarchistically refuse to obey the law. In that case, of course, the roused, proud and powerful working class will do whatever is made necessary by the anarchistic capitalists.
Be it remembered—distinctly:
The roused working class, roused to self-respect, roused to clearness of vision by the study of the facts, roused to realize the wrongs thrust into the lives of the workers past and present, roused to see their rights and realize their power as a class,—such a working class will be a wholly different class from the present meek, weak, cheated grateful slaves.
Don’t be afraid.
We are weary of Antagonism.
We seek Mutualism.
The American Revolutionists said plainly in their Declaration that it is a DUTY to reorganize society, under certain circumstances.
We recognize our duty.
We make no cheap and noisy boast of insulting defiance.
We see our goal—Peace and Freedom.
We shall build Peace and Freedom into the Structure of Society.
We scorn any wheedler who would betray us from the correct, direct path to our goal.
We accept any challenge from those who would by force defeat us.
Social reconstruction—that is our plain duty.
Thus we of the working class must, to this extent, unify,—that is, mutualize, socialize,—society.
The class aggression of the capitalist class would cease with the disappearance of the capitalist class in the reconstructed society. And the class resistance by the working class would cease with the disappearance of the robbing of the workers in the reconstructed society.
Thus would disappear the unsocial clashing of class interests—the class struggle. And thus also would disappear the dominant motives for “foreign” wars and “civil” wars.
Thus the working class could remove war—both from the shop and from the battlefield.
Thus we would inaugurate peace simply by removing the cause of war.
Is a political party of the working class necessary for this political work of the working class?
To accomplish the work of industrial reconstruction we must first secure the political powers of government and thus secure the right, the legal right, and legal power to do this work.
A political party is simply a legitimated organization with which to seize and use sovereign power—to become authority. (See page 280.)
The political power and privilege necessary to accomplish this industrial reconstruction of society—this political power and privilege—can be secured only by means of a political party; and that party must, of course, be a party wholly committed to this industrial reconstruction of society.[325]
Only a political party of the working class can be SINCERELY committed to this work of industrial reconstruction for the working class. Indeed, no political party standing for any form of capitalism will permit itself to be sincerely committed to this prompt, thorough industrial reconstruction.
Therefore, banded together in a political party of the working class the workers
must seize the political powers to make laws,
must seize the political powers to interpret laws,
must seize the political powers to enforce laws.