^[1] For example, by Beloch in his volume on the cities of Campania, by Schulten in various essays, by Barthel in a recent inquiry into Roman Africa, and by others, to be cited below. Dr. J. Stübben in his Städtebau (Darmstadt, ed. 2, 1907) and Mr. Raymond Unwin in his Town planning in practice (London, 1909) have given interesting notices and illustrations of the subject for modern builders.

^[2] Compare Brinckmann's remarks on mediaeval towns: 'Der Nachdruck liegt auf den einzelnen Gebäuden, der Kathedrale, dem Palazzo publico, den festen Palästen des Adels, nicht auf ibrer einheitlichen Verbindung. Ebenso erscheint die ganze Stadt nur eine Ansammlung einzelner Bauten. Strassen und Plätze sind unbebaute Reste.'

^[3] For the connexion between such towns and their local food-supply, note the story of Alexander the Great and the architect Dinocrates told by Vitruvius (II. i). Dinocrates had planned a new town; Alexander asked if there were lands round it to supply it with corn, and on hearing there were none, at once ruled out the proposed site.

^[4] Pindar mentions 'the paved road cut straight to be smitten by horse-hoofs in processions of men that besought Apollo's care' at Cyrene (Pyth. v. 90). An inscription from the Piraeus, of 320 B.C., orders the Agoranomi (p. 37) to take care 'of the broad roads by which the processions move to the temple of Zeus the Saviour'.

^[5] Compare the crowd of Nucerians who made a riot in the amphitheatre at Pompeii in A.D. 59 (Tac. Ann. xiv. 17). The common idea that the population of a town can be calculated by the number of seats in its theatre or amphitheatre is quite amiss.

^[6] W.F. Petrie, Illahun, Kahun, and Gurob (London, 1891), ch. ii, plate xiv. The plan is reproduced in Breasted's History of Egypt, p. 87, R. Unwin's Town planning, fig. 11 (with wrong scale), &c.

^[7] Hdt. i. 178 foil. The accounts of Ctesias and other ancient writers seem to throw no light on the town-planning and streets of Babylon, however useful they may otherwise be.

^[8] The Elizabethan description of Britain by William Harrison is an example from a modern time.

^[9] Hdt. i. 180 το δε αυτυ αυτο, εον πληρες οικιεων τριωοφων τε και τετρωροφων, κατατετμηται τας οδους ιθευς, τας τε αλλας και τας επικαρσιας, τας επι τον ποταμον εχουσας. Apparently επικαρσιας means, as Stein says, those at right angles to the general course of the river, but this nearly = at right angles to the other roads. The course of the river appears to have been straighter then than it is now.

^[10] L. Gaillard, Variétés sinologiques, xvi (plan) and xxiii. pp. 8, 235 (Chang-hai, 1898, 1903). Others give the figures a little differently, but not so as to affect the argument.

^[11] Hdt. iii. 159. The theory that there were originally two parallel outer walls, that Darius razed one and Herodotus saw the other (Baumstark in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. ii. 2696), is meaningless. There could be no use in razing one and leaving the other, which was almost as strong (Hdt. i. 181). It is, however, not quite certain that Herodotus (i. 181) meant that there were two outer parallel walls.

^[12] So Baumstark, art. Babylon in Pauly-Wissowa, ii. 2696.

^[13] F.H. Weissbach, Stadtbild von Babylon (Der alte Orient, fasc. 5); R. Koldewey, Tempel von Babylon und Borsippa, plates i, ii; S. Langdon, Expositor, 1909, pp. 82, 142; Hommel, Geogr. des alten Orients, pp. 290, 331; E. Meyer, Sitzungsber. preuss. Akad. 1912, p. 1102. I am indebted to Dr. Langdon for references to some of the treatises cited here and below. I cannot share the unfavourable view which is taken by Messrs. How and Wells, the latest good editors of Herodotus, of the views of these writers.

^[14] Koldewey, Pflastersteine von Aiburschabu (Leipzig, 1901). Some of the streets of Babylon are much older than 600 B.C., but this point needs to be worked out further.

^[15] Mitteilungen der deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 42, Dec. 1909, pp. 7, 19; 44, Dec. 1910, p. 26.

^[16] Mitt, deutsch. Orient-Gesell. 28, Sept. 1905; 31, May 1906.

^[17] F. Delitzsch, Asurbanipal und die assyr. Kultur seiner Zeit (Der alte Orient, Leipzig, 1909), p. 25.

^[18] On Hippodamus see K.F. Hermann, de Hippodamo Milesio (Marburg, 1841) and Erdmann, Philologus xlii. 193-227, and Programm Protestant. Gymnasium zu Strassburg, 1883. As will be seen, I do not accept all Erdmann's conclusions. For the Piraeus see Aristotle, Politics, II. 8 = p. 1267 and IV. 11 = p. 1330. For Thurii see Diodorus XII. 10. For Rhodes see Strabo 654 = XIV. ii. 9: E. Meyer, Gesch. des Alt. iv. pp. 60, 199 rejects the tale. For plans of the Piraeus see Wachsmuth, Stadt Athen im Alterthum, ii. 134, and Curtius and Kaupert, Karten von Attika (1881), plan IIa by Milchhöfer. Foucart has adduced epigraphic reasons for dating the work of Hippodamus here to 480-470 B.C. (Journal des Savants, 1907, pp. 178-82); they are not conclusive, but, if he be right, the difficulty of assigning the Piraeus and Rhodes to the same architect becomes even greater. The town-plan of Piraeus given by Gustav Hirschfeld (Berichte der sãchs. Ges. der Wissenschaften, 1878, xxx. I) is not convincing, nor do I feel very sure even about Milchhöfer's results.

^[19] Koldewey and Puchstein, Die griech. Tempel in Unteritalien und Sicilien, p. 90, plan 29, from Cavallari; Hulot and Fougères, Sélinonte, Paris, 1910, pp. 121, 168, 196. The latter writers assign the rebuilding to Hermocrates, 408-407 B.C. But our accounts of Hermocrates do not suggest that he rebuilt anything at Selinus of any sort, except defences.

^[20] Smith and Porcher, Discoveries at Cyrene (1864), plate 40; hence Studnickza, Kyrene (1890, p. 167, fig. 35), and Malten, Kyrene (Berlin, 1911). For Pindar's reference see Pyth. v. 90 and p. 16 above.

^[21] Soluntum, near Palermo, on the north coast of Sicily, was found by Cavallari in 1875 to exhibit a rectangular street-plan; one main street ran north and south along level ground and several lesser streets lay at right angles to it mounting a hillside by means of steps (as at Priene, p. 42). See the Bullettino delta Commissione di Antichità e Belle Arti in Sicilia, viii. Palermo, August 1875. Cavallari himself assigned this plan to the date when Soluntum was founded—which is unfortunately uncertain—but only on the general ground that 'in una città, una volta tracciate le strade e disposte le arterie dicommunicazione, non è facile cambiarne la disposizione generale'. I attach less weight than he does to this reason. Soluntum was in the main and by origin a Phoenician town, with a Greek colouring; in 307 B.C. it was refounded for the discharged soldiers of Agathocles; later still, in Roman times, it had the rank of 'municipium'; most of its ruins are generally considered to be of Roman date and small objects found in it are also mostly Roman, and its street-plan may also be Roman. As the 'Bullettino' is somewhat rare, I add a reduced plan (fig. 5).

^[22] Plato, Laws 763 c, 779 c, &c.; Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 50; Arist., Oec. ii. 5, p. 134; Xenophon, Ath. Pol. iii. 4; Schol. to Aeschines, iii. 24. The fact that the word 'Astynomos' occurs in Aeschylus does not justify the writer of an article in Pauly-Wissowa (Real-Encycl. ii. 1870) in stating that magistrates of this title were already at work in the earlier part of the fifth century; the poet uses the noun in a general sense from which it was afterwards specialized. Some of the regulations recur at Rome (p. 137).

^[23] Since the invention of artillery, the rectangular street-plan has been regarded by soldiers as useful in defending the streets of a town. Aristotle, however, expressly observes in the Politics that, in street warfare, tortuous lanes were far better than straight avenues for the defence, and he recommends that the rectangular pattern should be adopted only 'in parts and in places', though he does not explain how this would work out (Politics, iv. 11, p. 1330).

^[24] Compare Soluntum, p. 36, n. 2.

^[25] Wiegand and Schrader, Priene, Ergebnisse der Ausgrabung in den Jahren 1895-8 (Berlin, 1904). Professor P. Gardner gave a good account to the Town-Planning Conference (Proceedings, pp. 112-122). I am indebted to him for two of my illustrations.

^[26] Wiegand, Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie, 1911, Anhang; Archäol. Anzeiger, 1911, 420 foll.

^[27] Strabo, xvii. 793.

^[28] Mahmud Bey, Mémoire sur l'ancienne Alexandrie (Copenhagen, 1872); Néroutsos Bey, L'ancienne Alexandrie (Paris, 1888).

^[29] D.G. Hogarth, Archaeological Report of the Egypt Exploration Fund, 1894-5, p. 28, and Hellenic Journal, xix. 326; F. Noack, Athen. Mitteil. xxv. (1900), pp. 232, 237. Dr. Noack thought that his results confirmed Mahmud; to me, as to some others, they seem rather to yield the conclusions indicated in the text.

^[30] Strabo, 565, 566.

^[31] Diodorus Sic. xx. 102; Expédition scientifique de Morée, archit. et sculpture, iii (1838), plate LXXXI.

^[32] Dicaearchus, p. 143.

^[33] Strabo, 646.

^[34] Vitruvius, i. 6.

^[35] Tafrali, Topographie de Thess. pp. 121 foll. and plan.

^[36] E. Sachau, Reise in Syrien (1883), p. 76; Mommsen, Ephemeris epigr. iv, p. 514, and Mon. Ancyr. (ed. 2), p. 540.

^[37] Zeitschrift des deutschen Palãstina-Vereins, xxv (1902), plate 6; Bãdeker, Palestine and Syria (1906), p. 140. For the neighbouring Bostra, see p. 136.

^[38] Ephesus, refounded by Lysimachus about 281 B.C., might perhaps be another. But the repeated excavations there, though they have taught us much about the temples and other large edifices of the great city, seem to have left the streets comparatively unexplored.

^[39] P. Schatzmann, Athen. Mitteil. xxxv. (1910) 385; Archãol. Anzeiger (1910), p. 541. This lowest city is covered by a swarm of modern houses and hovels, and has not been very fully explored.

^[40] Kolbe, Athen. Mitteil. xxvii. 47 and xxix. 75; Hitzig, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung, roman. Abteilung xxvi. 433.

^[41] Revelation xxi. 13, 16. Some of the details are, no doubt, drawn from the later chapters of Ezekiel, but the difference between the two writers is plain.

^[42] See p. 145 below.

^[43] The literature of the Terremare is very large. The results obtained up to 1894 were summarized by F. von Duhn in the Neue Heidelberger Jahrbücher, iv. 144; the best recent accounts are by T.E. Peet, Stone and Bronze Ages in Italy (Oxford, 1909), chaps. 14 and 17, from which fig. 11 is taken, and R. Munro, Palaeolithic Man and Terramara Settlements (Edin., 1912), pp. 291-487 and plates xxxiii foll. A good brief sketch is given by Mr. H.S. Jones, Companion to Roman History, pp. 4-6. One point in the arrangement seems not quite clear. It is generally stated that the trapezoidal outline was adopted in order to allow the water to enter the ditch from a running stream and to part easily into two channels (fig. 11). That is quite intelligible. But, if so, one would expect the outlet to be at the opposite end, and not (as it actually is) in the middle of one side, where it would 'short-circuit' the current. (Mr. H.S. Jones seems to have confused inlet and outlet.)

^[44] Archaeological Journal, 1903, p. 237.

^[45] Brizio, Monumenti Antichi, i. 252, superseding Gozzadini's Antica Necropoli a Marzabotto (Bologna, 1865-70); Grenier, Bologne villanovienne &c. (Paris, 1912) p. 98. Compare Authority and Archaeology, pp. 305, 306.

^[46] Notizie degli Scavi 1895, p. 272; Durm, Baukunst der Etr. p. 39.

^[47] For recent plans of Pompeii the reader may consult the second edition (1908) of August Mau's Pompeii, or the fifth edition (1910) of his Führer durch Pompeii, re-edited by W. Barthel. A plan on a large scale is given in the last part of CIL. iv (1909); there are also occasional plans in the Notizie degli Scavi. See also C. Weichardt, Pompeji vor der Zerstorung (Leipzig, 1897).

^[48] Mau, Führer (1910), p. 5, 'um die Schiefwinkeligkeit zu vermindern.' Truly, a very inadequate reason.

^[49] Region VI contains an ancient column of the sixth century B.C. (Mau, Führer, p. 113), but this may not be in situ.

^[50] Livy ii. 34, contradicted, however, by xxvii. 10 and by Dionysius Halic. vii. 13 ad fin.

^[51] Notizie degli Scavi, 191, p. 558, 1903, p. 261; Frothingham, Roman Cities, plate ix. I am indebted to Dr. T. Ashby, Director of the British School at Rome, for information as to the site. Excavations made in 1823 at the Roman Falerii (founded 241 B.C.) show streets crossing at right angles, but the piece unearthed was small and the date uncertain (Canina, Etruria Maritima i, plate ix).

^[52] Fig. 14 is taken from Zuccagni-Orlandini (1844). Kornemann suggests that Mutina was refounded about 40-20 B.C., but there seems to be no evidence of this break in its continuity.

^[53] The prologue to the Poenulus of Plautus (verse 49) which mentions 'limites' and a 'finitor', may well be as old as Plautus himself. But the 'centuriation' still visible in north Italy around colonies planted about 180 B.C. is no full proof of rectangular surveying at that date. These towns were re-founded at a much later date, and their lands, and even their streets, may have been laid out anew.

^[54] Varro ling. lat. 5. 143 oppida condebant Etrusco ritu, id est, iunctis bobus, cf. Frontinus de limit. (grom. i. p. 27).

^[55] Whether the possessores ex vico Lucretio scamno primo of Cologne (Corpus XIII. 8254) had their property inside the 'colonia' of that place or in the country outside, may be doubted (Schulten, Bonner Jahrb. ciii. 28).

^[56] The phrase Roma Quadrata ought, perhaps, to be mentioned in this chapter. It does not seem, however, to be demonstrably older than the Ciceronian age. The line et qui sextus erat Romae regnare quadratae, once attributed to Ennius (ed. Vablen, 1854, 158), is clearly of much later date. As a piece of historical evidence, the phrase merely sums up some archaeologist's theory (very likely a correct theory, but still a theory) that the earliest Rome on the Palatine had a more or less rectangular outline.

^[57] See Mommsen, Gesamm. Schriften v. 203; Nissen, Ital. Landeskunde ii. 27; Kornemann in Pauly-Wissowa, Encycl. iv. 520 foll.

^[58] Modern plans seem sometimes to imply that the 'insulae' which abutted on the walls were also abnormally large. That is because the corresponding modern blocks often include, with the original 'insula', the space between it and the wall, and also the wall itself which has been disused and built over.

^[59] See on this point some remarks by W. Barthel, Bonner Jahrbücher, cxx. 101-108.

^[60] In western Europe the provincial Roman amphitheatre averaged 45 x 70 yds. for its arena.

^[61] For Florence and Turin see below; for Piacenza, the plans on the scale of 1:1000 and 1:5000 in L. Buroni's Acque potabili di Piacenza (1895).

^[62] Silchester and Timgad are the only two sites which have been planned well enough to provide accurate measurements. The large modern town-plans (e.g. of Turin, p. 86) are useful, but inadequate to our purpose; for one thing, they often exaggerate the width of the streets. One really needs actual measurements made on the spot.

^[63] Schulten, Bonner Jahrbücher, ciii. 23, and references given there.

^[64] i. 5 (21), 6 (28, 29).

^[65] Perhaps about 180 B.C., Mommsen, Roman Hist. iii. 206.

^[66] Aquileia was set up in 181 B.C. to guard the north-east gate of Italy, and was reinforced in 169. Its remains, so far as excavated, show a rectangular plan of oblong 'insulae'—some of 1½ acres (74 by 94 yards), some larger—while, till its downfall, about A.D. 450, we hear no word of refoundation or wholesale rebuilding. But if its original area be the space of 70 acres which is usually assigned, that is not rectangular but a square somewhat askew, which fits very badly with the rectangular street-plan, and one would incline to ascribe the latter to a later date. See Maionica, Fundkarte von Aquileia.

^[67] The traces of prehistoric planning detected by some writers in Rome are very dubious.

^[68] See the seventeenth century Atlases of Blaeu, Janssons, and others, the modern maps prepared by Grassellini and others about 1840-50 (some on the scale 1:4,000), and in particular the Atlante geografico of Attilio Zuccagni-Orlandini (Firenze, 1844), and the recent town-maps of various Italian cities (mostly about 1:10,500). Different maps of the same town sometimes differ much in their detail. The Italian Government maps of the largest scale (1:25,000) are small for our present purpose and have been issued mainly for northern Italy.

^[69] Milan (Mediolanium), once the chief Roman town of north Italy, is usually stated to preserve to-day no trace of Roman street-planning. But the line of the Via Manzoni, Via Margherita, and Via Nerino (cutting the Ambrosian Library) seems really to represent one of its main streets, and the line of the Fulcorino and Corso di Porta Romana the other, while one or two traces of 'insulae' can be detected near the Ambrosian Library. The town was destroyed in A.D. 539 and again in 1162, and more survivals cannot be expected.

^[70] Beloch, Campanien, p. 252.

^[71] Carlo Promis, Storia dell' antico Torino (Torino, 1869); Alfredo d'Andrade, Relazione dell' ufficio regionale per la conservazione dei monumenti del Piemonte, 1883-91 (Torino, 1899); Schultze, Bonner Jahrbücher, cxviii. 339; Barthel, ibid. cxx. 105; Pianta di Torino (1-10,000), by G.B. Paravia.

^[72] I take these figures from the plan of Paravia, which is said to be the most correct plan of Turin at present available. Promis gives smaller dimensions, 720 x 670 m., and he measured from what is now known to be a point too far to the east (the Via Accademia delle Scienze) instead of from the west front of the Palazzo Madama; he has, however, been usually followed. Other maps give other dimensions, Orlandini (1844), 758 x 780 m.; Vallardi (1869), 680 x 740 m.; Maggi (1876), 730 x 800 m.; Ashby (Art. 'Turin' in Encycl. Britannica) gives 2,526 x 2,330 ft. which must be too large. I reproduce here (fig. 15) the plan of Orlandini, since it shows well the extent of street-survivals in Turin before the great modern rebuildings or expansions.

^[73] d'Andrade, Relazione, pp. 8-20; Notizie degli Scavi, 1885, pp. 173, 271, and 1902, p. 277.

^[74] Notizie, 1903, p. 3.

^[75] An insula is mentioned in Notizie, 1901, p. 391, which measured 74 x 80 metres. It is likely that there were small unevennesses in the ancient as there are in the modern house-blocks. The 'insulae' which abutted on the town-walls are represented to-day by unduly large blocks, oblong rather than square, but these latter contain not only the areas of the Roman 'insulae' in question, but also the space between them and the town-walls and the lines of the wall themselves (p. 77).

^[76] This failure in symmetry recurs in one or two other Roman towns as probably at Timgad (p. 109) and at Cologne (E. and W. gates), at Silchester and Caerwent, but it may sometimes be the result of alteration. Occasionally it appears in military sites (Ritterling, Lager bei Hofheim, p. 29 note). It is presumably a mere matter of convenience; no superstition attaches to it such as that which led the Chinese not to put their gates opposite each other (p. 148).

^[77] C. Promis, Antichità di Aosta (Torino, 1862), with plan, plate 3, dating from 1838; Notizie degli Scavi, 1899, p. 108, with a later plan, but lacking a scale; Nissen, Ital. Landeskunde, ii. 171.

^[78] Durm Baukunst der Römer, p. 458.

^[79] Promis, p. 140; his plan has no proper scale. There seems no decisive evidence and the modern streets of Aosta do not help us.

^[80] The town of Concordia in north-east Italy, where Augustus planted a 'colonia', doubtless of discharged soldiers, is said to have possessed a ground-plan of oblong blocks very like that of Augusta Praetoria. But this plan rests mainly on the authority of a workman who apparently did not know how to read or write (he is described as 'analfabeta') and I therefore omit it here. See Notizie degli Scavi, 1880, p. 412, and Plate XII (the text gives no dimensions and the plan lacks a scale), and compare 1882, p. 426, and 1894, p. 399.

^[81] On Roman and early mediaeval Florence see Villani, Cronica (written about 1345, published 1845), i. 61, 89, 120; R. Davidsohn, Geschichte von Florenz and Forschungen (Berlin, 1886); L.A. Milani, Notizie degli Scavi, 1887, p. 129; plan of the Centro in 1427 by Comm. Guido Carocci, Studi storici sul Centro di Firenze (Florence, 1889); Monumenti antichi, vi. 15. Nissen (Ital. Landeskunde, ii. 296) fixes its area at 400 x 600 m., about 58 acres.

^[82] Plan by P. Sinibaldi, 1843, 1:4,000. Notizie degli Scavi, 1906, p. 117, &c. Nissen (Ital. Landeskunde, ii. 288) gives the area as 800 x 1,200 metres, which seems much too large.

^[83] M. Ruggiero, Scavi di Ercolano (Naples, 1885), plates ii and xii; Beloch. Campanien, pp. 215 foll.; Nissen, Ital. Landeskunde, ii. 759; Waldstein and Shoobridge, Herculaneum (London, 1908), pp. 60 foil.; E.R. Barker, Buried Herculaneum (1908); Gall in Pauly-Wissowa, viii. (1912) 532-48.

^[84] CIL. x. 1425; compare Dessau, 896. It is, no doubt, possible that this Nonius Balbus is the M. Nonius ... who built something in honour of Titus in A.D. 72, but the identification is not likely.

^[85] Beloch, Campanien (Berlin, 1879), p. 26; Capasso, Napoli Greco-Romana (Napoli, 1905). The Forum, Market, and some other buildings marked by Capasso seem to me (and even to him or his editors) very dubious (p. 63). Two theatres (p. 82) and a Temple of the Dioscuri are better established. For plans see Piante topogr. dei quartieri di Napoli 1861-5 (1:3,888) and Pianta della città di N. (Off. della Guerra, 1865), from which latter fig. 20 is adapted.

^[86] The limits are the Castel Capuano on the east, the Strada dell' Orticello on the north, the church of S. Pietro a Majella on the west, and on the south the churches of S. Marcellino and S. Severino.

^[87] For Orange see p. 107. Nîmes may possibly retain one or two streets of the Roman Nemausus, but it is very doubtful; see Menard's map of 1752. See further in general p. 142.

^[88] Though, curiously enough, the chess-board pattern of field divisions has survived in the neighbourhood of Carthage.

^[89] Archives nouvelles des Missions scientifiques, xv. 1907, fasc. 4.

^[90] Plan by Joly, Arch. Anzeiger, 1911, p. 270, fig. 17. The plan has been thought to imply 'insulae' twice as large as those of Timgad. To me it suggests nothing so regular.

^[91] Toutain, Cités romaines de la Tunisie, p. 79 note: 'Ce qui toutefois est incontestable, c'est que cette disposition d'une régularité artificielle, autour de deux grandes voies exactement orientées et se coupant a angle droit, est très rare dans l'Afrique romaine. Les villes de ce pays n'out pas été toutes construites sur le mème plan: chacune d'elles a, pour ainsi dire, épousé la forme de son emplacement.'

^[92] There are many in which it could be traced with some ease, apparently. Thelepte, Cillium, Ammaedara, Sufetula, Archives des Missions, 1887, pp. 68, 121, 161-171, Simitthu, Mémoires présentés par divers savants, ser. I. x. 462, and Thuccabor, Tissot, Géogr. d'Afrique, ii. 292, seem to have visible streets, but no one has recorded them exactly. The plan of Utica, given by Tissot (Atlas, by Reinach, plate vi) on the authority of Daux, is open to doubt.

^[93] For the inscription see Esperandieu, Acad. des Inscriptions, Comptes rendus, 1904, p. 497; Cagnat, Année Épigr., 1905, 12; and especially Schulten, Hermes, 1906, 1; a convenient English account is given by H.S. Jones, Companion to Roman Hist., p. 22. It has been suggested by Schulten that the blocks were at first divided into plots of 35 ft. frontage, and that the boundaries had become changed in the ordinary course of things before the survey was made. But this seems to carry conjecture rather far.

^[94] It has been said to show marks of streets laid out rectangularly, but neither the look of the town itself nor the plans of it seem to me to confirm this idea; compare Lentheric, Le Rhone, ii. 110.

^[95] Ballu detects a 'quartier industriel' in the outer town, but the evidence does not seem to warrant so grand a term.

^[96] Boeswillwald, Cagnat and Ballu, Timgad (Paris, 1891-1905); see especially Appendix, pp. 339-349; Ballu, Ruines de Timgad (Paris, 1897-1911); Barthel, Bonner Jahrbücher, cxx. 101.

^[97] Totius orbis descriptio, 61 (Müller, geogr. graeci min. ii. 527); dispositione gloriosissima constat ... in directione vicorum et platearum aequalibus lineis currens' (written probably about A.D. 350).

^[98] Carte archéologique et topogr. des Ruines de Carthage, by Gauckler and Delattre (1:5,000); Schulten, Archäol. Anzeiger, 1905, p. 77; 1909, p. 190; 1911, p. 246; Audollent, Carthage romaine (Paris, 1901), pp. 309, 846. The older accounts of Daux and Tissot seem less trustworthy.

^[99] Correspondenzblatt des Gesamtvereins der deutschen Geschichts und Altertumsvereine, April 1912; Bericht vi der römisch-germanischen Kommission 1910-11, p. 96. Müllner's Emona (Laibach, 1879), p. 19, plate 2, is wholly inadequate.

^[100] Abhandlungen der k. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, phil.-hist. Kl., viii. (1905), p. 61, plan 2; the evidence seems adequate though not wholly decisive. The Roman town Emporiae, now Ampurias, in the extreme north-east of Spain, seems to have had a rectangular street-plan, though its Greek predecessor was irregular, Institut d'estudis catalans, anuari 1908, p. 185.

^[101] Archaeologia, liii. 236 and lvi. 371. The plan given by Mr. Fox in liii. 236 represents his own theory, which may be open to doubt.

^[102] J.W. Grover, Brit. Archaeol. Assoc. Journal, xxvi. (1870), p. 45, plate 1. The theories of the late Mr. Bellows about the streets of Roman and modern Gloucester were equally astray, though in other ways.

^[103] Hirschfeld, Haeduer und Arverner (Sitzungsber. der preuss. Akademie, 1897, p. 1102). Similar hybrid names have been created by the English in India, mostly on the North-west Frontier, where alone they have planted new inhabited sites—Lyallpur, Abbotabad, Edwardesabad, Robertsganj, and the like. But these are almost all small places or forts, and their names represent no policy of Anglicization.

^[104] H. de Fontenay, Autun et ses monuments (Autun, 1889), pp. 49 foll. and map (1:6,250). The existence of a town-plan was first noticed by J. de Fontenay, Bulletin monumental, 1852, p. 365, but his map appears to be incorrect and his views generally are based too much on a priori assumptions.

^[105] Ademeit, Siedelungsgeographie des Moselgebiets, pp. 367, 431.

^[106] H. Gräven, Stadtplan des römischen Triers in Die Denkmalpflege, 14 Dec. 1904 (1:10,000); the plan has been often copied, as by Cramer, Das röm. Trier (Gütersloh, 1911), and Von Behr, Trierer Jahresberichte, i. 1908. Compare Barthel, Bonner Jahrbücher, cxx. 106. Trier at some time or other became a 'colonia'. When this occurred, is hotly disputed; the evidence seems to me to suggest that it was founded without colonial status and became a 'colonia latina' in the course of the first century (see Domaszewski, Abhandlungen, p. 153). I have therefore inserted Trier in this chapter with Autun and not in Chapter VIII with Orange and Timgad.

^[107] Gräven estimated that, except in the central street, all the 'insulae' measured 300 Roman ft. (290 English ft., 88 metres), but his plan suggests rather 100 metres. We need in reality that larger plan which he did not live to complete.

^[108] For accounts of the Silchester excavations, see Archaeologia, vols. lii-lxii, and Victoria Hist. of Hampshire, i. 271, 350; large plan by W.H. St. John Hope (1:1,800) in Archaeol. lxi.

^[109] The plots are of three sizes, two being 3-4 acres (128 x 130 yds.), six about 2.4 acres (128 x 89 yds.), and six about 1.4 acres (89 x 80 yds.). In the third size the dimension of 240 Roman feet (p. 79) can perhaps be recognized.

^[110] The three best defined examples measure about 260 x 260, 260 x 280, 275 x 275 ft. (1.55, 1.61, and 1.73 acres respectively). The unit of 240 Roman feet (p. 79) does not appear at Caerwent.

^[111] Accounts of the Caerwent Excavations, 1899-1910, will be found in Archaeologia, vols. lvii-lxii. A good plan of the whole town, from which fig. 33 is taken, was issued in vol. lxii, plate 64, by Mr. F. King, architect to the excavations (scale, 1:900).

^[112] Exploration des ruines d' Antinoe, by A.C. Gayet (Annales du Musée Guimet, xxvi, Paris, 1897); Grundzüge der Papyruskunde, Wilcken, i, pp. 49, 50. Professor A.S. Hunt refers me to the following papyri:—Reinach, 49. 11; Oxyrhynchus, 1110. 9-10 and note there; Brit. Mus. 1164 (c) 12. The numeration of the divisions of the town by letters was borrowed from Alexandria, where the five parts of the city were known as A, B, C, D, E. For plans see the Napoleonic Description d'Égypte iv (Paris, 1817), plate 53, and E. Jomard, Antiquités d'Égypte (1818), chap. xv.

^[113] Baedeker, Palestine and Syria (1906), p. 162.

^[114] Minns, Greeks and Scythians, pp. 493, 508, and references there given.

^[115] See p. 73.

^[116] Schulten, Hermes, 1898, p. 534.

^[117] Mommsen, Eph. Epigr. ix, p. 9; Dessau, Inscr. sel. 6086; 'nei quis in oppido quod eius municipi erit aedificium detegito neive demolito neive disturbato nisei quod non deterius restiturus erit nisei de senatus sententia. sei quis adversus ea faxit, quanti id aedificium fuerit, tantam pequniam municipio dare damnas esto eiusque pequniae quei volet petitio est.' (English translation in E.G. Hardy's Roman Laws and Charters, p. 101.)

^[118] Dessau, 6087, 6089; Hardy, Roman Laws, part 2, pp. 34, 108.

^[119] For these decrees, which are practically equivalent at this date to laws, see CIL. x. 1401 = Dessau 6043, and de Pachtère in Mélanges Cagnat, p. 169.

^[120] For the letter of Hadrian see Bulletin de Corresp. Hell. x. 111; it is quoted by Bruns, Fontes, 1909, p. 200. Compare the Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, ch. 18.

^[121] Mommsen, Eph. Epigr. iii, p. 111 and Ges. Schiften, i. 158, 263, 371; Liebenam, Städteverwaltung, 393.

^[122] For the Bastides and Villes Neuves see Dr. A.E. Brinckmann, Deutsche Bauzeitung, Jan.-Feb., 1910, and, for an example, fig. 35. Many of them may be earlier than 1200 (A. Giry, Bibl. de l'École des Chartes, xlii. 451), but those with more or less chess-board plans seem later.

^[123] Compare E.A. Lewis, Medieval Boroughs of Snowdonia, pp. 30, 61 foll.

^[124] So, too, Lemberg. Compare R.F. Kaindl, Die Deutschen in den Karpathenländern, i. 178, 293; ii. 304; he does not, however, deal with the actual plans.

^[125] I have to thank the late Sir Alfred Lyall for a sight of a survey made by English engineers in 1839.